Texas ASM University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Of

THE STATE AGRICULTURAL AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE OF

TEXAS, 1871-1879: THE PERSONALITIES,

POLITICS' AND UNCERTAINTIES

VOLUME I

A Thesis

Marie Guy Tomlin son

Submitted to the Graduate College of Texas ASM University in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

May 1976

Major Sub j cot: History Copyright by"

Marie Guy Tomlinson 1976 THE STATE AGRICULTURAL AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE OF TEXAS, 1871-1879: THE PERSONALITIES,

POLITICS, AND UNCERTAINTIES

A Thesis

Marie Guy Tomlinson

Approved as to style and content by:

p] (ChairmanJ o f Committee ) (Member)

(Acting Head of Department) (M er

May 1976 111

ABSTRACT

The State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, 1871-1879: The Personalities, Politics, and Uncertainties. (May 1976)

Marie Guy Tomlinson, B. S. , Southwest Texas State University Chairman of Advisory Committee: Dr. Joseph M. Nance

The State Agricultural and Mechanical College of

Texas was created as a joint venture by national and state governments in 1871 in the period known as Reconstruction.

Many of the problems that the College encountered can be traced to the fact that it was not created as a result of public demand in Texas. The first College commissioners squandered the state appropriation to build the College and thereby gave it a poor reputation from the beginning. It was a pioneering effort in state —supported higher education in Texas, and though it met with some successes during the first eight years, it encountered even greater problems than public apathy, owing to its location, the animosity of religious colleges, inadequately prepared students, a lack of equipment and trained teachers in the sciences, as well as a lack of adequate financing. The Endowment Fund was the only financial support the College had from 1876 until 1879, and it was primarily used to pay faculty salaries. The administration was forced to use the contingent fund, accumulated from the payment of minimal student fees, to make any improvements or repairs to the College properties and equipment. Consequently, no advancement could be made in agricultural and mechanical education since the College had no facilities or equipment to teach either; yet, certain groups made increasing and impossible demands that this be done.

The A. and M. College had friends as well as enemies. Since there were only sufficient funds to provide literary studies, which was what the students demanded and the parents desired they be taught, the Board of Directors and faculty attempted to establish a good reputation for the A. and M. College and to maintain the standards of a true college. Many influential people suggested that it become the State University and that the state concentrate all its efforts toward developing the College. The success of the College and the recurring proposals that the College become the University, led to open antagonism on the part of the more numerous and influential supporters of the long talked of but non —established and non-functioning University of Texas. They saw the increasing popularity of the College as a threat to that institution ever becoming activated. The possibility existed that the available University Fund would be appropriated to the use and promotion of the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, thereby delaying the establishment of the University by another forty years, if ever. Pressures from without led to dissension within the College. Repeated friction led to a Board investigation and the dismissal of the faculty and President in December, 1879. During the next year, after a drastic drop in student numbers, the College was reorganized with less emphasis on literary education, but it was to be many years before the College was adequately equipped to provide quality agricultural and mechanical education as envisioned by the Morrill Act and the early promoters of its establishment. vr

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME I CHAPTERS Page Introduction: Post Civil-War Conditions in Texas and the Morrill Act, 1862 The Beginning of the Agricultural and Mechanical College 34

III. 1871-1873: A Costly Fiasco 78 IV. The Transition: From Radical to Democratic Control 119

1874-1876: A New Beginning 136 VI. Organization of the State Agricultural and Mechanical College 170 VII. The Opening: Faculty, Rules, Requirements, and Procedures 202 VIII. 1876-1877: The First Year of the College 257 IX. The Second Year: Popularity and Criticism 304

VOLUME II

X. The Third Session: A Time of Uncertainty 372

XI. A New Direction: A Time of Crisis 423 XII. The Disastrous Imbroglio 472 XIII. The Investigation 524 XIV. The Years that Followed: An Explanation of the November Drama 579 XV. Conclusions 644

BI BL IO GRAPHY 652 VITA 667 PREFACE

The State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, as a creature of its own times, was bound up in a web of economic circumstances, state politics, and the personalities of that day that have been too frequently ignored by those who live a century later. However, the College can not be separated from these influences, nor from the public atti- tudes that played a vital part in its development. The web of history is endless, and the discovery of one fact or document leads to the search for another that sheds light on the decisions made, or the fatal indecision in some instances. The fickleness of public opinion and of state politics were factors with which the College was forced to reckon. Most importantly, as one of the first students who attended the A. and M. College stated, the College's history was never encased in bricks and mortar but in the lives of those it influenced as well as in the lives of those who influenced it. There is always the tantalizing prospect that some undiscovered document will help unravel the web of events. Fortunately, the papers of Louis L. McInnis were saved and are in the Texas A&M University Archives, to provide an invaluable source of information over a space of more than thirty years, and constitute evidence of his deep and abiding interest in the College. Likewise, the papers of the governors of Texas provide an invaluable source of information, and the missing letters and documents lead us to interesting conjectures. The papers of A. J. Rose shed much light on a later period of the College's history, beginning in 1887, when he began his service on the Board of Directors; however, his papers concerning the activities of the Texas State Grange throw light on the early history of the College. It is an interesting irony that as a reader peruses Rose's papers, many of them detailing the bitter struggle which occurred between the University of Texas and the A. and M. College in the 1880's, and in which Rose took part, he looks out the windows of the University of Texas Archives over the "forty acres. " In making a study of the past, a researcher must often- times neglect those living in the present, as has been the case with my family, and gratitude is expressed for their long-suffering patience. My especial thanks are expressed to Dr. J. M, Nance, who has made suggestions to, advised, and encouraged the researcher. Appreciation is expressed to Mr. Ernest M. Langford, whose love for and interest in the Texas AEM University has endured for more than half a century, and for his ability to breathe life into an cra that is past. The author's conversations with him have made this study a personal experience as well as a scholarly one. Gratitude is also expressed to my typist, Melinda Karnok, for all the assistance that she has given. CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION:

POST-CIVIL WAR CONDITIONS IN TEXAS

AND THE MORRILL ACT@ 18 62

Time was running out when the Twelfth Legislature of Texas acted to accept the federal land grant given under the terms of the Morrill Act of 1862, amended in 1866, in order to allow an additional five years for those states undergoing reconstruction to meet the provisions of the law. Owing to the turmoil of Reconstruction, by the time Texas decided to act, its authorities had only three months to put the College into operation, an unrealistically impossible task. Haste and ill-considered planning led to mistakes that were to plague the College for many years. As the first Texas state-supported college, the State Agri- cultural and Mechanical College actually became the step-child of the state which had looked to the establishment of a great state university ever since the early days of the Republic of Texas and had set aside both a site and a land donation for its creation and support. The College was also to be a child of federally-supported education, an idea that met with Southern antipathy, administered by a Radical Republican state government, which had created a

This thesis will follow the format and style of the So tlw t H' t ' 1 ~Qt. 1 system of public education, also equally repugnant to most Texans. Under such unfavorable parentage, the College was initiated in a time of great social, political, and economic upheaval.

As the first public institution of higher education in Texas, every facet of the College was bound to come under close public scrutiny and criticism; mistakes that could be avoided by later state-supported educational institutions were made in establishing this first state college. As an agricultural and mechanical college it would slowly progress through a system of trial and error under unfavorable circumstances, receive the continual criticism that accompanied such a drastic innovation in education, and eventually, along with its sister land grant colleges, create a new body of knowledge in the sciences that gave an entirely new direction to education and improvement in the quality of American life. The Board of Directors and faculty were to have their moments of despair since sufficient appropriations to put the College on an efficient working basis were not provided until the end of the century. It began without even the bare essentials of a laboratory, farm, or shop needed to teach industrial education; support was niggardly, and there were always pressing demands for more equipment or other physical accommodations such as housing and an adequate water supply. Yet, there were those who persevered in spite of the obstacles until they had gained the support of the state administration, the legislature, and the common people. After the first twenty-five years of its existence, the College stood on the threshold of accomplishing what 1 its supporters had dreamed. However, the period from 1871 to 1880 covered by this thesis might well be called a time of trial. Speaking at the alumni banquet during commencement exercises in 1899 and calling attention to the fact that the College had received the largest appropriation made at any one time since its organization as a result of the friendship and good will of Governor Joseph Sayers, who as Lieutenant Governor from 1878-1890 had been a member of the Board of Directors during the College's traumatic reorganization, President Lafayette L. Foster, long an important political figure in Texas himself, reminded those present of the main purpose of the College's establishment: But the college does not now, nor will it ever, owe its success to any individual, however great his influence and ability. It must stand or fall on the character of the work it does, that will live long after the men who performed it have passed away, and it is to this feature of the institution we must look for permanent and enduring results. 1 Charles E. Friley, first Dean of the College of the Arts and Sciences, which was created in 1925, said in 1920 that the history of the College could be divided roughly into three periods: the period from its organization in 1880 to 1900 might be called one of exploration, discovery, and organization; that from 1900 to 1910 a period of recapi- tulation, reorganization, and the beginning of specialization; and that after 1910 had been a period of rapid growth, remarkably increased interest, and tremendous expansion. College Station D~ail Bulletin, March 10, 1920. 2 Galveston D~ail News, June 13, 1899. In the South where the social, political, and economic systems had either been destroyed or severely retarded by the Civil War, there could hardly have been a worse time to undertake the successful establishment of agricultural and mechanical colleges. The chairman of the Senate's Committee on Education in 1870 pointed out the particular problems faced by Texas. The Civil War had found it with no cash or capital and had left it with less. With cotton as "king" before the war, slavery had been considered a necessity. Large and unwieldy plantations were now generally impov- erished and unimproved. The population was scattered over a great area with no public improvements, private conveni- ences, or labor-saving machinery. Most people had little experience in the art of making a living. Lands in the South had never compared favorably in value to those in the North. Negroes had been the real value; the effects of their manumission was to the South the same as the effects would 3 be to the North had it sunk ten feet under water, he said. Even in those states in which there was firm public support and a well-organized system of public education, an economic boom caused by Civil War industrialization, new concepts of education, and other favorable conditions, the new colleges met with criticism, frustration, and disappointment rather than immediate success. The field of

3 Austin ~Dail Journal, August 10, 1870. education mirrored the spirit of restlessness and discontent with existing conditions everywhere and among all classes. Before the Civil War, farm and labor groups in the North had become class conscious and eager to receive the benefits of education; but most believed that education should be directed to some particular end, one in which the student's productive capacity would be trained along with his intellect. European countries had developed specialized schools of agriculture, engineering, and other vocations in which the classics were not taught. The United States Military Academy at West Point, established by Congress in 1802, and reorganized in 1815, was the first scientific 4 school in this country. Although it was designed to train engineers for military needs, in peacetime its graduates aided in the rapid industrialization and expansion of the country, particularly in railroad construction, the development of cities, and the teaching of engineering. The demand for engineers increased in a geometrical ratio; consequently, prior to the Morrill Act some twenty scientific schools had

4 In the 1859 gubernatorial campaign Sam Houston called West Point a "system of wealthy pauperism" where genius was not the criterion for admittance, but wealth and influence. ' ' B 1 W. W' ll d E E C. B k* ( d ~ l, Wk W~t of Sam Houston, 1813— 1863, 8 vols. (Austin, 1938-1943), VII, 365. been established in the United States, some by wealthy benefactors. 5 In spite of the persistent interest in agricu Ltural education, the scientific schools of agriculture did not fare as well as the engineering schools which so manifestly illustrated the benefits of material progress. One of the earlest references to formal training in agriculture was in 6 a bill presented to the New York Legislature in 1823. In / agricul- R, 1855 the state of Michigan created the first state tural college in the nation, " pennsylvania and Maryland soon established agricultural colleges, although the 1860 census revealed that only three percent of American colleges had departments of science and agriculture, and even Harvard did not teach as much botany as is taught in a good high school course today, 7 Agricultural groups met in Washington to organize a national agricultural society in 1841 and 1852, and in 1860 Congress chartered the United States Agricultural Society. 8 During the 18 50 ' s f arI'ner s and legislators became increasingly aware of many factors that

5 United States, Bureau of Education, ~Re ort of the Com- missioner of Education for the Year 1878 (Washington, 18~80 cv111. 6 I. F. Kandel, Federal Aid for Uocational Education. th~C'9dt f thAd. t f AR~tt 7 4 f~h, 9 11 t N . 19 (N. 7, 91917]), P. 1*' 7.Ed d D. Eddy, .7 . , C~ll f D l. d d The Land Grant Idea in American Education (New York, 1957), pp. x, %-10. NHistory of Agriculture, " from the American Cultivator, reprinted in Galveston ~Dail News, March 25, 1885. led to the passage of the Norrill Act and its emphasis upon a new kind of education: a young nation growing in wealth, new concepts of democracy, dissatisfaction with existing education, new and developing science, industrial growth, the precedence of land grants in aid of education, the potential that science could have on agricultural production, increasing awareness of the exploitation of the soil, the precedent of aid previously given to business and commerce, and the awareness that donations were rapidly dissipating public lands. In 1853 the Illinois Legislature presented to Congress a detailed plan for industrial education financed by the distribution of public lands to each state to establish and maintain institutions that would provide practical 9 training in agriculture and the industries. Probably the most important consideration was a political one; the Republicans needed to win the support of agricultural interests to their newly formed party. Scon after he was elected to Congress, Justin S. Norrill, of Vermont, who served in the House of Representatives from 1855-1867 and in the Senate from 1867-1898, introduced bills on behalf of scientific education. Claiming that his ideas were his own, he freely admitted that fellow legislators helped him secure the legislative approval which made his

9 Edmund J. James, The Oricrin of the Land Grant Act of 1862 (The So-Called Norrill Act) and Some Account of Its Author, Jonathan B. Turner (Urbana-Champaign, 1910), pp. 14-22. 10 ideas important. Some later historians have disputed this claim and concluded that Norrill's ideas were not original, but that his parliamentary skill and persuasion secured passage of both of his bills in support of land grant insti- 11 tutions. According to Morrill himself, many of his ideas came from Europe, where government-supported agricultural institutions had already been established, as well as from his concern for the donation of a dwindling supply of valuable public lands to private and local uses, cheap prices and easy transfer which tended to promote bad farming methods, and the need for knowledge in the sciences connected with agriculture along with higher education of farmers. Further- " more, as the son of a "hard-handed blacksmith, he felt his own lack of a higher education and wanted to raise the industrial classes through such education. Farmers, in particular he believed, were left to secure a haphazard scientific education through self-teaching, "thus restricting their rise to high position and perpetuating a monopoly of " education not in keeping with democratic tradition. Without donations of public land, which were "held for this purpose more than any other, many states would be unable to provide "„12 the needed institutions.

10Eddy, ~C11 f* 0 L d d '7', 30. 11 H. G. Good, A History of American Education (New York, 1956), p. 291. 12 Statement of Justin S. Norrill, in James, Oriciin of the Land Grant Act of 1862, p. 29. Representative Morrill's first bill, introduced in De- cember 14, 1857, provided 6, 340, 000 acres of public lands to the states. It was proposed that each state should receive out of the unappropriated public domain 20, 000 acres for each member it had in Congress based on the 1850 census with the proceeds to be used to establish and maintain agricultural and mechanical colleges. The Committee on Public Lands reported the bill unfavorably since it thought the bill unconstitutional and unjust since different states would benefit differently and unequally. Morrill's parliamentary ability secured passage of the bill eight days later without a discussion of the bill's true merits; however, it was tabled in the Senate. In 1859 Morrill reintroduced his bill in an effort to do "something for the farmer, " although it seems likely that with the excitement over the struggle in Kansas, the Dred Scott decision, and the John Brown raid causing serious sectional division, the Morrill bill was an effort to win agricultural and industrial support for the Republican desire to secure a protective tariff. De- bate in the Senate centered on the constitutionality of the bill rather than upon the merits of agricultural education, and thus provided further evidence of the dangerous division developing between North and South. One of the senators rising in opposition was Senator Jefferson Davis, who was later tendered the first presidency of the Agricul- tural and Mechanical College of Texas. Davis discussed the system of federalism and the exclusive rights of the states 10 under the Co/stitution to establish educational systems. Eighteen of the twenty-two votes against the bill came from Southern states. President James Buchanan gave six reasons for his veto of the bill: the government would lose millions as a result of glutting the land market with so much land for sale at one time; it would establish a dangerous financial precedent since states would become accustomed to asking for federal aid; it would be prejudicial to settlement of the new states; the federal government had no constitutional power to force the states to make the intended application of funds; it would interfere injuriously with existing colleges, many of which were already teaching agriculture as a science; and the bill was unconstitutional in that it went beyond the enumerated powers of Congress. Supporters did not have enough votes to override the presi- dential veto. With the South out of the Union, Morrill introduced his bill in the Thirty-Seventh Congress, and a companion bill was introduced in the Senate by Senator Benjamin F. Wade; the bill passed the Senate thirty to seven and the House ninety to twenty-five. President Abraham Lincoln signed the Morrill Act into law July 2, 1862, two months after signing the bill that created the United States Department of Agriculture. The 1862 bill had two major changes: the amount of land to be donated to the states for each member of Contress was raised from 20, 000 to 30, 000 acres, and the teaching of military tactics was required, 11

13 now that the Civil War was in progress. Critics thought that direct appropriations should have been made, if made at all, since the allocation of land and the prices that would be received for it would be unequal. New York, with thirty- one representatives and two senators, received 990, 000 acres; Kansas, a new state, with only one representative and two senators, received 90, 000. The total amount of grants to all the states would be 16, 000 square miles, which would be only a small fraction of the amount of land being granted 14 to railroads. The provisions of the act were soon accepted by the states remaining in the Union; states which had seceded were prohibited from accepting the grants until after the 15 conclusion of the Civil War. . The Morrill Act differed from previous grants made by Congress in that it prescribed specifically the nature of the institution to be established, outlined a part of the curriculum to be taught, and prescribed details for the management of the funds. Each state was to select from the federal public lands available within 13 Kandel, Federal Aid for Vocational Education, 3i 14 Good, History of American Education, 293. 15 the 1898 convention of American Agricultural Col- At that leges and Experiment Stations, a committee reported " supporters of the act had "builded better than they knew, since the majority of the people accepted the vague idea of the undertaking; whereas, the grant would have been rejected in many states had the people understood clearly what the act th E 1 p 'd d d q d. ~pd' o1 tl El Convention, Bulletin No„49, p. 56. 12 the state; if there was an insufficient amount of land, the Secretary of Interior was to issue the required amount of land scrip to locate sufficient land outside the state to meet the appropriation. All money derived from the sales was to be invested in "stocks of the United States, or of the States, or other safe stocks yielding not less than five " per centum upon the par value of said stocks. The fund so established was never to be diminished, a requirement that enabled the federal government to keep a lien on the funds to compel compliance with the conditions and limitations of the grant so that the funds could never be squandered or misapplied. Land grant institutions were also required to make annual reports to the Secretary of the Interior. According to Morrill Act each state which accepted the grant was required to apply the proceeds to the endowment, support, and maintenance of at least one college where the leading object shall be, without excluding other scientific and classical studies, and including military tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such manner as the legislatures of the States may respectively prescribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and professions in life. If the language seemed clear to the authors, it left place for wide debate for others. Expressing the general view, the Brazos Pilot maintained that a problem was presented whose difficulty seems to have been scarcely recognized by those whose duty it was to solve it. . . . It soon appeared under the act as many different varieties of Colleges might 13

be funded as there were interpretations possible of the unfortunate expression 'without excluding. '&&

Many of the immigrants to Mexican Texas and to the Republic of Texas favored a system of public education at all levels, but difficulties in establishing such a system proved insurmountable in spite of the fact that one of the criticisms leveled at the Mexican government was its failure to provide a system of education which would enable settlers to maintain their civil liberties and ability to govern themselves. The Texas Republic did not lack for educated men. More educated men and college graduates were in the convention that drafted the Texas Declaration of Independence and its first Constitution than in most previous constitu-

16 Brazos Pilot, January 9, 1885$, Louis L. McInnis Scrapboo , Texas A&M University Archives. In 1887 Senator Morrill, at the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Morrill Act, said that the purpose of the act was to place within reach of all "an education in industrial vocations that produce the nation's wealth. " He wanted to provide a liberal education for a large class at a cheaper cost and "to tempt them by offering not only sound literary instruction, but something more applicable of the productive employments of life. " Quoted in Charles E. Friley, "The Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, Past, Present, and Future, " in 1876. . . . 1926, The Semi-Centen- ltlt t'o ftt A~lt 1 dN t '1~Coll* of Texas and the Inau uration o Thomas Otto Wa~l n as Presxdent~oTlege Stetson, p. 6~Moarri I nad not intended that every stu ent s ould become either a farmer or mechanic since instruction was to be given as needed without excluding any. Such plain terminology written into the Act might have avoided the serious wrangling that later arose as the result of the ambiguity of the wording. 14

17 tional conventions in the United States. However, these men f ound it impossible to solve all their problems, education was a problem that could wait. After Texas won its freedom from Mexico, the primitive social conditions, the organization of a national government, the provision of a system of defense against hostile Indians and vengeful Mexicans, and the attempt to stabilize the economy left no time nor funds to provide a system of public education although the Congress of the Republic of Texas had laid the foundation by setting aside a land endowment. Land was worth little, and there was little else to tax. A sparse and scattered population with capital of an unremunerative character further hindered support for education. Once Texas was admitted to the Union in 1845, increasing numbers of Southern immigrants came to Texas with firmly entrenched beliefs that education was a oersonal and private matter. Traditionally, Southern education had been reserved for leaders in political, social, and professional life; the

common people regarded colleges as special creations for a

17 ' t' y d k Eky, tk D~lt f Ed (New York, 1925), p. 80. Describing Texas in 184 8, a German immigrant wrote: "Schools, institutions of learning and scientif ic associations are f ound in most parts of the country where the population is sufficient to justify their existence. Many of these organizations are in Galveston, Austin, Houston, Bexar, San Augustine. . . perhaps no other country in the world with as mall a population as that of Texas can boast of so large a percentage of thorougly, scientifically and liberally educated men of the upper classes as can Texas. " Viktor Bracht, Texas in 1848 (San Antonio, 1931), p. 77. 15 special purpose by a special class. The increasing importance of technological education in the sciences was even less well regarded since popular prejudice had bred contempt for manual labor. It was hardly likely the people would approve of public taxation to support institutions of higher education or that they would soon change their 18 minds. Financially burdensome higher education would only create a greater distaste. Before the Civil War state revenues had never been sufficient to pay the expenses of government which were financed in part from the proceeds 19 derived from the boundary adjustment of 1850. From 1852 to 1858 no taxes were collected for the support of state government; nine-tenths of the taxes which were assessed were remitted to the counties, and one-tenth was paid into the State Treasury for public schools; in 1858-59 the tax was set at one-eighth of one percent per $100 valuation, and

18 In 1888 former Governor Oran M. Roberts, who came to Texas in 1842, wrote the President of the University of Texas Board of Regents that ninety-nine out of every one hundred people in Texas did not consider themselves interested in higher education since they believed the study of foreign languages and sciences required special capacities, facili- require- ties, leisure, and "moreover, the value of those " ments in many cases is, to say the least of it, doubtful. 0 ~ M. Roberts to Thomas D. Wooten, Austin, Texas, April 18, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Writings and Acts, University of Texas Archives.

II 19„"Message of Governor 0. M. Roberts to the Legislature, in Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth Legislature of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , ~l 16 yielded about sixty-six cents per capita of the white 20 population. Legislatures that met from 1855 through 1858 spent considerable time in debate concerning the establishment of a state university, or two universities in order to meet the approval of patrons in both major geographical divisions of Texas. Governor Elisha N. Pease, himself an immigrant from the North, pointed out in his message to the legislature that no country was in better condition to provide a university than Texas. Enough money, not needed for other expenditures, to erect the buildings was in the Treasury; in addition 221, 400 acres of land had been set apart for the university, and a liberal endowment would result from the properly managed proceeds. Debate centered on the selection of a location, and the Austin lobby was quite active. Some spoke of the possible harm that might be done by a public- supported institution to private and religious colleges, which were themselves clamoring for aid. One speaker pointed out that Texas needed no more lawyers or doctors and thought it better to establish an Agricultural Bureau since the general prosperity of the state could be enhanced by improved agriculture; others, however, pointed to the need of a better system of common school education. One legislator pointed out the need of providing scientific education for

20„"Report of the Comptroller, " in ibid. , 21-22. 17 the farmers and planters as "competent public functionaries " and intelligent electors, since Texas would be better of f if its legislature included a greater number of this class. Senator Elliott McNiel B4illican, of Brazos County, warned that a state university would build up a class of aristocrats; he knew of those individuals who lived in sight of one of the finest universities in the state, but who had neither the means to pay the costs nor the preparation needed to enter and were "not considered fit to associate with students of wealthy parents who assemble [and arej scoffed and sneered at by the proud popinjays who collect there to enjoy the munificent privileges of a university!H The act to create the University of Texas passed on February 11, 1858, and provided for the selection of a location and for curricula, which would include "the principles " made of agriculture. An appropriation of 8100, 000 was to 21 launch the school. In the gubernatorial campaign of 1859, Sam Houston favored building up common schools and criticized the act creating the University on the grounds that Texas had not reached the point that it could afford to tax its citizens

21 H. Y. B d' t f * p. }, A B B k R~lt'o t* tt ' 't ~H' to f tt U f t*: L~lt', L~L, Bibliographical, an Statistical, Bulletin of the Universit of Texas, No. 1757 (Austin, 1917), pp. 31, 35, 40-41, 7, 118 122 140 146 148 150 57 f 65 67 f 77 89 106 f 109 f 18 to educate a favored few, an experiment that might be tried in the future if there were funds to spare. He thought such colleges would be full of "pampered simplatons" provided for at public expense. "You can make an educated fool, -- but you cannot educate a fool into a man of genius. Those who wished to make such experiments should make them at " their own expense, not that of the people, since the rights of the many should not be subverted to the few. Communities, he thought, needed to solve the problem of higher education for themselves, and education in special fields needed to be provided from special and voluntary contributions by individuals and corporations. After becoming Governor, he urged the legislature to repeal the act creating the Univer- sity on the grounds that existing institutions of higher education should be aided. The establishment of the Univer- " sity was a "matter alone for the future, he said, since it " was "neither expedient nor is it good policy. According to Houston, the land endowment within twenty years would increase in value and provide funds for a university in case "the voice of the State should demand the establishment of one. " The appropriation was needed for frontier protection and "to save us from taxation the people will be better able in the future to bear taxation to support a university, 22 if one should be necessary. "

22 w'lip' d B k (d. ), w~t' *f s H t VII, 363-365. 19

More important and demanding than the issue of state- supported higher education was the complex and frightening issue of sectional division created by slavery that loomed on the horizon and threatened to dissolve the Union. Priori- 23 ties had to be rearranged. Following the Civil War, Jacob Bickler, a prominent Austin educator who had come to Texas from the North, described the handicaps faced by Texas. Although some changes had occurred as a result of the Civil War, education was not receiving a "liberal share of sympathy, attention, and support which it ought to receive and actually receives in the North. " He found no "lack of the appreciation of the intrinsic merits and incalculable benefits of that system, nor feelings of antipathy or aversion"; rather the population suffered from general depression and exhaustion. There was too much wcarpetbaggismw and too many "official barnacles. "

In general, the people were "misruled and mismanaged by a

23 In a letter to the people written on the day that Governor Houston was invited to take the official oath of the Confederate government, he reasoned, "I may not be sustained now, but when millions of debts press upon you, when the United States bonds forming your school fund have been squandered and the money upon which your present school system is based is gone, when your public domain is wasted and taxes are ground out of you, some at least will remember attempted to save you from these consequences. " that I ' D dl y G. Hoot ( d. j, A C H H~t f T 1685 to 1897, 2 vols. (Dallas, 1898), II, 128. 20

"„24 set of reckless and unprincipled proconsuls. In 1871, the Superintendent of Public Instruction in Texas, himself a carpetbagger, in his first Annual R~e ort pointed out other difficulties encountered in establishing a system of public education, such as a vast area, a sparse population, Indian threats on the frontier, isolation from the center of the United States and away from arteries of trade and traffic, 25 and a prejudice against public schools. The war had caused a decline in the kind, quality, and patronage of Texas colleges, as well as a lack of endow- 27 ments. 26 The Austin ~Dail Journal thought that Texas had never been nor would "soon be in condition to do much for any college. " Expressing the generally held view that to subvert the rights of the many to the privileges of the few would be short-sighted policy, it held that any appropriation

24 Jacob Bickler to Samuel Fellows, published in Wisconsin Journal of Education, quoted in Austin ~Dail Statesman, August 7, 1890. In another article concerning education in the Galveston D~ail News, Texas was described as a Southern state edited by Yankees and foreigners, July 18, 1897. 25 Texas, Department of Education, First Annual ~Re ort of the Su erintendent of Public Instruction of the State of Texas, 1871 (Austin, 1872)i p. 18 (microfilm). Hereafter cited: ~Re ort of the Su erintendent of Public Instruction. 26 In 1860 there were twenty-five colleges in the state with an enrollment of 2, 416 students; in 1870 there were only thirteen with 800 students. Cecil E. Evans, The ~Stor of Texas Schools (Austin, 1955), p. 75. 27 October 8, 1870. 21

to a college by the state would be too local and enjoyed by too few. Only those who were prepared and had means to attend would benefit; each community had the responsibility to piovide its own higher. education. It was diffic':ult to convince most of the people otherwise since they had no personal concern in the interest of a state-supported college. Some important educators, including the President of Baylor University, opposed as a hostile act any college that would supplant those controlled by religious denominations. 28 There were those who were concerned. The Galveston 29 D~ail News, the most widely circulated paper in Texas and one of the few dailies, pointed out that education was subject agitating the United States and the world. Following the Civil War, it had asserted that if Texas did not assume 30 responsibility for education, the federal government would. Texas had fallen behind other states in providing education as a result of its traditional Southern position. Education

28 William Carey Crane to Editor, Galveston D~ail News, September 28, 1871. The founding of land grant institutions was part of the movement toward public education that led to the decreasing importance of the role of the church in education. In 1860 nine out of ' every ten colleges had some t * 'tt 1 5 tf. G od, ~H' t of American Education, 95. 29 January 21, 1873. 30 The Texas Democratic Party platform in 1886 still maintained that education was a right that belonged to the states, and Congress should not appropriate money for its provision. Ernest W. Winkler, Platforms of Political Parties 5 11 t' f tt ~G' 't *f 5 . 53 (Austin,f, 238-240. N, 1916), pp. 22 could be the means by which the proper balance between the state and federal governments could be restored and maintained as well as the means by which state pride could be 31 awakened and cultivated. Some leaders were concerned that so many young Texans attended colleges outside the state and spent money that should be used to build up the state. Other Texans actively aided out-of-state colleges; in 1871 a group of prominent Texans, including two former governors, Francis R. Lubbock and James W. Throckmorton, sought to endow a Texas Professorship of Applied Mathematics at Washington and Lee University and met with encouraging 32 results. In addition to tradition and social and economic upheaval, another of the reasons that Texans did not support a state system of public education was the fact that Texas was controlled by Radical Republicans, for the most part alien to Texas. The 1869 State Constitution, adopted at a time when many voters were disfrancised, provided for a state-supported and state-maintained system of education. It created the office of State Superintendent of Education, appropriated an ample school fund, and provided for district

31 Galveston ~Dail News, March 6, 1870. The newly created United States Office of Education began keeping records after the Civil War; it reported no individual gifts to education in 1871 amounting to $1, 000 in Texas or eleven had amounted other states;' by contrast, gifts to a total of $2, 000, tlDQ C 1'f . ~Ro t f t. h C»' f Education for the Year 1871, pp. 57-58. 32 Galveston D~ail News, June 25, 1871. 23 taxation. Organizing the educational system along a military pattern which assumed the most absolute authority known to any American state, the legislature established the most highly centralized system of education that Texas has ever 33 had. In 1870 the Senate rejected the Governor's nomination for superintendent and failed to pass an education bill. Subsequently, the chairman of the Senate Committee on Education found the subject so troublesome that he wished Congress would take the "whole matter of popular education 34 in hand. " In turn, the United States Commissioner of Education called Texas the darkest f ield, educationally, in the United States; however, he noted the act calling for the organization and maintenance of a school system, the appointment of a Superintendent of Public Instruction, and the difficulties arising from the hostility of the violent opposition, and a sparse population. He praised the support given by the Governor of Texas, who recognized that education 35 was the basis for material, social, or civil improvement.

33 t' — Ety, ~D1 t 9 Ed 9, 159 159. 34 ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1870, p. 290. 35 Ibid. , 1871, p. 14. 24

36 Scalawag Governor Edmund J. Davis appointed carpetbagger 37 Jacob C. DeGress Superintendent on May 24, 1871, to ef feet the change from a system of private education to a far- reaching program of public education in a state five times larger than any of the older states. As a result of his administration of the school system of Texas, there was formed "for the first time in American history a large political party organization arrayed in active, sullen, " 38 determined hostility to a scheme of public free education. 39 Expressing popular opinion, the Houston Times feared that the educational system then being promoted by the Republicans in Texas was not for the purpose of improvement and making men more happy, but for the purpose of diverting "the mind

36 Born in Florida in 1827, Governor Davis came to Texas in 1838. He served in the Union cavalry in the Civil War; as president of the Constitutional Convention of 1868- 69, he had advocated the disfranchisement of former Confed- erates, an unrestricted Negro suffrage, and other radical measures. The Constitution gave the Governor power to appoint more than 8, 000 state, county, and local officials. He was the leader of an unsuccessful movement to divide Texas into three states. Walter P. Webb and H. B. Carroll (eds. ), Handbook of Texas, 2 vols. (Austin, 1952), I, pp. 469-470. Hereafter cited: Handbook of Texas. 37 Jacob DeGress was born in Prussia in 1842 and educated in Europe and Missouri, where he joined the Union forces during the Civil War. He served as Assistant Commissioner of the Freedman's Bureau of East Texas in 1865-66. In 1867 he rejoined the army but retired in 1870 because of ill health. In 1877 he was elected mayor of Austin at a time when it was under Democratic control. Ibid. , 482. According to the Austin ~Dail Journal, December 24, 1871, DeGress was educated at West Point. 38 Aust. in ~Dail Journal, December 24, 1871. 39 Quoted in ibid. , May 13, 1870. 25 into Radical Channels" through the control of education. The President of the Texas State Teachers Association in 1896 stated that the Reconstruction school system was repudi- 40 ated because it attempted the impossible. Such an innova- tive system forced upon the people hindered rather than encouraged an increasing enthusiasm for the benefits that education would bring.

As a result of the Civil War, Texas was in dire economic straits. Property values in the Southern states were reduced to almost one-half those of the pre-war period, while taxes 41 were considerably more than doubled. By 1875 when state expenditures were heavier, the interest on the Texas state debt was almost equal to the amount it had cost to support 42 the entire government for 1858-59. Texans had become accustomed to relying upon public lands and the proceeds from the land, whether actual or anticipated, to supply an appre- ciable proportion of state revenues for meeting the costs of governmental operation, including those for education. Not

40 Galveston ~Dail News, April 6, 1896. 41 Texas Almanac, 1873 (LGalveston, 1873) ), pp. 55- 56. In 1860 Southern property was valued at $5, 202, 160, 000, or a third of the total valuation of $16, 086, 519, 000 for all states. On 1870 the property of the same Southern states was valued at only $3, 068, 518, 000 and in the entire United States was $30, 068, 518, 000. The South lost while the North more than doubled property valuation. Property in New York alone was valued at $6, 500, 841, 000, more than twice that of the entire South. The area of Texas alone was five times greater than the size of New York. 42 "Report of the Comptroller, " in Journal of the Senate f th S ' t* th '~lt f th St t* f 2, E t Sess. , 21. until the 1880's did the people begin to realize they had been "duped long enough" by politicians holding out hopes, impossible of realization, that a public school system could 43 exist without taxation. At the same time the people found themselves heavily burdened with a larger tax and lower property values, they were faced with declining incomes. Under Radical rule state and local taxes together created too great a burden; in 1865 the state ad valorem tax rate was twelve and a half cents on the hundred dollars; in 1867, twenty cents; in 1868, 1869, and 1870, it was fifteen cents with a special tax of twenty cents added in 1868 to pay the costs of the constitutional convention; in 1871, 1872, 1873, and 1874 it had risen to fifty cents. 44 Cotton prices fell in the depression of the 1870's. In 1871 cotton sold for nearly eighteen cents per pound; by 1876 it had fallen to less than ten cents per pound, a serious consequence since Texas produced more cotton 45 than any other Southern state. Cattle prices also declined. As a result, Texans ranked low in wealth per capita; in 1873 the per capita income was only $194, 30 as compared with

43 Galveston D~ail News, December 6, 1882. 44 Edmund T. Miller, A Financial Historv of Texas, Bul- 1 t f tt U~t Uf 16NAA, 9 . 37 (A t', 1916), p. 166. 45 Alwyn Barr, Reconstruction to Reform: Texas politics, 1876-1906 (Austin, 1971), p. 11. 27

46 $1, 483. 27 for New York. Under such heavy f inancial pressure, people were bound to be critical of the manner in which state funds were spent and to view with animosity the Davis administration's extravagant expenditures. The San 47 Antonio ~Dail Herald, expressing the public attitude toward public schools, said, "These bad men, Davis and DeGress, have placed us in an attitude far from pleasant. " In 1870 government officials received substantial raises in salaries, both ill-timed and beyond the ability of the taxpayers; the constitutional convention still remained to be paid for, and lengthy legislative sessions filled with private legislation were expensive. Rumors circulated of private gain at public expense, and the public wondered if the per diem of some members of the Twelfth Legislature allowed them to buy fine houses and furniture and to travel north at the end of the session. After, 1870, despite the

46 Texas Almanac, 1873, p. 146. 47 March 30, 1872. Ten years after the Davis administration had ended, a tribute to a dead member of the legislature revealed how deep the animosity was. Radical Repub- licans "were sowing desolation in an already desolated country. . . . Men and whole panels of jurors were indiscrimi- nately disfranchised. . . . Councils of such men averted the deluge of blood which imminently impended over us; when brave men, with the blush of shame upon their manly faces, marched with bowed heads between the glittering bayonets to cast their ballots; when cool, calm statesmanship was required. . . . But the victory, the grand and glorious but bloodless victory, was gained. . . . Richard Coke and redeem our the Thirteenth Legislature made it possible to " State, and to relieve the burdens of an oppressed people. 6* 1 *f th 6 f R * t t' t th R~ht th ~LL t, C ~11 6 . , 96 28 heavy taxation, bonds were sold to pay current expenses, and a large floating debt was accumulated. The state's financial condition was disregarded by the legislators, and only the integrity of Governor Davis kept the situation from 48 being worse. Between 1865 and 1875 Austin bankers bought and sold coin which was not in circulation as money, having been driven out by Mshinplasters, M and by so doing made more money as a result than all the county farmers made off their crops. They made still more on state warrants issued in excess of cash deposits in the State Treasury, and state 49 promises to pay produced fortunes for some. Until 1875, when an amendment to the penal code made it a misapplication of public funds, a public officer who had public money in his keeping could use that money to buy state warrants; consequently, sheriffs and other officers of government used 50 public money for private speculation.

48 ' M'll*, F' 1 ~H' t o6 T, 160 161, 164. "Though a man of integrity, he was tyrannical, revengeful, highly prejudiced. . . . More dictator than governor. " Handbook of Texas, I, 464. Years later, upon the death of Davis, the Austin D~ail Statesman on February 8, 1883, said it was not proper to speak of his political record, but in social and domestic life he was one of the purest and best of men, true to his friends. 49 Galveston ~Dail News, May 2, 1896. 50M'll, F' 1 ~Ht of' 2, 236. 29

In addition, the Davis administration used money in state trust funds. Excuses had been made for misappropri- ating trust funds in the economic crisis caused by the Civil War, but during Radical Reconstruction these trust funds were viewed as "rich spoils for the needy adventurers who " had seized upon the country. By 1874 the Radicals had left the state with a bankrupt treasury, a greatly increased public debt, the people burdened with taxes, the frontiers harassed by Indians, and a state filled with lawlessness.

As a result, Governor Richard Coke found an empty treasury and was forced to pay state expenses with government-issued paper rated at a ruinous discount; however, he sold state bonds at fifteen to twenty-five percent discount rather than propose that the trust funds be used as a means of temporary 51 finance. From his public pronouncements it was difficult to determine the true condition of finances under Governor Davis. In his message to the legislature in January, 1871, he estimated that more than $2, 575, 000 was in the Public School Fund; this was a gratifying announcement since most persons had given the fund up as totally lost when it was

51 Galveston ~Dail News, January 28, 1885. The editor further noted that in 1865 the state used $320, 000 of school money for general purposes; not until 1884 was any of the fund or interest refunded. Had public land sales not furnished the necessary funds, the debt could not have been paid then. 30

52 borrowed by the Confederate state government. Secretary 53 of State James P. Newcomb, in an explanation to the state' s financial agent in the East, said that at the time of the inauguration of Governor Davis in April, 1870, there was in the State Treasury, subject to appropriation, $2, 952. 97 in specie and $368, 426. 75 in currency, exclusive of school and other special funds. The revenue from taxes in 1871 was expected to reach $1, 200, 000 while expenditures were not expected to exceed $700, 000, except for the support of the common schools, for which there was a "large sum " lying idle in the State Treasury. In addition, there was $1, 500, 000 in back taxes, most of which could be collected.

He said the state debt was "insignificant"; the only indebtedness, except for the $750, 000 Frontier Defense Bonds the agent was attempting to sell, were the ten percent warrants issued before the Civil War. Investigation would be needed to determine which debts were valid and not "Confederate War

52 1 1 f th E t f th f 1fth ~L' 1 t f the State of Texas, 1st Reg. Sess. , 29-30. 53 Born in Nova Scotia, James Newcomb had come to Texas in 1840 as a child. After receiving his education in Ver- mont, he returned to Texas to publish a pro-Union newspaper, which was destroyed in May, 1861. He fled to Mexico, later going to California, where he served in the Union Army Civil War. He returned to Texas in 1867 and during the ' ' ' t' ho ght t th E A to ~E: d g R o t he served as a registrar of voter s, and in 1870 Governor Davis appointed him Secretary of State. In 1874 he became editor of the Austin D~ail Journal; in 1876 he was defeated as the Republican candidate for Congress. Handbook of Texas, II, 275. 31

" Debt, " but such were not expected to be "considerable. Secretary Newcomb further pointed out that the state owned 100, 000, 000 acres of public domain, open for location and settlement. In answer to criticism of public finances by the administration's opponents he said, The general condition of the State is flourishing, with a fine future in prospective. The 'Frontier Defence Bonds' were issued out of abundant caution that the State might not become embarassed, and compelled to levy extra taxes, to enable the Governor to call forces immediately into the field, and to make the expendi$yre a tangible claim against the General Government. Most hated of all expenditures were those amounting to $688, 091 made for the State Police, abolished by the Demo- cratic legislature of 1873. 55 In this time of irresponsible financial management, public distrust, and open hostility, the first state-supported institution of higher education, the State Agricultural and Mechanical College, had its beginning. After the Civil War, the need of scientifically educated

men became more apparent as the Industrial Revolution in the United States gained impetus. In May, 1870, Representative Frederick E. Grothaus, who was later to serve as one of the

54 James P. Newcomb to R. G. Ralston, President of Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, Austin, Texas, January 23, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. Begin- ning in 1871 frontier protection required large expenditures. These amounts were later refunded by the federal government: 1888, $922, 541. 52; 1891, $148, 615. 97. Miller, Financial 166. H toy 6 T, Ibid. , 166. 32 commissioners appointed to locate thc Agricultural and Mech- anical College, introduced a resolution in the Twelfth Legislature, noting that since Texas was "destitute" of mining and civil engineering colleges and that since the state, in order to develop mineral resources and build railroads, would benefit from young men who received this type of education, the Committee on Education should investigate the feasibility of establishing a certain number of 56 state scholarships. In addition to legislative concern for education in the engineering sciences, there was concern for the application of scientific knowledge to agricultural purposes. A bill was introduced in the Senate in October, 1870, that authorized the Governor to offer a reward for the discovery of a way to eliminate the cotton caterpillar 57 but was indefinitely postponed after the second reading. Senator William A. Saylor, who was to figure prominently in the affairs of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, had proposed earlier, in July, that the state create and support 58 a normal university. Many people regarded education as the greatest undertaking of the state since thirty-three percent of the population ten years of agc and over could

56 Austin ~Dail Journal, June 26, 1870. 57 1 1 f tt 1 t f tt 1' 1ftt L~lt f the State of Texas, 2nd Reg. Sess. , 108. 58 Ibid. , Called Sess. , 432. 33

59 not read, many of whom were Negroes. On March 31, 1871, less than a month before Texas accepted the land grant provided by the Morrill Act, the announcement was made that a bill would be offered to appropriate $15, 000 from the University Fund to incorporate and organize the HLaw Depart- ment of the Texas University" in an effort to keep young men from leaving Texas and going north to law schools in other states. So far Texas had realized no practical benefits from its large University Fund, and some of the money it was thought might be used to further education in law.

A law school could be built and housed on land owned by the state. 60

59 ' H'll, T 1 H~t f '1', 157. 60 Austin D~ail Journal, March 31, 1871. The bill was introduced in the Senate by Edward B. Pickett. Journal of T f 1 t. R g. th H t f th lfth L~lt T, Sess. , 569. 34

CHAPTER II

THE BEGINNING OF THE

AGRICULTURAL AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE

In spite of the fact that most Texans throughout the nineteenth century remained opposed to federal usurpation of a state right and duty, Texas did accept the federal grant provided by the Morrill Act since other states had accepted the offer, and Texas stood to lose a gift that others had accepted. Many thought the College would entail no future expense since the interest on the endowment would be sufficient to meet its expenses. In view of these circumstances, it was not surprising that Texas did set aside its traditional view of education to accept the land grant proffered by the federal government. What was surprising though was the Radicals' delay in accepting the grant, followed by hasty action that led to ineptness on the part of those made responsible for establishing the College. Many of the problems that later arose could have been avoided, or at least alleviated, by careful, considerate, and judicious action. The post-Civil War state Democratic government, which was ousted by the Radicals in 1867, made the first attempt to take advantage of the Morrill Act. In a joint resolution the Texas Legislature accepted the provisions of the Morrill Act on November 1, 1866& the Governor was authorized 35 to receive the land scrip and to sell it, as well as to do 1 Texas. any further acts necessary to secure the fund for 2 from Governor James W. Throckmorton, who was removed office on August 8, 1867, by federal authority, in his final report to the legislature said that he had forwarded to Texas 3 Congressman Benjamin H. Epperson the acts agreeing to

1 1822-1897, H. P. N. Gammel (comp. ), The Laws of Texas, 10 vols. (Austin, 1898), V, 1185. 2 James W. Throckmorton had been born in Tennessee in with his family to Arkansas in 1836 before 1825, thence County. moving to Texas in 1841, finally settling in Collin In 1844 he went to Kentucky to study medicine with an uncle, but at the outbreak of the Mexican War he returned to Texas. In 1848 he was practicing medicine in McKinney; in 1851 he entered politics. He was one of eight to vote against secession in the Secession Convention; however, he took the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy and raised a company to fight in frontier areas. In 1866 he was president of the Constitutional Convention and was elected Governor on Sheridan removed him as an July 1, 1867. General Philip " "impediment to reconstruction. Between 1870 and 1874 he led the conservative fight against radicalism. He served in Congress from 1874-1888; several times he intermittently In tried to win election to the United States Senate . defeated as candidate for 1878 and again in 1890 he was " Governor. Called "Old Leathercoat, he was among the first to support limited government control of railroads. Handbook of Texas, II, 778. 3 Born in Mississippi in 1826, Benjamin Epperson had attended Princeton University although he did not graduate. Sometime before 1847 he arrived in Clarksville, Texas, law, and was admitted to the bar. He served in the studied and House of Representatives of the Second Legislature in 1851 had been the Whig candidate for governor. He had served in the House of Representatives of the Eighth Congress. As a Unionist, he supported Sam Houston in the gubernatorial race of 1859; Houston had confided to him, as well as to three others, President Lincoln's plan to send troops to force Texas to remain in the Union. Epperson, however, his efforts to the Confederacy. He was James pledged all and W. Throckmorton's closest friend and political adviser ran for the United States Senate in 1866 when Throckmorton 36 accept the land scrip and authority to accept the scrip in behalf of the state. Thc authorities, however, declined 4 to issue the scrip.

When the Radicals assumed control of the state government in 1867, they faced more pressing problems than carrying forward the negotiations to receive the Morrill funds. that By the Spring of 1870, however, there was a report William T. Clark, the representative in Congress from the Galveston district had made inquiry as to whether further legislation would be needed to permit Texas to receive the 5 land grant. Stating that he had already made application for the scrip in Washington, Governor Davis, in his inaugural address of January, 1871, called attention to the need for legislative action in regard to the Morrill Act since its terms required the state to provide at least one such college described in the act within five years from 1866 or refund to the United States the scrip or the proceeds from its

ran for Governor, but was defeated by Oran M. Roberts. Throckmorton then appointed Epperson financial Governor bonds agent and legal representative to regain the indemnity for the state which had been transferred to the Military Board. In 1867 Epperson was elected to the United States House of Representatives but was not seated by the Radical Republicans. In 1868 he was one of the delegates to the Democratic National Convention. He served in the Texas House of Representatives in 1874-75. Ibid. , I, 568-569. 4 ' 't f B d J. J. L, ~H' to f th U '7; on Facts and Records (Austin, 1891), p. 3 5 Galveston D~ail News, April 27, 1870. 37 sale. At that time, less than one year remained for the state to meet the conditions of the law. Governor Davis suggested that only one college could be "safely attempted" and that it should be incorporated with the state university.

On January 28 the portion of the Governor's message that dealt with the donation of the scrip was referred to the Committee on Finance with instructions to report as early as practicable. On February 14 a joint resolution was introduced that instructed Texas Congressmen to obtain an extension of time in order to comply with the Norrill Act and to avoid forfeiture; however, it was not sent to the 6 House of RepresentatiVes until April 12. In the meantime, contrary to the glowing reports furnished the banking firm of Farmers' Loan 'and Trust

Company in New York by Secretary Newcomb, the Davis administration was without funds. On April 4 the State Treasury was empty, and legislators were unable to collect their per

diem. A legislative committee on appropriations estimated $2, 000, 000 would be needed to finance operations for the current fiscal year, a staggering sum estimated to amount 7 to $2. 50 for each man, woman, and child in the state. Governor Davis was castigated by the Galveston ~Dail

6 J l of th f t f th f lfth L~lt f the State of Texas, 1st Reg. Sess. , 29, 89, 239, 710. 7 W. C. Nunn, Texas Under the Car etba ers (Austin, 1962), p. 167. 38

8 a full News, which accused him of coming into power with treasury but reducing Texas to a state of bankruptcy; the improvements, state was forced to borrow $200, 000, not to make the of but to pay the legislature. "It is like paying price rich, juicy loin steak, for a tough piece out of an old " cow's neck, and having it tainted at that, according to the editor. In spite of the state's financial predicament, it became imperative to act in regard to the Morrill Fund, since only three months then remained until the expiration of the offer on July 23, 1871. On March 23, 1871, Senator William A. Saylor, Chairman of the Committee on Finance, introduced a bill to establish the Agricultural and Mech- 9 anical College. Serving in the Twelfth, and later in the Thirteenth Legislatures, Saylor, not yet thirty years of the age, was an influential carpetbagger who represented in Brazos County district and was ultimately instrumental securing the College for his district. A man of extra- made friends ordinary ability and of a pleasing manner, he 10 wherever he went.

8 April 7, 1871. of 9 J* 1 f th S t of th T 1fth L~lt the State of Texas, 1st Reg. Sess. , 490. 10 as Born in Iowa in 1843, William Saylor had enlisted the Union Army but was discharged in 1861 a volunteer in 1865 as a on account of bad health. He came to Texas in mail agent; later he went to Austin and engaged in the 39

the bill pro- On April 17, 1871, Governor Davis signed Mech— viding for the establishment of the Agricultural and anical College of Texas through acceptance of the Morrill 11 commis- Act. The Governor was authorized to appoint three days sioners who were to locate the College within thirty after their appointment. The location was to contain at least 1, 280 acres of good land to be owned by the College, the and was to be fenced and used under the direction of board of administrators. To build the College building, Fund. Once $75, 000 was appropriated from the Public School were to they had selected the location, the commissioners secure the services of a competent architect to superintend provide the work of building. The plan and design was to for later additions "without marring the architectural " soon beauty and fitness of the whole, an idea that seems to have been forgotten. Suitable buildings to house

In 1869 he was elected to the State Senate cotton business. the daughter from the Brazos district; after his marriage to made Austin his home until 1875, of Colonel John Swisher he internal when he was appointed a district collector of at Brenham. He later returned to revenue with headquarters in 1883 Austin, where he was elected mayor in 1881 and again resigned in 1884 after his appointment as Collector of but He was Customs at El Paso by President Chester Arthur. and was recognized as being honest open-hearted and generous "softening of and upright. His death came as a result of the brain. " Austin Daily Statesman, September 21, 1887. 11 The bill erroneously stated that Congress had given each state; this was the amount 180, 000 acres of land to each that Texas had received, 30, 000 acres being given for senator and representative in Congress. 40 professors and their families were also to be built. The building contract "shall require the performance of the work under ample security for its fitness and faithfulness, as " well as completion by the 23d day of July, 1871. Expen- ditures were to be made under the direction of the commissioners; they were to make payments through warrants school drawn upon the State Treasurer, to be paid out of the " fund. "An Act to Establish the University of Texas, which manage- had been passed in lESE, was to govern the control, ment, and supervision of the College as well as the care and preservation of its property. An amendatory act of draw warrants May 30, 1871, authorized the commissioners to warrant on ' upon the State Comptroller, who would issue his 12 the State Treasurer. It is unlikely that the legislature more thought the early completion date could be met. It is with likely the members simply wished to harmonize the act of the conditions imposed by the Morrill Act, the acceptance sometimes which marked the beginning of the confusing and frustrating, but never dull relationship, subject to every sort of interpretation and misinterpretation, between the " yet unborn state university and its "branch. Negotiations for the sale of the scrip had already begun. Ezra Cornell, a skilled mechanic who had made a fortune in telegraphy and in 1865 founded Cornell University,

12 Gammel (comp. ), Laws of Texas, VI, 938-40, 1037. 41 the recipient of New York's land grant donation, was especially interested in the land grant colleges and had advised other states in the sale of their scrip. He had written the Texas Governor in 1869 that Texas would soon receive college land scrip in accordance with the Morrill Act and recommended the concentration of the scrip in the hands of a single agent since it could then be sold at seventy- five cents per acre instead of the fifty cents brought by much of the Northern scrip. He recommended Gleason Lewis of Cleveland, Ohio, the principal dealer in college scrip, as 13 being useful and honest. In August, 1870, Governor Davis made inquiry to the Department of Interior concerning the scrip. 14 Letters to Davis on March 21 and 24, 1871, from

Ezra Cornell to "Dear Sir, ", n. p. , December 15, 1869, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. See William T. Hopper, "Governor Edmund J. Davis, Ezra Cornell, " Southwestern Historical and the A&M College of Texas, 5— Q~3t 1, LXXVIZX (3 + 7, 1975), pp. 307-312, 5* tailed account of the land scrip sale. Sums received under the land grant act varied from four and a half cents for which Rhode Island sold its scrip to five dollars and sixty- two cents received by Minnesota for some of its land. The relative time of the sale was a question of importance. The first scrip had the disadvantage of restrictions upon location and also suffered from competition of brokers and an overstocked market. Later, mainly through the "energetic management of Ezra Cornell, the sale of scrip was brought under the control of a single system of agencies, character- and sagacity. The value ized by unity, method, prudence, " of the scrip was thus enhanced. The Southern states, through their late acceptance and compliance, were thus able to secure better prices. ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 187+~, cxxii. 14 J. D. Cox, Department of the Interior, to E. J. Davis, Washington, D. C. , August 31, 1870. 42

R. G. Rolston, a New York banker, contained the information that he had received 1, 125 pieces of Agricultural College Scrip of one quarter section each and had made a contract to sell it at eighty-seven cents. Secretary of State Newcomb was given credit for saving the state at least $10, 000 in 15 his sale of the scrip. In reply, Davis wrote that he had intended for the scrip to be sold at "not less" than ninety cents but had expected to get as much more as possible. He also requested Rolston to purchase Texas "Frontier Defence Bonds" from time to time with the proceeds since he thought this was the best investment to be made and would give 16 market value to the bonds. Rolston continued to sell the

15 R. G. Rolston to E. J. Davis, New York, New York, March 24 and 27, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 16 E. J. Davis to R. G. Rolston, Austin, Texas, April 14, 1S71, in ibid. Of the $750, 000 Frontier Defence Bonds authorized in 1870, only $313, 200 were sold. Of 350 bonds sold, half were exchanged for cash held in the Agricultural and Mechanical College Fund; the rest were outside pur-~ chases. Nunn, Texas Under the Car etba ers, 172 —173. g The bonds were placed in the State Treasury with the proceeds to remain a perpetual fund; only the interest could be used. ~ The proceeds of the sale were to be returned to the federal government if the College were not established in a limited amount of time in accordance with the provisions of the Act. In accordance with the 1869 Texas Constitution, a sinking fund to pay the Frontier Defence Bonds was established. A combined interest and sinking fund in addition to some tax revenue was supposed to be used to retire annually two percent of the principal and pay the annual interest. Receipts were never adequate to pay the interest on the bonds, and the bonds of the College accumulated overdue interest. N'll, Ff' ' 1 ~H' t *f 1', 237. I ll h of states, although there was no evidence presented of fraud or personal corruption, there was criticism of the 43 bonds throughout the Spring and Summer. He wrote Davis on from May 20 that he had invested $90, 000 of the proceeds the sale of scrip in Frontier Defense Bonds and had charged a 17 commission of one percent. The last of the scrip was 18 delivered on September 26. A letter from Governor Davis investment made. The land grant fund was exchanged for state bonds, a safe investment in well-established states following sound economic practice, "but which may prove to be among through the condi- the most hazardous to communities passing" tion known to us as reconstruction, according to the United States Commissioner of Education. ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1879, cxxii. 17 R. G. Ralston to E. J. Davis, New York, New York, May 20, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. Complications arose in June when Swen M. Swenson told Rolston that "he would hand over bonds and currency so soon as the State paid him some $12, 000 in gold due him. He suggested it might be difficult to get the bonds from his possession except by due process of law —-which method he rather preferred. " Swenson, born in Sweden in 1816, immigrated to America in 1836 and in 1838 became the first Swedish immigrant to Texas, where he worked for a short time for John Adriance and soon became his partner. In 1844 his uncle, Svante Palm, immigrated from Sweden, and with Swenson established a mercantile business in La Grange. They moved the business to Austin in 1850. As an admirer of Sam Houston and a Unionist, Swenson was forced to flee in 1863 to Mexico, where he remained until 1865. His uncle remained in Austin, where he served in city government and as postmaster. Fol- Swenson entered the export business in lowing the Civil War, the New Orleans and later moved to New York, where he entered field of banking and finance. Before his death he donated a rare coin collection to the University of Texas. Handbook of Texas, II, 697-698. Rolston wrote that in investing the College funds he had done what he considered best under the circumstances and assured Davis no other commission would be charged. In order to facilitate the sale of the bonds he had given three-fourths of one percent commission allowed by the state of Texas and had endeavored to "study your interests. " R. G. Rolston to E. J. Davis, New York, New York, June 12, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 18Same to Same, September. 26, 1871, in ibid. 44 in Nay, 1872, in compliance with Section One of the Norrill Act, requiring an annual report to Congress of all sales made of scrip, the disposition of same, and the appropriation made of the proceeds, stated that the sale of 180, 000 acres of scrip had brought eighty-seven cents per acre or $156, 000 in United States currency. This amount had been invested in $174, 000 bonds of the state, bearing interest at seven percent annually, payable in gold, semi-annually, and running for a term of forty years. The scrip had been 19 sold to Gleason Lewis, of Cincinatti, Ohio. Selected on April 24, 1871, as commissioners to locate the College were Senator John G. Bell, of Austin County; Representatives Frederick E. Grothaus, of DeWitt County;

and M. D. Lorance„ of Smith County, who returned his commis- 20 sion. George B. Slaughter, of Upshur County, who had been recommended by Senator Saylor, was then appointed on May 21 11. On April 25 Davis had received a letter from a Galveston resident who had requested sometime earlier the

19 E. J. Davis to James G. Blaine, Speaker of the House of Representatives, U. S. Congress, Austin, Texas, May 8, 1872. in ibid. 20 J. M. Moore, Secretary of State, to Louis L. NcInnis, Austin, Texas, March 23, 1888, Louis L. McInnis Papers Texas A&M University Archives. 21 Ibid. Also, W. A. Saylor to E. J. Davis, Austin, Texas, May 1, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. George B. Slaughter was born in Georgia and came to Texas in 1845. Following his accidental death, shortly after the location of the College had been made, the Austin D~ail Journal, July 13, 1871, reported that he was a "True Repub- lican" and had hidden out for months in the woods to escape "rebel vindictiveness. " 45

"expediency of authorizing me to select land" for the Col- lege location. Galveston and Houston were anxious to have the College located in thei. 'c vicinity. The correspondent had heard that Secretary Newcomb had gone to Washington to receive the liberal bonus; he understood that $185, 000 was to be the first installment "of the half-million granted for these schools, " evidently assuming this was the amount of the donation to Texas. Encouraged by the Governor's previous response, he was negotiating for land on Bolivar Peninsula and wanted Davis to put the matter before the legislature. He wanted to learn whether his area was to '" have "one of these 'Manual Labor Schools, or whether his 22 time, labor, and expense had been wasted. His inquiry revealed two immediate problems: communities and individuals were looking for quick financial gain as a result of the bounty, and few understood the kind of education provided by an agricultural and mechanical college. In reply to an inquiry from Governor Davis on May 17 as to the progress being made in selecting a site for the College, Grothaus and Bell wrote they had taken no action because Lorance had refused to serve, and Slaughter, recently appointed, had not yet met with them. They assured Davis that they had planned a meeting that same day "in order to proceed and locate at once the Agricultural and Mechanical

22 John. H Hunter to E. J. Davis, Galveston, Texas, April 25, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 46

Coll& ge in conformity and strictly in compliance with the " 23 act under which we were appointed. Beginning Nay 21, 1871, the commissioners advertised in the Austin ~Dail Journal, the official newspaper of the Radicals, that bids 24 for locations would be received until June 15. On Nay 28 Davis vetoed a bill making an appropriation to pay the expenses of the commissioners. He said the act authorizing their appointment had made a very large appropriation sufficient to cover all their expenses, and no more could be spared from the School Fund. The commissioners were expected to locate the College without any compensation to themselves " and "on the most economical basis. The House of Representa- 25 tives sustained the veto by a vote of sixty-eight to three. While the commissioners went about the selection of a location, the legislature adjourned with well-deserved criticism from some quarters: "We heartily wish the legislature just adjourned would never meet again. It has disgraced itself more than once, while for absurd espousal of the policy of subsidizing the Tammany Legislature is its

23 F. E. Grothaus and J. G. Bell to E. J. Davis, Austin, Texas, Nay 17, 1871, in ibid. 24 Ernest Langford, "Getting the College Under Way; A of Events from April 17, 1871, to October 4, Brief Outline Hereafter 1876, " MS. , Texas A&M University Archives, 13. " cited: Langford, "Getting the College Under Way. 25 Journal o f the House o f Re resentatives of the Twel f th 0 S . 304 —305 ~L' 3 t f tt St t of T, 3 t 0 , 47 only peer. " The soles of their boots had been raised higher than the heads of many House members. The government's policies were condemned as being dangerous to credit, oppres- sive to the people, and creating immense burdens of taxa- 26 tion. The Austin Democratic Statesman, established July 26, 1871, as the semi-official organ of the Democrats, was 27 the only Democratic paper at the time. It held there were too few Democrats in the legislature to have any influence; they were acting under restraint at all times, not knowing when they would be turned out. It also reported that Davis himself admitted that the Twelfth Legislature, which had been " corrupted by a powerful lobby with money, "did very badly, and yet, Davis said they did much good in carrying out the Constitution and preserving law and order. According to the editor of the Democratic Statesman, the legislators were "corrupt, money bought men, all of whom were the Governor' s friends and associates, and over whom he exercised almost " the sway of a little monarch and despot. Though they frequently quarrelled among themselves and "befouled one another's nests, " they always acted together to oppress and 28 injure the people.

26 1 J 2, 1871. S A to ~D E~, 27 Handbook of Texas, I, 89. 28 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, June 13, 1873. 48

29 The commissioners employed Colonel Caleb G. Forshey, an educator, geologist, and engineer, to assist them in the examination of a number of different locations in the state including Brazos and Grimes counties as well as such points 30 as Austin, San Marcos, Waco, and Tehuacana. San Antonio, land in its bid for the College, offered $50, 000 in cash and 31 to an equal amount. A visitor in the home of James D. Thomas, a Bryan lawyer who several years later was appointed of a director of the College, wrote of riding with a group citizens and the commissioners to examine the Brazos County site on June 13. The citizens of Bryan showed their

29 In 1854 Caleb G. Forshey had founded Texas Military Galveston but later moved it to Rutersville, Institute in which was where he consolidated it with Rutersville College, closed during the Civil War. In 1861 he wrote a number of scientific articles for the Texas Almanac; in 1863 he designed the construction of a number of frontier forts for the Confederate government. He later mapped a system of designed to lead from Galveston into state-owned railroads and the interior. He attended various railroad conventions building of a new locomotive and train of took part in the Novem- cars on the Galveston and Houston Junction Railroad, ber 16, 1866. Handbook of Texas, I, 619. The Senate of the Twelfth Legislature invited Forshey to deliver a lecture to 'water channels' within the them on the "improvement of the of limits of the State of Texas, " on March 28, 1871. Journal *f Y th S* t *f th l' 1fth~L' 1 t * f th Stt at- 1st Reg. Sess. , 542. It was Forshey who made the first tempt to trace the geological formations of Texas. After leaving Texas he went to New Orleans, where he became president of the Barataria Canal Company. He later made a visit to Texas with other scientists. Galveston ~Dail News, September 13, 1877. " 30 Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 3. 31 "An Sketch of the Texas Robert F. Smith, Historical" Agricultural and Mechanical College, in ~ncn Horn, 1904, p. 16 8. willingness to contribute S20, 000 or 830, 000 to secure the location, although the decision to accept the site was 32 33 not made until June 21. The Galveston ~Dail News the Col- reported on June 23 that the probable site for Bry- lege had been selected four and a half miles south of nec- an, "an enterprising little city" which had met the essary requirement of a donation of 1, 250 acres of land. , was in- A few days after the final selection Slaughter jured in Houston when he jumped from a run-away hack and later died. 34 Bryan' s bid was accepted in spite of the f act that one of the it had made the lowest bid and was considered poorest counties in the state. The commission demanded be complete and satisfactory title papers to the land to furnished them within forty —eight hours; this fact coupled " led with "other circumstances surrounding the location, to the suspicion of dishonesty on the part of the commissioners. 35

32 Langford, "Getting the College Under Wayf" 12. 33 June 23, 1871 " 34 "Getting the College Under Way, 2. Langford, com- The Galveston Daily News, Julv 8, 1871, found some fort in the fact that Slaughter's accident had "occurred and purchase, in time to save after the final location " the United States donation. 35 H tb 7* , 1 9' 1 t , Bt t ot ~b b f t' t C o o1'— Ho f R t C9'll U- Colle e of Texas and the State date the A rrcultural 6-7. ~*'t 1 A t', 1914;),~ pp. 50

Colonel Forshcy rcport& d that Grothaus and Slaughter

809 3CrCS nf lund wd thout l), 1&1 t old him thf. y had gotten 2, was to be repaid 1 ost. They had paid out $12, 000, but this 36 them in a short time by the citizens of Bryan. Some believed that the Houston and Texas Central Railroad, which had built Bryan, was highly influential in blocking up the 37 land on which the College was to be built. A decade later 38 the Galveston ~Dail News reported there was a strong suspicion that the location was made "more on account of

0 1 ~H' t of th 1 od Cl y, t' ~Alt 1 M h 1 0~33 f 9 11 f th A~lt ' 9, 1933 (0 11 of 9 , 0 0 1, 9 d M h 1 0~11 f t' , )939$ ), 40. H ft 't d: 0 1 y, H~t* Bt ' 0 th ~A' t 1 d M h 1 0~11* f f . 0 21 the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas purchased 980 acres for $12, 000 from Harvey Mitchell, 1, 226 acres for $6, 130 gold coin from J. Fred Cox, and 210 acres for $3, 000 from Rebecca and Nelson Rector. Mitchell's deed gold coin two was made on June 21 in Harris County, while the other were made in Brazos County on the same day. W. B. Forman, the sheriff of Brazos County, and W. A. Saylor witnessed Mitchell's signature. Brazos County Deed Records, Vol. M, 142- 143. Harvey Mitchell was a long-time citizen who had served as county surveyor and had important land-holdings throughout the county. Beginning at least as early as Janu- ary 22, 1871, he had begun purchasing acreage that was to become a part of the College site, some of which was bought for as little as fifty cents an acre. J. Fred Cox had purchased between April 1 and June 7 at two dollars an acre tracts of 922( acres that composed part of the College three In addition, site. He bought another 184$ acres on June 28. transactions occurred among Mitchell, Cox, and the land Cox for Rectors. On May 27 Mitchell bought 100 acres from $140; and on June 21, though the deed was not filed until 80 acres from the Rectors for $500. On August 7, he bought $229. May 27 the Rectors bought 290 acres from Cox for Brazos County Deed Records, Vol. M, 32, 110-111, 128, 165, 191-192. 37 George S. Perry, The S~tor of Texas A. and M. (New York, 1951), p. 55. 38 June 29, 1881. 51 convenience to the railroad and some other considerations" than to its advantageous location for agricultural experiments or a model farm and facilities for mechanical instruction. Several cities in Texas had incorporated agricultural and mechanical associations to promote increased production through science and industry. The Texas Agricultural and Mechanical Association of Bryan had received a charter from 39 the legislature on March 22, 1871. Among its of ficers 40 were Harvey Mitchell; Spencer Ford and Horatio N. Moore, both later to be appointed by Davis as commissioners to build the College; John S. Fowlkes, and Bennett H. Davis. This organization may have been formed to help provide a nucleus with which the Bryan citizens could work to secure the College . Certainly, it was an indication of their interes t. Working diligently to secure the location for Brazos County, Harvey Mitchell called a mass meeting of citizens to

39 Gammel (comp. ), Laws of Texas, VI, 1186. 40 Harvey Mitchell had come to Brazos County in 1839. He was the first school teacher in the county; hc built all three courthouses for the county, and at one time served as county judge. Elmer G. Marshall, "The History of Brazos County, Texas, " Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of Texas, 1937, pp. 43, 75, 90; and Joseph N. Nance, The ~Earl A H t y 6 9 y d tt* ~Ho d ([9 y I, 1962), p. PQ. Nitchell also served as the president of the board of directors of the county schools established under the Davis free public school system. Austin D~ail Journal, January 2, 1872. 52 devise ways and means to accomplish his objective. After the funds had been subscribed, Judge Spencer Ford, Senator Saylor, and Mitchell were appointed a committee, with plenary powers, and instructed to secure the location for Brazos County. Ford failed to attend the committee's meeting with the commissioners in Houston, and the day before the committee met, Saylor's boat from Galveston grounded on a sand bar. Harvey Mitchell alone met with the commissioners and persuaded them to locate the College in Brazos County in spite of the fact that all other bids were higher than 41 his. The bids were opened at the Hutchins House in Houston on June 20, 1871; Mitchel] made a bid of $22, 000 after receiving private information that amount, out of which land 42 was to be purchased, would secure the College.

41 his ~Br an EacCle, February 14, 1901. According to granddaughter, Mitchell was told when he got to Houston that Bryan would have to give $50, 000 in cash and 2, 000 acres within eighteen hours to get the College. Mitchell wired Bryan's mayor but got no response and personally pledged to returning to Bryan, he raised meet the required conditions; to the money in spite of much criticism, secured the titles the land, and sent them to Austin within the required time. The resolution made at ~Br an D~ail EacCle, April 26, 1928. the called mass meeting to appoint a committee of three to accompany the commissioners for locating the College to power to pledge the county of Brazos to Houston with "full the make such donations as may be right and proper to secure location of said college in Brazos County" was recorded along with the deeds to the 2, 416 acres of land to the College on June 24. Brazos County Deed Records, Vol. M. , 143. 42 Sketch of the Texas Agricul- Smith, "An Historical " tural and Mechanical College, in Lonca Horn, 1904, p. 168. 53

Once the location was secured, Mitchell returned to Bryan and called a meeting of citizens to raise the needed funds; appointed as a committee to raise through private means the first payment on the 2, 416 acres of land offered and by Brazos County were two lawyers, John N. Henderson 43 M. W. McCraw. Mason D. Cole, J. M. Robinson, E. L. Ward, Dave and William McIntosh, Dr. J. P. Mitchell, and Harvey Mitchell signed the notes for the balance, and the warranty 44 deeds required by the state commission were obtained. The matter of transferring the private debt to the county was ordered by the police court, upon petition, through an election held December 11, 12, 13, 14, for or against the proposition that the county would give $22, 000 to aid the establishment of the Agricultural and Mechanical College.

43 Republican lawyer, "who has M. W. McCraw was a leading" much influence with our party, according to an introduction written to Governor E. M. Pease. Alex Anderson to E. M. Pease, n. p. , February 7, 1869, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. He was later involved with the wife of one of the first Board members in a statewide scandal. Galveston ~Dail News, October 24 and 25, 1879; May 30, 1880. John N. Henderson moved with his family to Texas in 1843, when he was three years old. During the Civil War he lost an arm while serving in Hood's Texas Brigade; following the war, he returned to Baylor University, where he earned a law degree. Beginning the practice of law in Millican in 1867, he became district attorney of the Bryan district in 1874 and was elected state senator from the same district in 1880. Henderson was appointed by Governor L. S. Ross as district judge in the Bryan district in 1888 and elected to the same office in 1890. He became Associate Justice of the Court of Criminal Appeals on November 6, 1894. Ibid, , November 17, 1880; Handbook of Texas, I, 796. 44 "An Sketch of the Texas Agricul- Smith, Historical " tural and Mechanical College, in ~Lon Horn, 1904, p. 168. 54

45 The Galveston D~ail News sarcastically called- the election a measure for "internal improvement" under the law. The bill to validate the election held in Brazos County for the issuance of bonds to aid the College was not passed by the 46 state legislature until March 8, 1873.

As soon as they found out the site had been determined, the editors of the weekly Brazos EacCle, Gilbert and Moore,

Judicial District, composed of Brazos, Burleson, and Milam Counties, wrote Governor Davis and pointed out their ability to publish a journal for the College as well. R. R. Gilbert, another of the carpetbaggers in Brazos County, had written Governor Davis on December 14, 1870, importuning him to place Gilbert's name before the legislature for the office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. Having been born of and educated in New York and having been a principal " academies "there and elsewhere, his educational ideas were "com- "therefore Northern. " He was preparing an address on to pulsory education" in Texas, which he planned to deliver 47 the legislature in January, 1871. On February 11, 1871, senators he wrote Davis from Austin to assure him that various

45 November 18, 1871. 46 Ibid. , March 9, 1873. 47 Gilbert to E. Davis, Bryan, Texas, December R. R. J. Archives. 14, 1870, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State 55

48 had told Gilbert he would be confirmed if nominated. Enclosing a form for Davis to sign, the publishers informed him they could begin publication of a monthly journal in pamphlet form at two dollars a year subscription charge as soon as the first of the faculty arrived. A sample letter- head stated that the supervision and control of the paper would be in the hands of the faculty, and the number of pages would increase as circulation rose. The paper was to have no political bias but was to enlighten the people of the 49 state in everything pertaining to the College. The carpetbag Representative from Brazos County, Charles

W. Gardiner, who had come to Texas in 1866 and was one of 50 the earliest Republicans in the county, apparently did not

know that Bryan had been selected as the College site. He wrote to Governor Davis on July 3 that Senator Bell's actions had made it evident that the College would not be located unless the other commissioners agreed to locate it at Bell- ville. In case Davis found Bell's removal necessary in order to secure a location by July 23, Gardiner stated that

48 Same to Same, Austin, Texas, February 11, 1871, in ibid. Oddly enough, in spite of his staunch Republican devotion, Gilbert was listed as a member of the very Demo- cratic Austin D~ail Statesman's staff on December 13, 188 5. 49 LR. R g Gilbert and PI. Hg Moore, Of fice of ~Weekl Brazos Eacale, to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, June 23, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 50 Austin D~ail Journal, January 6, 1871. 56

Davis appoint he would be under "lasting obligation" should be "great benefit him. A college located at. Bryan would of " to the party in this District. He predicted trouble in se- carrying the district without the College; if it were for the cured, he believed a great change would take place better. "It is needless to add that I have a weakness to locate the Institution here and believe with the two Com- " missioners it is the most desirable location. Governor offered Davis wrote a notation on the letter that Bell still to continue with his duties, but in case Bell resigned, he as himself did not know another "as likely to fill the Bill

", 5] importuned Governor IGardinerj . On July 13 Gardiner again in making Davis and asked that he overlook his "pertinacity" application again as one of the commissioners "to fill the Slaughter now-existing vacancy" caused by the death of George 52 'Governor, ' to 'fill. the on July 12. "I am over anxious, permit me. " bill, ' and I trust you will be kind enough to been Gardiner pointed out that since the College had already of located, there should be no objection as to what part be an the state a commissioner came from. "Should there

51 to E. Davis, Bryan, Texas, July 3, C. W. Gardiner J. Archives. Gard- 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State listed as Gardner in Texas, I, egislature, iner is erroneously — [Austin, Members of the Texas Legislature, 1846 1962 ( IY6ZJ7, p. 6I. died 52 Austin D~ail Journal, July 13, 1871. Slaughter in the Hutchzns House. He had jumped out of a carriage opposite the court house some days earlier. objection I hope you will waive it in this case and consider " of me always under obligations to you therefor. In spite Gardiner's "pertinacity, " Davis appointed Representative J. 54 W. Johnson, of Marion County, to serve on the commission to replace Slaughter, who was fatally injured in Houston after the College selection had been made. In the meantime, Gardiner wrote Governor Davis and 55 recommended that Dr. Batt Peterson, of Millican, be appointed a commissioner to superintend the building of the 56 College. A letter from a Millican citizen added the further qualification that Dr. Peterson "had always acted " with the Republican Party, and his appointment would be a

53 C. W. Gardiner to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, July 13, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 54 J. W. Johnson to E. J. Davis, Austin, Texas, July 27, 1871, in ibid. 55 a of the State According to B ~ A. Baldridge, sergeant Police, the Millican community, located in the southern part of Brazos County, was "largely Republican" and was the box in the county except for Bryan, which had largest voting most com- a Democratic majority. Millican had maintained the plete organization of the Republican Party in the county, the organization being first made by Baldridge and Colonel Myers regretted that Brazos County and Millican in 1867. Baldridge lawlessness. " were "foremost in the annals of crime and " Nearly all those murdered had been "Union men, and the man loudest" was presently the Sergeant-of- who had "laughed the Millican, Arms of the Senate. B.A. Baldridge to E. J. Davis, Texas, July 29, 1870, in ibid. The man to whom Baldridge referred had also been elected sheriff of Grimes County in had taken a leave of absence, but if the Senate 1869. He would deemed the holding of two offices as improper, he resign as Sergeant —of —Arms of the Senate. Journal of the s t of th T 1fth~L' 1 t f th Stt* f Called Sess. , 55. 56 C. W. Gardiner to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, July 11, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 58

57 good influence for the party. A petition from more than thirty citizens of Bryan on July 12 urged the appointment of Peterson "should a vacancy now or hereafter exist" since he was fully qualified as a "practical engineer and a first „58 class mechanic. " At the request of a number of private citizens of Brazos County, Senator Saylor also recommended Dr. Peterson as a "sound Republican and supporter of your 59 administration. " ('olonel (, G. Forshey, the "Architect o f the Commis- sioners, " wrote the editor of the Galveston D~ail News to answer "once for all" the inquiries respecting the location of the College and pointed out the advantages of the "central locality" chosen. He described the College land four miles south of Bryan as lying on both sides of the railroad and amounting to 2, 814 acres, of which 2, 000 was good prairie land, some excellent, and none of which was wasteland. "The " charge that it is poor land is unjust. and unfounded. By way of illustration, he pointed out that the Rectors' field on the thinnest of their land would produce forty bushels of corn to the acre. The site selected for the College building was on a summit from which the ground sloped gently,

57 R. G. Strelton to E. J. Davis, Millican, Texas, July 12, 1871, in ibid. 58 Petition of Bryan citizens to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, July 12, 1871, in ibid. 59 W. D. Saylor to E. J. Davis, Millican, Texas, July 15, 1871, in ibid. 59

"overlooking the whole country around, the city of Bryan south, would included. " The front of the buildings, facing be visible for miles. have No amateur landscape designer could presented a more beautiful site for an institution of learning aspiring to become the central college of the State University; and its buildings being projected with that classic dignity that are The industrial may fit them for such a destiny. feature, it is hoped, may warrant such distinction. consequently, There were no perennial streams on the land; the water. Forshey pools and cisterns would have to supply citi- also said that in accepting the donation of the Bryan lands and zens and in making the "purchase of additional school, buildings adapted to the temporary purposes of the " state had while the main buildings are being erected, the "the national grant, met the conditions necessary to obtain the opportunity and have secured for Texas beyond recall States striving to of assuming a proud position among the and high elevate industry, by associating it with science „60 intellectual culture. " 61 on June 23 that The Galveston D~ail News had reported and des- the site south of Bryan was the probable location on the site cribed a "large, handsome building" presently and the neces- which could accommodate about fifty students on July sary faculty. Senator Saylor wrote the Governor July C. G. Forshey to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, 8, 1871. 61 June 23, 1871. 60

necessary to appoint a 20 that he had been informed it was readiness. " professor before the 23rd, "and everything is in and the College could be He had a house with several rooms, informed Davis, opened in a small way at any time. He also been recorded and as he had Grothaus, that the deeds had 62 was made of an were in his possession. No later mention house existing building on the site, except for an old farm remodeling of a on the site at the opening and the later Forshey said the house for one of the College employees. stone and commissioners wanted to erect the buildings of sandstone, all noted the abundance of white, gray, and red near the within three to fifteen miles of the site and 63 railroad. Brick had been made within one-half mile of " the location, but he was not "ready to recommend it. was enough brick About two and a half miles southeast there 64 earth of the best quality. College Colonel Forshey made drawings of the proposed wrote Davis buildings, which Saylor left with Davis. Forshey to complete detailed on July 15 that he needed them in order be specifications and drawings and requested that they

62 to E. Davis, Galveston, Texas, July W. A. Saylor J. Archives. 20, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State 63 Galveston D~ail News, July 23, 1871. 64 Ibid. , July 8, 1871. 61

65 report, mailed to him in Galveston. Forshcy' s subsequent of giving full details and recommendations for the plan conducting the College, was not carried out. Even though 66 th ' ld ot th H t g~lh th ght Austin have secured a more able man, at a meeting held in in September, the commissioners dismissed Forshey, who was for allowed $200 in coin for one month's services and $20 advertising; at the same time they confirmed Bryan as the 67 site of the College. The following February Forshey wrote employ- Governor Davis from New Orleans regarding his late that he was ment by the commissioners, and Davis replied and could unaware of the circumstances related by Forshey not recall ever having made any objection to Forshey's Governor appointment as architect of the College. The of stated that he had objected generally to the expenditures 68 the commissioners because he considered them excessive. dismissed, At the same meeting in which Forshey was Carl DeGrote's plans were accepted, and he was appointed architect from the first of August. One of the commissioners, "practicable" specifi- J. W. Johnson, was to prepare

65 Texas, July C. G. Forshey to E. J. Davis, Galveston, 15, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives.

66 ' d h 2, d A t' t~Wkl dt pt Q ot t, 1871. 67 " Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 12. 68 C. G. Forshey, Austin, Texas, February E. J. Davis to Archives. 13, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State 62

7&ad ar isen about the title to thc f 1& t i ons. Somf f~uest ion 9 and enclosed I»r&d; Davis wrotr the commissioners on August the opinion of the Attorney General "about the completeness " of the claim of title to the land selected at Bryan. He thought imperfections suggested by the Attorney General needed to be remedied before any expenditures were made to place buildings on the location. Presuming it could be 69 According done, he requested their immediate attention.

69 E. J. Davis to J. G. Bell, F. E. Grothaus, and J. W. Johnson, Austin, Texas, August 9, 1871, in ibid. In the land transactions that occurred between Harvey Mitchell, J. Rebecca Rector, Mitchell had purchased eighty Fred Cox, and the acres from the Rectors for $500 on June 21; however, filed until August 7, 1871. «' Shortly af ter deed was not had assuming the presidency of the College, Colonel James the boundaries surveyed and a map of the College drawn and " found that the present fence was at "no point on the line, north boundary ran through fields cultivated by two and the but being held men, and a 102 acre tract deeded to the State f Winter, who held it under a deed from J. S. Fowlkes. by Peter 'd f th ~A' 1t 1 Po t. h A 1 ~Rt f th* P * t ' D . t d R h 1 ~C&1 f th ~A M. Roberts/ f,(n. p. , 1880), p. 8. Interfer- Po Governor O. lawyer ence of the Brazos County Commissioners Court and its in the case, recently appointed Board member J. D Thomas, "greatly shocked" Governor Roberts. O. M. Roberts to John Henderson, Austin, Texas, March 16, 1882, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. The Galveston D~ail News, September 14, 1882, reported that the land in question a tract sold by J. F. Cox; following an was part of returned a eight day trial in district court, the jury verdict in favor of the College after deliberating one hour. Much interest was exhibited because of the style both sides were represented by and nature of the suit; be- able counsel . Another paper reported the suit was Winter, John S. Fowlkes, and tween the College and Peter Col- C. Tilley. Henderson and Henderson represented the lege; at their insistence the firm of Ford and Ford was em- intervened for the College. The state recovered ployed and $500 the land with the requirement that Winter be paid for worth of improvements; however the defendants appealed to Court. College authorities appealed to the Texas Supreme the the legislature for an appropriation to pay Winter and 63 to information obtained from Forshey, an "unencumbered title vested in the State" to 2, 814 acres donated by Bryan citizens 70 had been secured. was important The commissioners' selection of a location since the College and its "generous endowment" would bring prestige to any community; regardless of the location chosen, other communities would be jealous and critical. There were good reasons for choosing Brazos County, and there were good reasons why it should not have been chosen. Within a short time of the College's creation, beginning in the Davis administration and ending in 1914, periodic efforts were made to remove the College from its Brazos

I County location. Some were serious, such as the legislative ) of investigation made in 1914 that examined the possibility an removing the College and converting the buildings into 711 asylum for the Negro insane.

Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. lawyers' fees. Septem- McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. In compromised the suit; the Eighteenth ber, 1883, the Board the Legislature had appropriated $800 to pay the expenses of there remained a deficiency of $165. 20. litigation; however, claimants The state's clear title from both of the adverse had- been recorded in the Brazos County Clerk's Office. the Supreme Court had reversed Following the settlement, in and remanded the suit; the Board's wisdom was justified k' . ~Rotof CT 8th oh*' ' th ofat 1884, ~A' lt 1 d M h 1 C~ll* T*, 4, p. 54. 70 A t' T '-W kl D *- H t ~fl h, q t d cratic Statesman, September 2, 1871. 71 . Members of the Texas, Legislature, Statement ~b t' ' 8 11 t* Co o1'd t H f R t ~C* 't th A~I' lt 1 C~ll* *f 8 d th Ht t ~C' site near Bryan was the Radical Republican influence Rightly or wrongly, the Democrats believed the Radicals used the educational system as a political plum in an attempt to perpetuate the Republican Party since the State Department of Education spent a vast amount of money with "political agents" of that party. Under the free school system, an agent of the Republican Party was maintained in every community of the state and thereby permitted the Radicals to 73 control politics. 72 In 1874 the Austin Statesman noted the election of Colonel George Iverson Goodwin of the

1 D to th '7 H f ~B A~1, f f t, Representatives from the Eighteenth Senatorial District, which district had been Radical heretofore. The Radicals, however, still managed to retain a f'rm base in the district, 74 and in 1879 the Galveston D~ail News reported that Brazos " County, "still under radical rule, had recently elected Negro to the legislature. As late as 1892 the Sixteenth Senatorial District, composed of Brazos, Madison, Trinity, Grimes, Montgonery, and Walker Counties, was said to be, if not Republican, doubtful. It was also stated that Brazos County at times had a small Democratic majority but was

72 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, Nay 29, 1880. 73 Ibid. , January 13, 1874. 74 November 13, 1879. 65 really Republican in politics, and there was no certainty 75 of a Democratic majority in any election. ( Other important factors in the selection of the Bryan area were the excellent transportation system available at was Bryan and its interior location. At the time Bryan selected, Indian raids posed a constant threat on the 1, 500 the mile long western frontier and Mexican borders. During distance into Civil War Indians had successfully raided some civilized areas. For more than twelve years before the Fron- or— tier Battalion was created in 1874, no new county had been owing to the ganized, and three counties had lost population 76 lack of adequate frontier protection. Five-sixths of the 77 population of Texas lived in the eastern third of the state. of In 1857 when the House was debating the establishment be the University of Texas, one speaker said it should located to meet the demands of the population and located between between the Brazos and Trinity Rivers, somewhere latitudes 30 and 33, especially if one system of railroads developed to make it accessible from all parts of the

75 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Trent E t. S . , 155- S 5 ~L' 1 t f th St t of T, 106. 76„"Message of Governor Richard B. Hubbard to the Legis- ' t' of th 1 " J 1 *f th 5 of ~R* * t. S' t,t* th ~L' 1 t f th St t f T, R . S 31-34. 77„"Message of Governor Richard C. Coke to the Legisla- ture, " in the Journal of the Senate of the Fourteenth Leceis- lature of the State of Texas, 2nd Sess. , 15. 66

78 state. In anticipation of the coming of the railroad being built north from Galveston and Houston by way of was pro- Cypress, Hempstead, and Navasota I the City of Bryan jected in 1859, but it was not until after 1865 that it began to grow rapidly+ In 1860 the Houston and Texas Central Railroad had reached Millican, when the coming of the Civi 1 War stopped further construction. After the end of the Civ- il War the railroad commenced to build northward from Nilli- can and reached Bryan in late August, 1867. By 1871 it had extended by way of Hearne, Calvert, and Bremond to Corsicana, and on July 16, 1872, the arrival of the first train in Dallas was celebrated by a barbecue of buffalo meat. By January 1, 1873, it met the Missouri, Kansas and Texas, building southward from Kansas through Indian Territory, in a cornfield near present Denison, Texas. The Houston and Texas Central Railroad thus cut through the great agricultural region of the state. +By December, 1872, Longview in East Texas was united with Hearne on the Houston and Texas Central by the International and Great Northern Railroad, which extended to Austin in 1876, and thence to San Antonio and Laredo in the early 1880's. Before 1860 the Houston and

78 t' 8 d' t ( p. ), S . * 8 k ~81 t* th H~t f th U~t f I, 122. 79 3 8 k, 8 k ' I Al d ~I' t' ~ dh k of I f 1883: W'th Wh' h I d H ~It H f* d' 'I St t ~R' t (H to, 1882), p. 92. after cited: Burke' s Texas Almanac. 67

Hempstead to Texas Central Railroad had built a line from opened its Brenham. The Texas and Pacific Railroad in 1873 1876 had reached main line from Longview to Dallas, and by bound Fort Worth. On January 1, 1882, it met the east of Southern Pacific at Sierra Blanca, ninety-two miles east Antonio Rail- El Paso. The Galveston, Harrisburg, and San in 1880, road arrived at San Antonio in 1877 and at El Paso Thus El Paso came to where it had met the Southern Pacific. and Pacific be tied to New Orleans. In 1881 the Texas thus acquired a line from Shreveport to New Orleans, and Thus Bryan gave another route from New Orleans to El Paso. 1880's to was made accessible in the mid-1870's and early 80 the most heavily populated cities of the state. Rail transportation was an immense improvement over the fare hardships and expense of stage travel. The passenger

& C. as it was on the Houston and Texas Central, the H. T. per popularly known, was limited to a rate of five cents coach was twelve mile by law'. The regular fare on a stage more expensrve when and a half cents a mile and actually was

Professor 80 Handbook of Texas, I, 852, 889. In 1897 prepared a map of Texas showing the William B. Philpott had attended hometowns of approximately 1, 500 students who five years. By far, the largest Texas A&M in the past the rail- attendance came from cities located along or near Southwest, and East Texas were represented by road. West, were no a very small attendance. During that time there students from the Northwest. ~Br an Eacale, June 24, 1897. 68

81 travelers met with robbers. Stage coaches arrived at irregular times, and travelers could not be certain of getting 82 accommodations aboard. Roads were miserable, and there 83 were few bridges. Under such conditions travel was slow, rough, duety and inconvenient, or miry in rainy weather. After making a tortuous journey from Brenham to Austin by stage, a traveler prophetically wrote: "The time is not now remote when stages traveling at the rate of three miles an hour will become in Texas as in other states a thing of the past, and hours, not miles, will be the standard of distance "„84 between points. ( In 1871 Texas had 865 miles of railroad 81 Texas Almanac, 1873, pp. 198-199. According to one traveler, his trip from Austin tn Galveston cost $1, 000 since a man was charged according to his "pile, " and robberies could be arranged. Austin D~ail Statesman, March 22, 1884. 82 When H. O. Boatright arrived in Bryan in May, 1868, it was the railroad terminus. Since the stage to Waco was filled, he hired two prairie schooners, each pulled by four mules. Leaving at 10 A. N. Wednesday, he arrived in Waco on Friday at 4 P. M. Interview with H. O. Boatwright, Bryan, Texas, in ~Br an D~ail EacCle, Nay 6, 1929. 83 One traveler wrote that in good weather the stage made "time which would almost shame an ox team. " The stage from Brenham had nineteen passengers when nine was a full load, " and the charges for baggage amounted to "absolute extortion. Austin ~Dail Journal, April 24, 1870. James R. Cole, a member of the Texas A. and M. College faculty from 1879 to 1885, was a member of the House of Representatives in the Twelfth Legislature. Traveling by hack from Sherman to Austin with his wife and baby during the spring of 1871, the family endured "great hardship and some danger. " Because of flooding, the trip took eleven days. James R. Cole, Seven Decades of ~N Life (Dallas, 1913), p. 44. 84 Galveston D~ail News, Nay 24, 1870. 69 and a population of 900, 000. By 1876, when the College opened, it had 2, 031 miles of railroad and about 1, 068, 000 85 population. Easy access was needed to make the College popular. In the Constitutional Convention of 1875, Fletcher S. Stockdale, a South Texas land and railroad promoter who was to be a member of the first Board of Directors of the College in

1875, pointed out that the H. & T. C. had helped develop Brazos County. When the H. S T. C. first reached the borders of the county, there was scarcely any population; the area " now "teemed with people, and land which could have been bought for fifty cents an acre formerly was now "fruitful 86 and live. " 87 Although Brazos County was a poor one, the 1870 census revealed it had undergone the most phenomenal growth of any other county in the state during the past ten years, increasing in population from 2, 776 to 9, 205, an increase of 6, 439, or 233 percent. The county with the next largest increase in population between 1860 and 1870 had an increase

85 Texas Almanac and State Industrial Guide, 1976-1977 (Dallas, 1975), pp. 178, 485. 86 Seth Shepard McKay (ed. ), Debates in the Texas Consti- tutional Convention of 1875 (Austin, 1930), p. 407. 87 In 1870 the total value of real estate was $630, 909, and personal property, $750, 141. The county had a bonded debt of $20, 000 and other debts amounting to $4, 000. State amounted to 451. 49 and county taxes, $3, 226. There taxes $6, in 1870 were two papers, the ~Br an Areal with a circulation Brazos Pilot with a circulation of 400. The of 600 and the Mar- county had six private schools and six common schools. shall, "History of Brazos County, " 93-94. 70 88-+ of only 143 percent. ' In Bryan a boom building period was taking place in 1870; in the f irst eight months of the year, at least forty buildings of various sizes were under con— struction. In all, there were about eighty stores, large 89 and small. By 1872 brick buildings were replacing the first wooden shanty stores built when the railroad first reached Bryan. Land that could have been bought for one dollar per acre in 1862 was selling ten years later at ten to one hundred dollars an acre, depending on the distance 90 from the railroad. In 1874 a large fire destroyed two business blocks; whereas, before the fire, Bryan had been " an Will-shapen, ragged town, it rebuilt better and more compactly and started talking of other improvements, " including a turnpike to the college for pleasure. . . . The Agricultural College approaches completion, " reported the 91 Galveston ~Dail News, wand is one of thc best buildings,

88 Austin ~Dail Journal, 74arch 17, 1871. 89 G 1 t D~l N , N pt D* 1, 187G. 90 1 t T~Wtl D t Nt P D 7 15, 1872. In the Brazos bottom, located onlyt, a few miles from the College, were rich alluvial deposits; before the Civil war, the lands had been well-cultivated and yielded immense returns and could hardly be bought even at forty to f if ty dollars per acre. Following the war, the white uopulation preferred to live at a safe distance from the fevers of the bottoms, and the lands were sold for four to ten dollars per acre. Good uplands that produced forty bushels of corn to the acre or three —quarters of a bale of cotton could be bought from five to fifteen dollars per acre in 1882. Brazos Pilot (Bryan), Commencement Edition, June 27, 1882. 91September 4, 1872. 71 private or public, in Texas. " While Bryan had no paved streets, no lights, and no sidewalks, it was a flourishing 92 place for lawyers. A reporter attending commencement exercises in 1878 stated that "a more cultivated, hospitable in community is not to be found in Texas. Socially as suited for all other respects, no spot in the State is better " Even before they were the home of a great university. p successful in securing the location of the first state- supported college, Bryan's citizens had liberally contributed to a "first class university and Odd Fellows Home" 94 established in the city. Bryan had also been the meeting place for the Conservative Party on July 7, 1868, meeting with a "large attendance" to plan its strategy during the following months when a new state constitution was being 95 written and voted on.

92 ~Br an D~ail EacCle, Nay 6, 1929. 93 Galveston D~ail News, June 27, 1878. 94 Ibid. , April 18, 1870. 95 Platforms of Political Parties in Texas, 108- Winkler, been 109. The Reconstruction Constitutional Convention had elected by the newly enfranchised Negroes, carpetbaggers, scalawags, and voters who had not been disfranchised for their voluntary service to the Confederacy. Composed of a majority of scalawags, ten or twelve carpetbaggers, nine Negroes, and several Democrats, it met in Austin on June 1, 1868, to write a constitution to replace the one written in 1866, which had proven unacceptable to Congress. The Reconstruction Acts ordered a new registration of voters and the framing of new constitutions in the unreconstructed Southern states. The convention was marked by bitter quarrels and spent much time debating the division of Texas into 72

The site selected for the "immense" building of the "commanded College was situated on a high, rolling prairie and the country by an elegant view of the city of Bryan of for miles around in every direction. The site is so striking- will ly picturesque and romantic that we feel confident it " 96 Gal- provoke the pencil of every tourist, reported the C. has veston ~Dail News. The planners of the H. s T. , it "beauti- been alleged, had intended to build a town upon the " ful and commanding eminence, but the necessary negotiations for the land could not be made at that time, and they which William Joel Bryan had laid out purchased the townsite 'l 97 ' in 1859 in anticipating the coming of the railroad. A stand- College catalogue described the College buildings as provide ing on the crest of a divide with enough slope to water to disap- good drainage with sandy soil that allowed there pear within a few hours after a rain. In addition, " clean was a constant breeze, "usually very strong. High, 98 /' The location roofs supplied water collected in cisterns. ( for public two or more states in order to secure more jobs office-holders. It met in periodic sessions until February, secretary was given the task of 1869, at which time the Constitution completing the document. At the same time the adopted, Edmund J. Davis was elected Governor of 1869 was Our Texas of Texas. Ralph W. Steen and Frances Donecker, (Austin, 1954), pp. 284-289. 96 May 5, 1874. 97 Galveston D~ail News, March 16, 1896. ' ~C*11 * 98~Ct 1o f th*~k' 1t 1 d N h 1 of Texas for 1883-4, p. 20. (n. p. , n. d. ) 73 of the College away from a large city was held to be desirable since the students would not be tempted with the contaminating influences and vices usually associated with cities and large towns ) Criticism of the location centered on the poor quality of the agricultural land and its distance away from a " community which might make the College more "civil. After visiting the College commencement exercises in 1880, Dr. Ashbel Smith, a long —time citizen prominent in state affairs and supporter of the University of Texas, called the location "practically very unwise. " Locating the College so far away from a large town prevented the students from receiving the stimuli they needed most to develop character " and "honorable ambition. They would not be able to obtain a kind of general knowledge the "most valuable and otherwise unattainable. Some of the best means to make men had " consequently been denied them. Had the commissioners intended to establish a plantation to make "plowmen and plantation hands, " they would have gound a more suitable W site in the Brazos bottom. 99, Marion Sansom, for twelve years a director of the College, testifying before a House committee investigating student disturbances in 1913, proposed moving prairie View to College Station and moving the A. and ~t. College to an

99Galveston D~ail News, August 4, 1880. 74 area between Fort Worth and Dallas. He stated that the location of the College produced oppression and led to "mental inertia, " and " the chances one runs while attending "Hloo ~ the college are enough to brand the student brave indeed. The legislative committee called attention to the College location as being responsible for the troubled beginning in 1871, the dismissal of the entire faculty and the student strike in 1879, minor disturbances in the 1880's and in 1902, 101 & and the more severe upheavals of 1908 and 1913. i The problem lay not in f acuity quality or student misbehavior condi- so much as in the isolated location and poor living tions. Isolation also led to a greater state investment in providing living quarters for students and professors, and dining facilities, other expensive buildings, utilities, other items. Such expenditures were costly capital invest- ments that did not provide income but prevented the College from using appropriations to purchase machinery and to improve the laboratories and College farm and shops. When the Regents began making plans to build the University of Texas in 1880, Governor Oran M. Roberts told them there

100Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 101 Members the Texas, Legislature, Statement ~b of R'll C 1'd Ho f R t t' t t C~1' d th Ht t ~U' 't th* A~lt 1 ~C11 f 1. The committee pointed out that Governor Davis had recognized the poor choice of location and called attention to it in his message to the legislature in 1873. 75 should be no dining facilities or living quarters provided by the state so that the townspeople would become more interested in the institution. Students would be under the police of the 102 city as were all other citizens. One of the students involved in the student strike at Texas A&M in 1908 blamed the location for creating discipline problems: the College was located in a sparsely populated area five miles from town; it did not have coeducation; the military discipline and barrack-life forced students to be constantly in one another's company; the lack of fraternities restricted students to class groups based on the length of time they had been at College or to one of four military companies 103 according to the individual height of the student. Shortly after the College opened in 1876, an Austin paper criticized the location, claiming it should have been located where agricultural products could easily be grown and where a stream would provide power for the mechanical arts. The location meant that only theoretical courses 104 105 could be taught. In 1881 the Galveston Da~il News reported that in addition to being in an unfortunate location

102 Address of Oscar C. Cooper to the State Historical Society, in Galveston ~Dail News, January 30, 1895. 103 d H. P l D. C P, TH ~H' f. f fd A. ~Cll Trouble (Waco, 1908), p. 8. 104 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, November 10, 1876. 105 June 28, 1881. 76 for agricultural experiments, the College was not much " better for "mechanical operations on a paying basis. The thin soil, lack of water, and absence of manufacturing establishments were serious obstacles. Following twenty- five years of trial, the Board of Directors of the College acknowledged that farmers who visited the College grounds reported the land as the poorest in the state. "This may, crops or may not, be true, but it is certain that very poor " are produced upon &he grounds. Because of droughts and the lack of irrigation, only an insignificant amount of 106 vegetation had ever been produced. At the legislative hearing in 1914, a former president of the Texas Farmers' Congress called the location unfortunate since it was unsuitable as far as soil, water, climate, and accessibility " was concerned, and was "altogether uninviting. At the

same time Marion Sansom told the committee that the soil be and growing conditions at College Station had proved to a continual trial for the agriculture professors. With reference to the fertility of the soil, it would occur to me that there could be no worse location in the State of Texas, as the fertility of the soil at College Station is about as sorry as any in the State. As to whether the farm has paid, of course I know nothing about that since my connection with college affairs ceased; at the time it was not

106 the Biennial ~Re ort of the Board of Directors of ' A~10. 1 d N h 1 C~ll f V~tGo p. 5. 77

paying. I have never gqlieved the location of the college a proper one. 1 The College was also criticized for its unhealthy location. Marion Sansom told the investigating legislative committee that the College was located in the heart of the state's malarial area, which meant that no one except a native could expect to live there and enjoy good health.

He pointed out that two presidents of the College had died there: Lawrence S. Ross and Lafayette L. Foster. Professor Henry H. Harrington, the son-in-law of Governor Ross, had 108 buried all his children in Brazos County except one. However, the College catalogues constantly refuted this charge--which was as old as the College itself. Throughout the years various legislative committees found the location a healthy one. The first Board of Directors, who visited the location in June, 1875, "no longer had any doubts as to the healthfulness of the location and had praise and de- 109 light. " Although repeated efforts to move the College to a more favorable environment or to close it were made, the College location had been made in Brazos County, and there it was to remain.

Texas, Legislature, Statement ~b Members of the House f R t t' B'll t C ld ot tt C~T d Bt ~U' 't l ~C11 f tt* t R~lt14. 108 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas AsM University Archives. Galveston ~Dail News, June 3, 1875. 78

CHAPTER III

1871-1873: A COSTLY FIASCO

In August, 1871, a group of concerned taxpayers met to organize and call a convention in September; they urged meetings be called in all the counties to protest the extravagance of the Davis administration and take appropriate action. Among the delegates to the Taxpayers Convention at Austin were some Unionists, although most were Democratic ex-Confederates. Declining to appeal to the national government because of their states' rights views, the delegates made twenty complaints, among which were arrests of Democratic members of the legislature; establishment of

numerous new offices; excessively high taxes, rising from 154 in 1860 to $2. 17$ on $100 valuation in 1871; and the legislative enabling act that gave the Governor power to appoint elective offices. The committee appointed to confer with Davis refused to seek a conference with him because of " some of his "disgraceful actions, but they did memoralize 1 the legislature.

By November the legislature knew so little of what the commissioners, who were also members of the legislature, were doing that it adopted a resolution requiring the commissioners to report whether they had made a final location of the

1 Handbook of Texas, II, 714. 79

College and how much money had been drawn from the College account. Another resolution required the Governor to report whether the land scrip donated by Congress had been received and what steps had been taken to carry into effect the object for which it had been donated. The commissioners "had refused to communicate to the Senate" information about the "site, if any, " that had been selected, its extent, cost, " and eligibility; the building, "if any, either bought or built on the site before July 23, its cost and architect; the departments established, "if any, " curricula or studies, tuition, number of students in each department, organization of the faculty, government adopted, "success attained"; and the amount of money drawn from the School Fund by or under the authority of the commissioners, the manner in which the funds were expended for the purposes mentioned or any other purposes connected with the establishment and 2 organization of the College. If they gave their report as requested, it was not printed in the Senate Journal.

On December 12 Grothaus sent Governor Davis a copy of the contract made for the building with Chalmers and McMillan. The Governor wrote Grothaus that he had referred a question Grothaus had raised to William Alexander, the Attorney General, and was enclosing his comments; he also informed Grothaus that he had not received the bond which Grothaus had spoken of endorsing. Based on what he could discover in

2 Austin ~Dail Journal, November 17, 1871. 80 regard to Chalmers and McNillan and their proposed sureties, Davis advised against letting the contract to them as he did not believe they we. . e able to comply with it, "besides " 3 the terms are ~ver ob'ectionable. Less than a week later Governor Davis wrote all three commissioners that he had been informed by the Comptroller that they had already spent $16, 076. 80 currency and $1, 500 gold, $12, 000 of which had been advanced to purchase land for the College. The "very large sum of $5, 576. 80" had been drawn as "'expenses'" since the creation of the commission, and yet no part of that sum had been spent in the actual 4 building of the College. Soon after his appointment to replace George Slaughter as a commissioner, J. W. Johnson wrote Governor Davis to inquire as to whether he could draw 5 on the College Fund for a proposed visit to Bryan. Governor

3 Davis to F. E. Grothaus, Austin, Texas, December E. J. Lee 18, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. (also spelled Leigh) Chalmers served as a clerk in the Senate for $8 per day for eleven days of the Twelfth Legislature. 3o 1 f tt S t f tt 9 1ftt ~L' 1 t of tt St t of Texas, 1st Reg. Sess. , p. 179$. In the adjourned session Chalmers was nominated for Chief Clerk of the House but was defeated on the fourth ballot. Ibid. , Adjourned Sess, , 4. He was elected first assistant secretary on January 10, 1871, but he and others elected were discharged on January 18 and new clerks and secretaries elected. In the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Legislatures he was elected secretary of the Senate. Texas, Legislature, Nembers of the Texas ~Le is- 1 t, 1866-1962, pp. 68, 93, T08. 4 E. J. Davis to J. W. Johnson, F. E. Grothaus, J. A. Bell, Commissioners of the Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege, Austin, Texas, December 23, 1871, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 5 J, W. Johnson to F, . J. Davis, Austin, Texas, July 27, 1871, in ibid. 81

Davis replied that the College Fund was not under his control. The commissioners were to audit all expenses incurred in the location and establishment of the College; Davis could not and tell him whether his personal expense in traveling back 6 forth could be paid from the fund. Stronger direction from the Governor at that time might have prevented the careless expenditures he later criticized. In December Governor Davis called attention to the "extravagant" and unreasonable no construc- sum of $1, 324. 85 paid the architect, even though tion had been undertaken. The commissioners had drawn $3, 861, 75 to pay their personal expenses in superintending, locating, etc. , the College; Davis chastised them: "Now to you are aware that the law does not intend your office be one of profit. " The commissioners were expected to give their services for nothing. But $3, 861. 75 divided among three for the short time (since June last) you have been acting as commissioners of course the time when you were drawing (deducting Legislature) pay at $8. 00 per day as members of the might be considered sufficient for a large salary for each and to cover expenses as well. a especialll He saw no sense in the expense of $150 for clerk, more than when the commissioners had an architect receiving $200 per month. He inquired whether the clerk, named NcMillan, were the same man who had taken the contract for the building and about whom Davis had made some objections.

6 E. J. Davis to J. W. Johnson, Austin, Texas, July 27, 1871, in ibid. 82

He reminded them of the necessity of sending vouchers to the Comptroller' s of fice to show the separate expenditures of the sums drawn on the warrants for expenses. Chastising them for not observing the strictest economy in their management, he trusted that "change would at once be apparent"; if not, "the whole appropriation will otherwise be exhausted without any substantial showing for it, much „7 to the discredit of all connected with the enterprise. " At the same time he wrote to Gardiner in Bryan that he had written the commissioners in relation to expenditures and 8 asked Gardiner to see that they got his letter.

On January 1 Governor Davis wrote Grothaus at Clinton, DeWitt County, that the Comptroller had informed him of 812, 000 belonging to the College Fund which had been drawn by Grothaus on a requisition from the State Treasury on July 8, 1871. He understood that the amount was still unaccounted for and requested that he please be informed as to 9 its disposition.

7E. J. Davis to F. E. Grothaus, H. G. Bell, J. W. Johnson, Austin, Texas, December 23, 1871, in ibid. 8 E. J. Davis to C. W. Gardiner, Austin, Texas, December 23, 1871, 'in ibid. 9 E. J. Davis to F. E. Grothaus, Austin, Texas, January 1, 1871, IsicI, in ibid. A special report of the Comptroller in February, 1873, sassowed the following amounts drawn from the State Treasury: To G. B. Slaughter, et. al. , commissioners' expenses. 8 1, 500. 00 Governor Davis must have determined to remove one of the commissioners at this time, possibly Grothaus; on the same day that he wrote Grothaus, he met in his office with Judge Livingston L. Lindsay and had a commission made out appointing him to the commission to locate and build the College. Upon leaving the Governor's office, Lindsay recalled a section in the Constitution which prohibited his accepting the office since a judge could not hold two offices or appointments of honor, trust, or profit, and therefore declined the appoint— 10 ment. Apparently, Governor Davis took no further action until February 20 when he wrote Senator John G. Bell that he had on that day appointed Judge J. M. Owens of the Twenty-

G. B. Slaughter and T. [ sic) E. Grothaus purchase of land, reFunded in Brazos Countv bonds $12, 000. 00 J. W. Johnson, et. al. , commissioners' incidental expenses, no vouchers filed. 561. 75 Carl De Grote, salary architect...... 224. 70 51 50 17 200. 00 Ball, Hutchings & Company, assignees architect 250. 80 Carl De Grote, salary architect 313 1515 Slocum & Thompson, stationery...... 91. 00 J. W. Johnton, T. ~sicl E. Grothaus and J. G. Bell, commissioners. . . -...... 800. 00 J. A. McNillan, clerk salary...... 150 00 Carl De Grote, salary architect...... 220. 00 General Land Office, maps 40. 00 H. Mitchell. 110.00 Carl De Grote, salary architect...... 63. 50 817, 87 . 80 8 1 f th 8 f R~*t t f th Thirtct nth ~L' 1 * f th Rt t f 9, 198. 10 L. Lindsay to E. J. Davis, Austin, Texas, Januarl. 1871 )sic], Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 84

Fifth Judicial District in Brenham in his stead. Evidently Governor Davis did not agree with Lindsay's interpretation of the Constitution since he appointed another judge as him commissioner. He assured Bell that he was not removing because of any dissatisfaction with his actions, but because he had determined to appoint all the commissioners from resident citizens of Bryan, "thus saving to the State the and amount that was necessarily expended in traveling to fro. " In addition, their nearness to the College would permit them to supervise better the progress being made. Replying to a letter from Grothaus on March 7, Governor 12 in Davis informed him that H. Downard had been appointed his stead on February 20 because Davis wanted commissioners 13 received a who lived in Bryan. However, the Governor letter from Judge Owens on March 8 stating that he could impossible not accept the appointment because it would be commission for him to give the necessary attention the

11E. J. Davis to John G. Bell, Austin, Texas, February 20, 1872, ibid. 12 recommended On July 25, 1870, Gardiner and Saylor had Downard mayor of Bryan. W. A. that Governor Davis appoint Texas, July Saylor and C. W. Gardiner to E. J. Davis, Austin, 25, 1870, in ibid. Downard had also been recommended by a "colored man" who said Downard would "do justice to all " to E. Davis, Bryan, Texas, parties. James Russell J. bl' ibid. He had also been recommended August 18, 1870, in Austin, the Republicans in Bryan. Saylor to E. J. Davis, Texas, no date given, in ibid. 13 E. J. Davis to F. E. Grothaus, Austin, Texas, March 7, 1872, in ibid. 85 demanded. Owens had made some efforts to discover what the commissioners had accomplished, what the contractors were doing, as well as "the disposition of the people of Brazos County towards the institution"; he also wanted to make suggestions as to the appointment of commissioners. How- ever, since Brazos County was soon sending an agent to Austin "for the purpose of ascertaining how the sum of $12, 000, drawn by the commissioners, was invested, with the view of controlling their own action in the issue of bonds " to cover the bonus paid by the citizens, Owens would await 14 the visit of the agent, whom he would accompany. In the meantime, construction had started sometime 15 around February 15 on the College building. Two weeks later, Davis wrote Downard and the "Other Commissioners" that he was sending the Reverend B. A. Rogers to Bryan to examine the "capabilities of the agricultural college land, and to ascertain what probability there may be for putting the " Institution under headway. He recommended Rogers as a "very competent principal" of the College when it was 16 organized.

14 Dis- J. W. Owens District Judge, Twenty-Fifth Judicial trict to E. J. Davis, Brenham, Texas, March 8, 1872, in ibid. 15Austin Democratic Statesman, February 15, 1872. 16 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard and Other Commissioners, Austin, Te.. as, March 1, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. Rogers did not submit his bill for expenses for almost a year; Governor Davis sent it to the commissioners on January 2, 1873, for their consideration. E. J. Davis to Board of Trustees, Agricultural and Mechanical College, Governor Davis was also having problems politically.

As the result of events in a recent Congressional election, he, along with Attorney General William Alexander and Secretary of State James P. Newcomb, had been indicted by a federal grand jury, composed primarily of Republicans, on the charge "that he knowingly, willfully and fraudulently negl cted to entf r upon the returns the vote of Brazos County, footing up 1233 votes for D(eWitt] C. Giddings and 1050 for W. T. Clarke fsic). " The state canvassers had thrown out the votes from the counties of Brazos, Bosque, Freestone, Limestone, and some from Washington County. Governor Davis had thrown out the Brazos County votes because they were numbered. DeWitt C. Giddings, the Democrat, was subsequently 17 seated by the Republican-dominated House of Representatives.

Austin, Texas, January 2, 1873, in ibid. Rogers was Rector of the Episcopal Church in Austin. In January, 1873, the legislature requested that he address them on the subject of prison reform. Journal of the House of Re resentatives of th Th' t th t~t t f th ht t f T , 132. 17 Austin Democratic Statesman, February, March 14, May 14, and June 18, 1872. Giddings had a clear majority of 3, 000 votes Davis rejected votes in counties in which Giddings had a majority; thereby, Clark received a majority of 1, 325 and the certificate of election. He was seated by the House of Representatives on January 10, 1872, without prejudice to Giddings' claim. Beginning on February 1, the House took testimony from Giddings for sixty days while Clark relied on the Republican majority and presented none; at the conclusion of Giddings' testimony, Clark asked for additional time but was refused. Giddings was seated on — May 13, 1872. Handbook of Texas, I, 686 687. William T. Clark, a carpetbagger, had moved to Iowa from Connecticut in 1855 after being admitted to the bar. In 1866 after service in the Union Army as a brigadier general, he engaged in the banking business in Galveston. Elected as a Republican to the Forty —First Congress, he served from March 31, 1870, to 87

Governor Davis did not call the legislature into session in 1872. A reapportionment was to have taken place in Jan- uary, 1872, with the legislature to meet on the call of the Governor. Some had supposed the legislature would be called in April; however, others thought the action of the Repub- lican Party pointed to the fact that the party was "willing to give Davis complete control of the state until January, 1873, " since the party was determined that only Republicans 18 would be elected to office. Financial problems and injudicious expenditures plagued Davis during March and April and remained a continuing problem. He wrote the newly-appointed commissioners of the

Agricultural and Mechanical College on March 4 and enclosed

March 3, 1871. Following his defeat by Giddings, he was appointed postmaster of Galveston, in which office he served from 1872 to 1874. He died in New York City in 1905. Ibid. , I, 357. Born in Pennsylvania in 1827, DeWitt C. Giddings moved to Brenham, Texas, and was admitted to the bar in 1852. Although he opposed secession, he joined the Confeder- ate Army. He was a Democratic candidate to the Forty-Second Congress in which he replaced William Clark. Ibid. , I, 686-687. 18 Galveston ~Dail News, September 17, 1871. According to James R. Cole, the Twelfth Legislature had a Republican majority of nearly two-thirds in both the House and Senate. Two Negroes were in the Senate and about twelve in the House. He thought some of the carpetbaggers were very obnoxious and that some were very clever. In the debate on the Militia Bill, the Democratic members had left in order to break quorum; when they tried to return, the door to the House chamber had been barred. Cole made a rush, knocked the door open, and sent the doorkeeper whirling; he then took his seat. As a result of varied shenanigans, the legislature was severely criticized by the newspapers. Cole, Seven Decades of ~M Life, 44-45. 88 a copy of a letter sent to the former commissioners, as well as a copy of the letter he had received from the Comptroller along with Davis' reply, concerning the "excessive amount drawn under head of 'architect. '" After they had made an investigation of the expenditure, he requested they report to him. He further suggested that DeGrote's salary of $230 per month as "architect" was "excessive and should be 19 abated. " Evidently, the new commissioners ignored Davis' suggestion, since he wrote again on April 16 that the Comp- troller had referred their communication of the 12th with enclosed requisitions amounting to $800 to pay DeGrote for his services as "architect" of the College. The Comptroller had previously notified him that DeGrote had been paid the " "large sum of $1, 073. 25, and now an additional payment brought the total amount to $1, 873. 25. Requesting that he "please" be informed as to what service DeGrote had performed, he inquired as to whether the commissioners thought "his very expensive services should be retained further as "architect. " Davis asked "how much, if any, building" had 20 been done. Governor Davis again wrote Downard on April 28 acknowledging Downard's letter enclosing an order in favor of N. P. Turner and signed by J. W. Johnson and Frederick E.

19E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard and Other Commissioners, Austin, Texas, March 4, 1972, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 20 E. J. Davis to Commissioners of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, Austin, Texas, April 16, 1872, in ibid. 89

Grothaus. The draft, made against the College Fund, stated that it was payment for board, medicine, and nurses for George B. Slaughter; however, Davis stated that neither the state nor the College was liable for the charge and would not pay the draft. He was "at a loss to know on what grounds 21 Johnson and Grothaus" had drawn on the Comptroller. Rumors of misspent funds or of downright graf t concerning the College Fund continued and spread throughout the state. When Oran M. Roberts was Governor, he visited the College, and in a speech to one of the classes said that a bad precedent, which dated back to the "very foundation" of the College, had been set in regard to the College Fund. With- out Governor Davis' knowledge or consent, a portion of the Fund had been loaned to a citizen of Brazos County for his 22 23 private use. The San Antonio ~Dail Herald reported that the commissioners had loaned Harvey Mitchell, a Bryan revenue assessor and collector, $12, 000 of the Fund without interest for six, twelve, eighteen months, Senator W. A. Saylor being the only endorser. It complained that there was no check upon the loss of public funds. The Galveston

21 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, Austin, Texas, April 28, 1872, in ibid. 22 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 23 March 15, 1872. 90

24 ~Dail News rc ported the same information and further reported "These bonds that Davis sold in New York at ninety- five are not sold. Davis on the contrary hypothecated them for one hundred thousand dollars. Newcomb has made his returns to the Comptroller as the law requires, and the Comptroller has issued a warrant for his salary. " Governor Davis wrote to H. J. Downard and Thomas 25 McCarty on May 23 that they were to forward certified copies of the notes in favor of the College Fund, amounting to $12, 000, which were in their possession since the mor, . ey "must be refunded without delay. " He continued, " It was understood that the county would refund to the State the money but nothing of this kind has been done, and even the note of Mr. Mitchell, which became due in March last, has not been paid. " Evidently, as the result of Governor Davis' request and the continued rumors of wrong-doing, some members

24 March 10, 1872. 25 There is no record of the date of Thomas McCarty' s appointment. J. M. Moore, Secretary of State, to Louis L. McInnis, Austin, Texas, March 23, 1888, Louis L. Mclnnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. McCarty had earlier been recommended for appointment as a Bryan alderman by Gov- ernor Davis. W. A. Saylor and C. W. Gardiner to E. J. Davis, Austin, Texas, July 25, 1870, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. In November, 1871, Downard and others had written Davis in an attempt to secure the appointment for McCarty, a Bryan alderman, as mayor of Hearne. "Mr. McCarty is a true Republican, and a high-toned gentleman of good moral character. " In addition, they stated that he was the "almost universal choice" of Hearne's citizens. C. F. Moore, H. A. Moore, and H. J Downard to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, November 1, 1871, in ibid. 91 of the University of Texas "Board of Administrators" (although there was no University) visited the College site and reported the land "to be very far from first quality. " However, Davis expressed the opinion that "if the title be cleared up satisfactorily and the $12, 000 returned (and which you will please attend to immediately), a new contract may be let for the erection of the necessary building, other— " 26 wise selection of a new site will be necessary. On May 31 Governor Davis wrote J. W. Johnson that he had learned that Johnson had one of the notes drawn by Saylor and Mitchell on the College Fund which properly belonged "to the State of Texas. You will please therefore without delay, deposit said note in the State Treasury. " He also wrote a letter 27 containing the same information to John G. Bell. 28 The San Antonio ~Dail Herald made public inquiry for information about the $12, 000 drawn from the School Fund by E. J. Davis and W. A. Saylor "under the pretense of buying the land for the college. . . . Was it used in Clark's canvas

26 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard and Thos. McCarthy McCarty , Austin, Texas, May 23, 1872, ibid. These were the only two commissioners serving at the time; Davis had not yet appointed a third. ln a letter to a San Antonio citizen, Davis named the commissioners as being Downard and McCarty. E. J. Davis to Col. Thos G. Williams, Austin, Texas, May 31, 1872, in ibid. 27 E. J. Davis to J. W. Johnson, Austin, Texas, Nay 31, 1872; and E. J. Davis to John G. Bell, Austin, Texas, May 31, 1872, in ibid. 28 June 5, 1872. or di d Saylor Lr ivy 1 it out or did Davis t ikc it all as his share of the theft?" However, it appeared that even the Governor did not know what had happened to the money. In a letter to Harvey Mitchell in July, Davis stated he had been informed while he was in Bryan that Mitchell was the source of the statement that the first commissioners —-Bell, Grothaus, and Slaughter--had divided among themselves $8, 000 out of the 812, 000, which was ostensibly drawn from the treasury for the purpose of completing payment to you for your share of the land selected for the college. I have to request that you inform me where the bargaining for the purpose took place, as the locality of the offense is necessary in connection with the prosecution29 which may be inaugurated against those parties. On August 7, 1872, Brazos County bonds amounting to $12, 000 30 were deposited in the State Treasurer's office. Governor Davis wrote the Bryan law firm of Broaddus and Thomas on August 10 that Harvey Mitchell had denied the charge made by James D. Thomas in referring to Mitchell as the person who had said that the late commissioners receive d part of the $12, 000 "ostensibly" paid Mitchell. Davis supposed a misunderstanding had occurred, but for public satisfaction he had directed the district attorney to bring

29 E. J. Davis to Harvey Mitchell, Austin, Texas, July 5, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 30 Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, " 30. 93

31 the matter before the grand jury for investigation. On the same day, Davis wrote George W. Scott, District Attorney of the Twenty-Eighty District, that several weeks previously he had been informed by Thomas and Major Downard that $8, 000 of the $12, 000 drawn from the Treasury by the late commissioners was unlawfully divided among themselves, thus de- frauding the state. Harvey Mitchell, of Bryan, had been referred to as the person who could furnish information concerning the affair, although Mitchell denied such arrangement had been made. The Governor believed public satisfaction demanded a grand jury investigation at its next session in Brazos County. 32 Still pursuing the matter, Governor Davis wrote Mitchell and Saylor on August 22 that their note given to the commissioners of the College for $4, 000 and dated September 25, 1871, and due April 1, 1872, was in his hands awaiting payment: "I have therefore to request that you pay into the State Treasury without delay the amount thereof and it will then be surrendered to you. . . . please inform me of your «33 proposed action. " Two weeks later he acknowledged a letter

31 E. J. Davis to Broaddus and Thomas, Attorneys at Law, Galveston, Texas, August 10, 1872, in ibid. 32 E. J. Davis to George W. Scott, District Attorney, Twenty-Eighth District, Galveston, Texas, August 10, 1872, in ibid. E. J. Davis to W. A. Saylor and Harvey Mitchell, Austin, Texas, August 22, 1872, in ibid. 94

from Mitchell concerning the payment of the note and informed him that since the county had not paid the amount, it was the responsibility of the signers of the note. The

state had no claim against the county, but against those who drew the money and signed the note. If Mitchell wished to avoid responsibility, he had to see to it at once that the 34 county paid the money. A week later Davis wrote Mitchell relative to Bra zos County bonds deposited in the Comptroller ' s office to inform him the bonds were of no use to the state and could not be used by state authorities to sell and replace the money which had been drawn because there was no law applicable to such a transaction. If Brazos County were to relieve Mitchell and Saylor, money needed to be raised on

those bonds or in some other way and placed in the Treasury. If this were not done, Davis would have a suit commenced "though such course is not agreeable to me, and I would 35 rather necessity of it be avoided. "

A special report to the House of Representatives on February 12, 1873, stated that the $12, 000 "drawn for the payment of the 2, 800 acres" had been refunded in Brazos County bonds, "which are fully provided for by a tax that has been legally assessed by the county court of said

34 E. J. Davis to Harvey Mitchell, Austin, Texas, Septem- ber 4, 1872, in ibid. 35 Same to Same, September 12, 1872, in ibid. 95

36 county. In March, 1873, a bill Was passed by the lcgisla- ture to validate the election held in Hrazos County for the issuance of bonds to aid the Agricultural and Mechanical 37 College. However, the damaging statement persisted that there had been a misappropriation of funds by those who had custody of them in order to purchase land for the College and came to be frequently alluded to in other criticism of the College. At the same time the charges of fraud in regard to the $12, 000 were being aired, other rumors persisted of wrongdoing and poor construction. Davis was evidently planning to name a new commissioner since he wrote Downard asking for the full name of a Mr. McIntosh, once recommended by Downard 38 for appointment as commissioner. However, before Davis acted in the matter, he was confronted by a major problem.

When the commissioners demanded the remainder of the 875, 000 appropriation, Davis had received so many complaints that he appointed a special committee to inspect the work. Section

5 of the act establishing the College provided that the control, management, and supervision of the College as well as the care and preservation of its property were subject to

36 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Thir- t* th L~lt *f th St t f T, 197. 37 Galveston D~ail News, March 8, 1873. 38 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, Austin, Texas, May 4, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. thf: laws govf ming the University, passed on Ff bf u 2 ry J 1, 1858, "until otherwise directed by law. M Accordingly, it was proper for Governor Davis to ask the University Board of Administrators, whom he had appointed earlier in the year, 39 to inspect the building in progress. One member of the

39 ' L, ~H' t f th 0 t f 1', 250. 0 H. Raymond, born j.n New York zn 1, arrivecC zn Texas in 1840 and was employed in Austin as Assistant Clerk of the Fifth Congress of the Texas Republic and soon thereafter Acting Treasurer. He was Chief Clerk of the House of Repre- sentatives in the Sixth through Ninth Congresses and was Secretary of the Convention of 1845. From 1846-58 he was Treasurer of the state and in 1860 became a partner in the banking firm of John M. Swisher, which later became James H. Raymond and Company. Ibid. , II, 443. W. A. Saylor was married to the Swishers' daughter. Austin ~Dail Statesman, September 21, 1887. Simon Mussina was born in Philadelphia and came to Matagorda, Texas, in 1837, after first living in Alabama and ' ' L . 0 * of th M~td B 11 t', h t practiced law but was more interested in journalism, land speculation, and merchandising. He was one of the founders of Brownsville and figured prominently in the John C. Watrous trial for malfeasance in office. Before his death in Galveston in 1889, he was a practicing attorney in that city. Handbook of Texas, II, 253. Possibly, the Dr. M. A. Taylor referred to was Dr. M. D. K. Taylor, who was born in Georgia in 1818 and in 1821 moved with his family to Alabama, where he served from 1842-46 in the legislature. In 1847 he moved to Texas, where he served twenty-four years in the legislature, in both the House and Senate, and in 1878 was president of the Democratic State Convention. Ibid. , 715. Hamilton Stuart had come to Texas in 1837 and in 1838 established the Civilian and Galveston Gazette. He was both a Democrat and a Union man. Following the Civil War, when most papers had folded or been suspended, he revived the publication in 1865 but sold the paper in 1874, when he joined the editorial staff of the Galveston ~Dail News. Ibid. , 681. Joseph R. Morris was born in Connecticut in 1828 and came to Texas in the early 1840's. He was appointed mayor of Houston during Reconstruction and represented Harris County in the Constitutional Convention of 1875, in which he "inquisitorial board" was Dr. M. A. Taylor, of Austin, who made a careful inspection of the "buildings and the premises " as well as the conduct of the College affairs. Examining " the "construction of each building then being erected, Taylor discovered the "insecure" foundation of the main building and reported his conclusions to Governor Davis, who had long been apprehensive of the "architect's" ability and 40 the "excessive" expenditures. "

On May 18 Governor Davis sent a telegram directing the commissioners to suspend construction; on the same day he wrote them that the report of the Administrators of the University of Texas had satisfied him that the manner in which the College was being built was a "fraud upon the

advocated a tax on railroads, a free public school system, and competency qualifications for jury service, Ibid. , 237. Clement Reed Johns, born in Tennessee in 1816, came to Texas in 1836 after graduating from Jackson College. He fought in border warfare from 1837-45 and represented Red River County in the Fifth Congress of Texas in 1840-41. He moved to Hays County in 1846, served as state comptroller from 1858-65, and in 1861 was sent to Washington to collect money from the federal government owed Texas. He was appointed to the military board upon his return to Texas. In 1865 he established a real estate and collecting agency. Ibid. , I, 914. The Regents also included S. G. Newton and E. G. Benners. According to the legislative committee that conducted hearings in 1914, a committee of about twenty citizens conducted the May, 1872, investigation and were accompanied by a well-known Austin architect, Jacob Larmour. Texas, I, egis- Re resentatives lature, Statement ~b Members of the House of ~C' B' ll t C* 2'd t tt A~lt 2 C~lf f T dtt*dtt U~t, C 7. 40 252-253. L, ~H' to of tt U~t f T, James H. Raymond was another member of the Board who visited the College. 98

State. " He thought DeGrote should be discharged since the report had created "grave" doubts concerning his compe- 41 tency. The University Board had also recommended that the Governor advise the present commissioners and the contractors that any action taken by the original commissioners 42 43 would not be recognized by the state. Jacob Larmour, the "state architect, " had visited the College on May 23, at which time only the foundation and division walls had been finished. He thought the work indicated inexperience on the part of the architect and reported the construction " as unsafe since there was no "footing course. The bottom of the excavation for the foundation was not level and was also irregular; most objectionable of all was that part of the foundation where the cistern wall connected with the foundation wall, since that part of the foundation would be prevented from settling with the remainder of the building.

No preparation had been made for work above the foundation; and it was expected that there would be a delay of several 41 E. J. Davis to the Commissioners of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, Austin, Texas, Nay 18, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 42 " Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 14. 43 Jacob Larmour was employed in the School Bureau. Ibid. , 30. Moving to Austin in 1871, he had designed the courthouse there in addition to other substantial buildings. Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, August 13, 1879. Larmour was recognized as a competent architect of proven ability and integrity. Journal of the House of Re resentatives of th 2h' t th~L' 1 t f th St t f l, 196. 99

44 weeks caused by the necessity of burning brick, etc. Governor Davis wrote the commissioners on Nay 27 that Larmour had reported adversely on the work done at the College; and on the same day sent the commissioners a telegram saying they "must adhere" to his earlier instructions because any further money spent would be money thrown away. "The very statements of the protest of Nr. DeGrote are proof of that fact. " Davis thought he would probably visit Bryan within a week, but in the meantime they should not accept a threatened injunction "as authority for permitting on your contrac- part any acquiesence in further operations of the tors. " The contractors had been notified that any additional work would be done at their "own peril" with no adjustment for the price of the materials used. Following his visit and determination of a course of action, he planned to appoint another commissioner. He thought their proposal to fence 1, 500 acres was too great an amount since 250 or 300 not acres would be ample for the next few years, as it was intended on the part of the state to engage in cotton planting as a speculation. The farming to be done there was only experimental and the capacity of the institution was not to be expected for two or three more years to require a greater 45 number of acres than the latter.

" 44 Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 22. 45 E. J. Davis to Thomas NcCarty and H. J. Downard, Austin, Texas, Nay 27, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 100

As might be expected, the Democratic press of the state seized upon the mysterious $12, 000 connected with the College site's purchase and the money wasted on construction to castigate thoroughly the Davis administration. Since the contract for the main building provided that construction was to be directed and personally supervised by DeGrote, the commissioners placed no blame for faulty construction on the contractors, who had followed DeGrote's instructions as to the material to be used and the manner of construction.

An investigating committee of the House of Representatives in 1873 thought the commissioners "extremely unfortunate, to "„46 say the least of it, in the selection of the architect. Chalmers, one of the contractors, told the Austin Democratic 47 Statesman that Governor Davis had said he would not allow a dollar to be paid out upon the job. Stating that he had already spent about $7, 000, Chalmers did not think it right that a contracting party should have to suffer "because in the first instance the agents of the State, appointed by Davis himself, were men unfit to attend to matters of public trust. " One of the administrators of the University had told the Statesman that an imperfect contract was at fault even though the objection had been made on account of the work. The Statesman thought "villainy" explained the whole

46 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Th' t th ~L' 1 t f th ht t f 9, 196. 47 Nay 25, 1872. 101 affair. An appropriation of $70, 000 had been made to build the Co' lege; if the Republicans were not successful in obtaining other funds, they could have used the College appropriation for 'election purposes. The newspaper thought the idea had been well considered for a good while. Chal- mers reported that he had been approached "some time since" to abandon the contract and had been offered $10, 000 by would comply. J. W. Johnson on behalf of W. A. Saylor if he The paper charged the entire undertaking from the beginning had been designed to give the Davis administration and its " supporters an opportunity to "work a dirty job. Large amounts of money had already been withdrawn "ostensibly for purposes connected with the undertaking, but nothing has been heard of its disbursement by the agents. Saylor, we are informed, figures largely in the matter of handling " these public moneys, which have been lost sight of. 48 The Austin Democratic Statesman continued to criticize Governor Davis by concluding that the whole affair was " a "made up job, with Davis attempting a grand swindle which would allow him and his supporters to "gather a handsome sum in perquisites, " and thereby enable the Radicals to add to their election fund. "The affair at Bryan" had worked well for those in charge, and Davis having made nothing out of it, as it appears, now desires not only to secure the balance of the

48 Nay 28, 1872. 102

appropriation for campaign purposes, but is determined to break up the enterprise at Bryan, and as we have been informed, start another in the future at San Antonio, which is to be under his own mani- pulation. The city of San Antonio had offered to donate large sums of money if the College were relocated there, and a "change of base would offer a fine chance for farming another job to the benefit of a set of cormorants who are under his special care. " The Bryan location was a sure guarantee that no good would ever be derived from the College, and "no doubt it was understood from the inception of the enterprise, that it should be managed as it now appears, not for the public good, but for private gain. " Radical maneuvering was "only required to place in its care matters of a highly important and popular nature for them to be at once brought to a fatal crisis. " The Austin ~Dail Journal, the spokesman for the administration, said no respectable newspaper would believe the Statesman's serious charges. It pointed out that the Univer- sity Board of Administrators, by law also administrators of the College, had no improper purpose in their visit and report. They were the ones who had recommended that the state should not recognize any action of the first commissioners in contracting or other matters. Larmour's examination supported the Board. The D~ail Journal further charged that Lee Chalmers of Austin was one of the contractors and "Extra" 103

Buck Walton of the Statesman was security for his compliance 49 with the contract. There was some truth to the charge that San Antonio was attempting to secure the relocation of the College. The

~Dail Herald of that city had reported that "Grimes County" agreement made with the [sonic had failed to comply with the commissioners, and such failure could cause the College to be subject to relocation under new commissioners. Next to a railroad, the paper thought this the most important matter to come before the people of Bexar County, and this time "we hope and trust we shall secure its location beyond a con- tingency, " since the land grant colleges were not just trade and manual labor schools, but were to teach the higher branches as well. The local Agricultural Association had met and subsequently appointed a committee of five to take the 50 most active steps to secure the location of the College. In reply to an inquiry concerning the College's possible removal, Governor Davis informed Colonel Thomas G. Williams, chairman of the San Antonio committee, that he had written the commissioners and requested them to forward certified copies of the notes in their possession amounting to $12, 000

49 1872, quoted in Lang- Austin ~Dail Journal, May 27, " ford, "Getting the College Under Way, 30. W. M. Walton, "Buck" had been elected Attorney-General of known as Walton, reconstruction. Texas in 1866 but removed as an impediment to " He was an able lawyer and a "courtly gentleman. Norman G. Kittrell, Governors Who Have Been and Other Public Men of Texas (Houston, TAl~p~0. 50 San Antonio ~Dail Herald, May 24, 1872. 104 of the College Fund and informing them that the money had to be refunded immediately. The Board of Administrators had informed Davis that the College land was poor; however, if the title could be cleared satisfactorily and the $12, 000 returned, a new contract might be let for the construction of the necessary buildings. Governor Davis said the location " would not be removed if the title were "made perfect. At

any rate, he would not have anything to do with the selection of a site; that would be taken care of by the commissioners, both of Bryan, or "others to be chosen from different sections of the State. "„51 College difficulties continued to receive wide coverage. The Galveston D~ail News on June 1, 1872, reported that Davis had removed DeGrote and ordered Chalmers and McMillan to stop work, although it did not understand how Davis had authority to act. There were many rumors of offers to pay

money and give "chicken pie" by permitting money to be made 52 53 on new contracts. The Waco Advance thought it unable to

51 E. J. Davis to Col. Thos. G. Williams, Chamber of Com- merce, Austin, Texas, May 31, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 52 The term "chicken pie" quickly became a popular expression during the Davis administration. Two editors who supported Davis in the gubernatorial race gathered in Austin to apportion the spoils immediately after his election. As a result the ~Dail State Journal was born and made public printer. It offered plenty of "chicken pie" to attract able 1685 to 1897, II, 406. 53 Waco Advance, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, June 1, 1872. 105 determine responsibility for the whole fiasco, but it promised to do everything possible to expose the guilty and sustain the right.

A few d'ays later a lengthy article in the Galveston 54 ~Dail News signed "Justice" and sent from Bryan, charged a fraud was to be perpetrated on the community in the Governor's attempted removal of the College. He was charged with "extra-judicial, high-handed, unwarrantable" action. A resume/ of the "facts" in the case was presented, including the legislative act which authorized the Governor to appoint, but not remove, three commissioners to secure a location, " which was to be "permanent. The commissioners had selected a site about four miles below Bryan on the railroad and had proposed to locate the College there if the county would donate $22, 000 to the College, out of which land for the location was to be purchased. The proposition had been accepted at once. Since there was a limited amount of time and the machinery of the county court could not be put into operation, private enterprise, through a number of individuals had advanced $14, 000 to purchase the 2, 800 acre tract of land selected by the commissioners. Brazos County bonds were put up for the payment of the balance of $8, 000, whenever due. The commissioners had employed an architect and had let a contract; a legislative act had placed the College

54 June 5, 1872. 106 under their control "until its completion, when it is to be turned over to a Board of Administrators appointed by the Governor. " These administrators were to select a faculty and put the College into operation, but "until its completion they have nothing more to do with it than any other private citizen. It seems, however, that a party of gentlemen, styling themselves the 'Administrators of the Uni- versity of Texas' visited Bryan on the sixteenth of last month and recommended the removal of the College. " The Governor had then discharged the architect and ordered the contractors to stop work; he had also discharged the original

commissioners, who had made the location, and had appointed other men whom he supposed would carry out "his own arbitrary will. " The architect had been forced from the grounds; the contractors had secured legal advice and continued the work in spite of the Governor's order. In response to the question as to why this chain of events had occurred, Governor Davis gave the reason of "no sufficient contract" for the contractors' removal and the reason of "because he wants to" for the removal of the College. Rumors had circulated that Houston, Austin, Waco, and San Antonio were making bids for the location and that the citizens of San Antonio were taking the matter seriously, since they had offered to build the College and donate an additional $100, 000. Such an offer might "account for the milk in the cocoa-nut. " However, Bryan offered a word of advice. The 107

Brazos County citizens had already met the stipulations as to manner, time, and place; and it was declared that the College would not be removed from Brazos County until every legal resource in its power had been used to prevent it. "Then it might be wise for the people of other places to keep their money within reach, for it will not get them the College, but will only go to carry the coming elections by fraud, intimidation, and bribery, in the interest of Radicalism. "

On June 25 Governor Davis wrote H. J. Downard, who was also county treasurer, and McCarty that he had hoped to visit Bryan, but "difficulties" at the State Treasury had required his presence in Austin. However, he intended to visit the 55 College as soon as he could. He also sent a telegram to J. W. Johnson in Bryan to inform him that the contractors were not authorized to continue their work, which would not be accepted. He also informed Johnson that he planned to visit Bryan in a few days; however, it was June 27 before 56 the Governor arrived on the scene.

On July 2 Governor Davis wrote the commissioners that he had appointed William McIntosh as the third commissioner.

On the same day Larmour planned to go to Bryan in order to

55 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard and Thomas McCarty, June 5, 1872, and E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, June 25, 1872, Austin, Texas, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 56 E. J. Davis to J. W. Johnson, Austin, Texas, June 10, 1872; and E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard and Thomas McCarty, Austin, Texas, June 26, 1872, in ibid. 108 complete plans for the College, and they were then to issue proposals for building it. He also authorized them to audit the claims of Chalmers and McMillan and compensate them for the "actual value" of what they had done. If they found that the manner of construction was not the contractors' fault, but the fault of the architect who had directed the work, they were authorized to make requisitions on the Treasurer for that amount, provided the contractors gave a receipt in full for all demands against the state. They were to require vouchers from the contractors to show the amount of expenses and in what manner the amounts were spent; the vouchers had to accompany the commissioners' requisition for the amounts paid the contractors. He expected them to "scrutinize" the matter very closely so that the state would 57 not have to pay more than a "just" amount. Within a week' s time, McMillan presented Davis a letter from the commissioners, who had allowed the contractors the sum of $12, 000, although McMillan had not brought the vouchers. McMillan had agreed to return with them but had not yet done " so. Complaining that the amount allowed seemed "quite large, Davis reminded the commissioners that he had "specifically" 58 told them the vouchers had to accompany the requisitions. At the same time the Governor again informed the group from

57 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, Thomas McCarty, and William McIntosh, Austin, Texas, July 2, 1872, in ibid. 58 Same to Same, July 11, 1872, in ibid. 109

San Antonio, which was trying to secure the location of the College, that the location was not intended to be changed, 59 but the contract for the building would be re —let. During the Summer the commissioners placed advertisements in various newspapers around the state to make and burn 1, 000, 000 good bricks on the College land, with wood to be furnished by the College. Strangely though, the papers gave dif ferent 60 dates for the opening of bids. During the latter part of the Summer, when Governor Davis was making attempts to get the $12, 000 due the College Fund accounted for and in the State Treasury, he also had trouble over the $12, 000 allowed the contractors by the commissioners. On August 20 he wrote to the commissioners that ' t " t t t d to 1 y t d y, ~dot 11 that they had again sent to Austin the requisition in the hands of Chalmers and McMillan for $12, 000 and "procured its " payment at the Treasury to those parties. It had been done without informing Davis and without sending proofs and vouchers, of which Davis doubted the existence, to sustain the claim. Both verbally and in writing on July 3 and 11, he had "specifically and especially directed this to be done" by the commissioners and contractors before any part of the claim was paid by the Treasury. He further complained that

59 E. J. Davis to W. A Kingsbury, President of the S. R. and I. Association, Austin, Texas, July 12, 1872. " 60 Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 34. 110 the manner in which the claim had been put through the Treasury was to prevent his knowledge of it. He had "further ascertained" on inquiry at the Treasury that none of their requisitions since July 1, "which now amounts to the large sum of $17, 900, " had been accompanied by vouchers. The commissioners had drawn that large amount without filing any proof of the "lawful expenditure of a cent of it. " One of the requisitions was for $5, 000, which they had drawn "for future use. . . . a manner of procedure which cannot be tolerated. Iand] must at once be returned to the Treasury. " Declaring that in the future none of their requisitions would be recognized or paid unless they were accompanied by vouchers or receipts showing the due expenditure of money called for, he reminded them that more than one-half of the appropriation made to build the College had already been "squandered" with no results to show for the expenditure.

He asked them for an explanation of their proceedings, especially their action in regard to the Chalmers and McMillan claim. 61

Commissioner Downard responded immediately. He explained the commissioners' reasons for the payment made to Chalmers and McMillan, as well as the other expenditures of which Davis had complained. Davis replied that in view of the large appropriation already expended and "squandered" and because 61 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, Thomas M. McCarthy I McCartyj, and William M. McIntosh, Austin, Texas, August 20, 1872, in ibid. 111 the unused balance would fall far short of the estimated amount needed to complete the building they had planned to erect, he had decided to suspend all further construction until he could secure additional legislation and appropriation. Requesting that they suspend the making of contracts, he instructed them to complete the manufacture of 300, 000 bricks already begun, but no more were to be made. Machin- ery and other property that would be needed for future use was to be carefully housed and placed under the charge of a responsible person. Mules, which had been purchased and used in the brick making, and any other property not likely to be needed in future construction were to be sold if they could secure the price originally paid or "near" it. The proceeds of these sales and the money in the College Fund which they had on hand was to be deposited in the State Treasury to the credit of the College. Governor Davis again cautioned them to furnish the Comptroller with vouchers for all expenditures. 62 The commissioners did not comply with the request. A report from the special committee to investigate College affairs in February, 1873, reported an unde- termined amount of the $5, 000 remained unexpended in the hands of the commissioners. 63 In spite of the fact that Governor Davis had insisted that his instructions had to be

62 Ibid. , August 24, 1872. 63 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Thir- t oth L~lt * I th St t f T, 197. 112 carefully followed, he was forced to send a telegram to the commissioners on August 29 to inquire about the commissioners' 64 compliance with his request.

Qn September 9th Governor Davis replied to a letter from Saylor and enclosed a letter Dr. Downard had written him

' 1 g t 28th of th hj* t. "It ~t' I t f th

' ' ' ' " h Id g t th t h o Id 2 t th C 11 g g t proceed according to their adopted plan and "looking to the enormous expenditure called for beyond the appropriation" until the legislature had acted. Davis believed his duty forbade such a course of action, "and though it is true in theory as you remark, that I am not responsible for the acts of the commissioners, yet you know in fact that you and everybody else actually holds [sic] me responsible for all the doings--especially the 'unlawful doings--of all my appointees. '" He had been "chagrined and amazed" by the extravagant expenditures from the appropriation. "I fear I have not improved any in this respect by changing my commissioners. These gentlemen have been as liberal with the state's money, as their predecessors, and the only difference I can find in their favour over the others, is the fact that so far they have not taken any of the money for themselves. " The Governor regretted that his course had

64 E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, Thomas M. McCarty, William M. McIntosh, Austin, Texas, August 29, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 113 hurt anyone's feelings; it had not been his intent, and he apologized if he had done so. "As far as my own feelings are concerned, of course, it is of no consequence whether they are hurt or not. " Then, changing tone, he asked Saylor to please inform the commissioners "une uivocall that there can be no change made in my instructions of August 24th. You say that it was not expected the college would be built for $75, 000 when the appropriation was made. In that regard 't I ly ytht I~td h I~dthth'll, " would be thoroughly completed for that sum. The appropriation was ample for all the buildings presently needed, and they should have been completed for that amount. In reply to the accusation that Saylor and Downard thought that he did not want the College built at Bryan, "I can only say that gentlemen should accord to others the possession of the " same candor and fair dealing that they claim for themselves.

He proposed a recommendation to the legislature to keep the College at Bryan and that it make additional appropriations to provide adequate buildings, "but under such restraints as 65 will prevent extravagance. "

65 B. J. Davis to W. A. Saylor, Austin, Texas, St ptt mbcr 9, 1872, in ibid. In 1882 a bill was before the House to appropriate $5, 000 to buy portraits of former governors. In a heated exchange over Bloody —Shirt tactics between Representatives George T. Todd and George Finlay, Representa- tive J. p. Ayers of Bryan asked, "What is the question before thc House?" to which Finlay replied, "We are on the state of Texas and Texas and perpetuating the memories of the people" not Brazos County and its $400, 000 appropriatron. Answerin:. objections to the purchase of the portrait of Davis, Finial 114

Almost three weeks later on the same day that Davis wrote Mitchell concerning the $12, 000 in bonds and hinting at a possible legal suit, he also wrote the commissioners concerning his previous instructions. Since they had not returned the money they had drawn on requisition and from the sale of the unneeded equipment, as well as the vouchers for all their expenditures made as commissioners, he was 66 "compelled to request" them to comply with his instruction.

On the following day, Davis removed McCarty and Mclntosh and appointed two memebers of the University Board, James A. Raymond, a prominent Austin banker with governmental experience, and Hamilton Stuart, "an old citizen" of Gal— veston associated with one of the state's leading news- 67 papers, to fill their places. The Governor wrote McCarty on the 21st that his letter of the 12th was not intended to stop thc completion of the

referred to Sam Houston and Elisha M. Pease, who were of different parties. Of Davis, Finlay acknowledged that hc was a partisan, who oppressed the people in a spirit of partisanship, "but there is no man who dares to say that a dollar no man who can ever stained the hands of E. J. Davis. . . ". utter a word against his private character. Austin ~Dail Statesman, April 30, 1882. 66 E. J. Davis to Commissioners of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, Austin, Texas, September 12, 1872, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Austin, Texas. 67 E. J. Davis to A. Bledsoe, Comptroller, Austin, Texas, September 13, 1872, in ibid. The following year Davis was to appoint Raymond and Stuart "in place of those not confirmed in the Thirteenth Legislature, as administrators of the University of Texas. " E. J. Davis, Record of Appointment of Administrators of the University of Texas, September 15, 1873, in ibid. 115 first kiln o) 300, 000 bricks; he was under the impression that the kiln had been completed, as he had assumed "sufficient time had elapsed for that to be done. " He wanted Downard and the newly-appointed commissioners to carry out the instructions of his August 24th letter and return the balance of the money to the Treasury. He had not removed McCarty and Mclntosh because of personal objection, but "because I understood that you and your associates were endeavoring to procure such recognitions and promises from the Attorney General and the Comptroller, as would enable you to disregard my instructions in that letter of the 24th of August. " He had found it necessary to stop such a course 68 of action. Davis requested Stuart to visit Bryan in person to see that Davis' instructions of August 24 were followed. Living at Bryan, Downard had been left on the Board and placed in charge of the premises and property of the Col- lege, until additional legislation could be secured. Davis " 69 thought Downard "a correct and honest man.

On December 11 Governor Davis wrote McCarty, the commissioner who had recently been removed and was now secretary for the commissioners, that he had received the "account with vouchers detailing the disbursement of funds on account"

68 E. J. Davis to Thomas M. McCarty, Austin, Texas, Sep- tember 21, 1872, and E. J. Davis to H. J. Downard, Austin, Texas, September 23, 1872, in ibid. 69 E. J. Davis to Hamilton Stuart, Austin, Texas, Sep- tember 23, 1872, in ibid. 116

70 of the College. Up until the time of a special legislative committee report in February, 1873, a total of $36, 476 71 had been drawn on the School Fund by the commissioners. Finances in general, or rather the lack of them, were becoming increasingly bothersome to the Davis administration. In his message to the legislature in January, 1873, Governor Davis reported the total actual indebtedness of Texas amounted to the "small sum of $1, 662, 998. 78. " To offset this debt there was in the Treasury $49, 279. 62 in specie, and $204, 036. 07 in currency, which belonged to special funds, "our large school fund in United States bonds and lands, and

70 E. J. Davis to Thomas M. McCarty, Austin, Texas, December 11, 1872, in ibid. 71 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Thir- t th L~lt f th St t of 'I, 198. I ddf't'* to the items previously listed, the Comptroller's account showed the following expenditures: To Carl DeGrote, salary architect...... $ 800 200 Chalmers and McMillan, building...... 12, 000 Sam Burrell 100 Alfred Smith. 325 J. Larmour 220 T. H. [sic), Downard, T. M. McCarty, and Wm. M. McIntosh, bricks 5, 000 J. Stewart and J. H. Bartel. 255 $18, 900 Thc Comptroller's report showed that a statement of warrants drawn by thc Comptroller on the Treasury on account of the Available School Fund, from September 1, 1871, to August 31, 1872, amounted to $22, 415. 05, drawn and $50, 356, undrawn. Texas Almanac, 1873, p. 184. In addition to the financial problems that Governor Davis was having with the College, he faced others as well. James Davidson, Adjutant General from June 24, 1870, to November 15, 1872, was appointed Major General of the State Police on March 15, 1871. In 1872 he absconded to Belgium with $37, 434. 67 of state funds. Handbook of Texas, I, 468. 117

" our many millions of acres of public domain. The bonds totalled $626, 718. 09, of which $216, 641. 05 was due the " University Fund. He called these "relics of the late war, since they represented state warrants issued during the Civil War; therefore, the obligations to repay were void and should not be carried on the Comptroller's accounts. Davis said that since the bonds and certificates were due the citizens of the state, "if at all, " in order to support the University and Public School Funds, the people could effect the same result by paying taxes to support these institutions 72 instead of raising taxes to pay the bonds. However, his proposal was not popularly accepted for many years. By mid- March complaints were made in the Senate that when Governor Davis came into office, the state was $300, 000 in debt and 73 that the debt was now $1, 800, 000. Increased public taxation had not reduced the public debt, an embarrassment. for the state because those who held state warrants were uncertain of their redemption. Thousands of dollars were lost annually by those who held these warrants, and speculation 74 in the state ' s debt was thereby encouraged.

" 72„"Message of Governor E. J. Davis to the Legislature, J I fth oI t of th fh' t th L~tt I the State of Texas, 33. 73 Galveston D~ail News, March 12, 1873.

II 74,"Message of. Governor O. M. I&oberts to th Legislature, in Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth Le. islaturc of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , A. Bl+, fet- Comptroller, had come to Texas from Kentucky in 1847. He became chief justice of Dallas County in 1865 but was defeated in 1866. He had also been defeated as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1866. In 1867 he was reappointed county judge when the elected judge was removed from office. A large Negro vote elected him as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1868-69, where he was recognized as a Radical Republican and nicknamed "Ironclad" after taking the oath in open convention. He continued to serve as county judge until January 8, 1870, when he was appointed Comptroller. In February, 1873, while still serving as Comptroller, he accused Governor Davis of mis- spending funds. Handbook of Texas, I, 174. 119

CHAPTER IV

THE TRANSITION:

FROM RADICAL TO DEMOCRATIC CONTROL

The Thirteenth Legislature met in January, 1873, and since it was controlled by Democrats, the people now expected more of it than they had ever expected of any legislature. Tired of Radical rule, they expected the redemption of state 1 government and institutions. Concerning the College, Governor Davis, in his January address, reported that although some progress had been made

1 con- One of the investigations made by the legislature cerned the accounts of the Superintendent of Public Instruc- tion, Jacob DeGress. The majority report said that he had been permitted to draw funds through requisition, and it was impossible to ascertain fraud. However, there had been ample opportunity to speculate with public funds. DeGress was charged with being reckless and extravagant. The minority report stated that there was not one iota of evidence to support the charges. One of the witnesses giving evidence against DeGress was former Representative C. W. Gardiner of Brazos County, who testified that in July and August, 1871, while he was a member of the school board of Brazos County, DeGress wanted Gardiner to contract for building a "good many" school houses in Brazos County. For contracts that were to be approved, Gardiner was to write "good" on a separate piece of paper. Gardiner was a member of the Twelfth Legislature at the time and thought it foolish to make such a proposition to a mere acquaintance. Harvey Mitchell, also of Brazos County, provided security in the leasing of the school houses and was used as a witness by DeGress to prove Degress' conduct in the approval of school accounts, the of school officers, and in regard to Gardiner's appointment ' C 'tt of th d . ~Rt of th S~l J t Conduct of the Su erintendent of Public Instruction, and of His Subordinates, 13, 18, 20, 43-44. (microfilm) 120

in constructing suitable buildings, "the progress was not commensurate with the large share of the appropriation expended. " He had suspended the work last Summer in order to secure further legislation. The law was defective in not clearly limiting the power of the commissioners. Some objection had been made to the selection of Bryan, but he thought "on the whole" the College should remain there. An additional appropriation would be needed, he said, to com- 2 piete the plan adopted by the commissioners.

On January 20, Representative Andrew S. Broaddus, of Brazos County, of fered a resolution, subsequently adopted, that the portion of the Governor' s message dealing with the Agricultural and Mechanical College should be referred to a

special committee of five appointed by the Speaker. Chairman Broaddus reported back for the committee on February 12 and gave a brief history of the events that had transpired since April 17, 1871. The committee also obtained a statement from the Comptroller, which they attached, showing the expenditures previously made as well as a balance of $38, 023. 20 of the original appropriation bill still unexpended. After making inquiry of those qualified to give information, they were of the opinion that $80, 000 would be required to erect a main building of "sufficient size and architectural

"Message of Governor E. J. Davis to the Legislature, " J L of th f t f th* Th' t tl L~lt f the State of Texas, 44 121 beauty" for the College. Believing that the College would be of "incalculable benef it to the whole State, " the committee reported a bill appropriating an additional $50, 000 from the School Fund to complete the building. They annexed a statement showing the amount spent by other states for their land grant colleges, including Virginia, which had given a million dollars in all. Some members of the legislature remained dissatisfied with the location in Brazos County. On March 19 a joint resolution was introduced in the Senate to appoint three commissioners to examine and report the "most eligible" site for the permanent establishment of the College. It was read and referred to the Committee on Education, which reported it back on April 8 with amendments and recommended its passage. The report was discussed in the Senate on April 10, 12, and 22, when it was indefinitely postponed on the motion of Senator Saylor by a vote of eighteen to seven. On the following day, when a request was made for a reconsidera- tion of the vote, Saylor moved to lay the motion on the table, which was carried by a vote of twelve to nine. It 3 was not brought up again. In the House of Representatives a similar measure was discussed. The House measure would have provided for the disposal of the Brazos County site, the disposal of construction material already assembled, the

3 J 1 of th S t f th Th' t th L~lt * of the State of Texas, 306, 471, 487, 497, 566, 579. 122 payment of sales into the State Treasury to the account of the Common School Fund, and the return to Brazos County of the bonds issued on behalf of the College. This measure was also tabled and not reconsidered before the session 4 ended.

Introduced by Representative Broaddus in the House, the bill to appropriate $50, 000 to the College had a counterpart in the Senate introduced by Senator Saylor on February 8. The senate bill, with amendments, was not reported out of the Committee on Education until May 23, 1873. After some discussion and the adoption of amendments, the bill was passed by a two-thirds vote. The House passed the bill on 5 May 31 with an additional amendment offered by Broaddus. The bill proposed to set apart for the building of the Agri- cultural and Mechanical College at Bryan, twenty leagues of land belonging to the University of Texas, forty of the State five percent $1, 000 bonds from the University Fund, and the balance of the appropriation made April 17, 1871, amounting to more than $40, 000. The commissioners were authorized to sell and dispose of the bonds and transfer the proceeds to the purchasers in writing. Money from the bond sale was to be used in erecting all needed buildings for the use of the "Agricultural and Mechanical College and the

4 Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, " 27. 5 J* 1 of th S t f th Ill' t * th L~sl t of the State of Texas, 138, 919, 925, 1040. 123

University of Texas. " Thc bill passed forty-one to twenty- seven in the House; on motion of Senator Saylor the bill as amended was passed by the Senate on the same date and sent to Governor Davis at 5:15 P. N. He vetoed it the following day. In all, the property and money amounted to more than $300, 000 in gold. Governor Davis considered this an extravagant expenditure since the proposed buildings were not estimated to cost more than $90, 000, and such a large appropriation would invite "looseness of expenditures on the part of the commissioners. " However, the "greater difficulty" lay in the setting apart of University lands and bonds for any other purpose than that set forth in the act incorporating the University, which seemed to give the Board of Adminis- trators of the University the control, care, and preservation of property belonging to the University. While it was true that supervisory power belonged to the legislature, that power, he believed, could not be distorted into a power to give away University property, or to place others in control besides the Administrators. He referred to the act of February 11, 1858, by which the valuable University lands were to be sold or disposed of, as also creating an objectionable feature since "the manner pointed out invites speculation and is a guarantee that the State will not realize but a very small fraction of their real value. " The most valuable land belonging to the University was included in the bill; twenty leagues amounted to nearly 90, 000 acres 124

and should have been worth three dollars an acre. On motion

of Senator Savior, the bill was passed by the Senate over 6 Davis' veto by a vote of sixteen to six. Evidently, the House of Representatives sustained the veto since the bill did not become law. Governor Davis criticized the Democratic-controlled Thirteenth Legislature for repealing much of the good work

done by the Twelfth Legislature, which he admitted had been corrupted by the state's money interests. Led by the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, 7 the Democratic press continued to attack Governor Davis and his appointees with the only weapon they had available and received the support of most of the state's citizens. It thought Davis' claim absurd that

6 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, May 31, June 5, 6, d 13, IPDT; ~ . J. D to D. B. 9 E tt, A t', 9 June 3, 1873, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. The Statesman recognized the apparent need for aiding the C ll~gt t t d th t th C t't t' p h'h't d th granting of land for any purpose except internal improvements, May 17, 1873. Ibid. , June 12, 1873. Edgar P. Sneed, in "A Histori- ography oF Reconstruction in Texas: Some Myths and Prob- " ' 6 th t 9' td 1 1611 (Ap '1, 1, ~tl, 't' ' 1969), pPPB, 1 ~tt h f th d f the Davis' administration is "'traditional, ' history in which the folk myth stands equal to historical analysis. " Among the myths, according to Sneed, are the enduring concepts of the role of the Ku Klux Klan, the State Police, the black codes, and "carpetbag rule. " He believes the 1869 State Constitution was "more ef ficient and more democratic" than that of 1876. Disputing the charge that Radical Reconstruction led to violence and lawlessness, he states that such a charge came from conservative Tex- ans attempting to discredit Radicalism, He claims another myth was the Southern complaint of economic poverty during Reconstruction. 125 the Democrats, acting with Radicals, "did all the mischief in the Twelfth Legislature. " They were too few to influence actions and acted "under restraint all the time--not knowing " when they would be turned out. The editor found it irdnic that J. G. Tracy and James Newcomb dared preach "propriety, economy and honesty to Morris, Broaddus, Word, Sayers, Smith and Ireland!" Prior to the opening of the legislature in January, a convention of the "independent teachers" of Texas was called on to advise the legislature. It drafted a set of resolutions, which were presented by William C, Crane, President. of Baylor University. Among the resolutions was a proposal to establish the University of Texas as soon as practicable on the basis of 810, 000 acres of land, with free tuition to " students who were "properly qualified. In addition, they urged the establishment of a normal department or a normal college at some other site for the training of teachers. The teachers convention recommended that four leagues of land should be given each county to aid in the establishment of academies to educate students "free and prepared" for admission to the proposed State Agricultural College. The group also proposed that one-fourth of the University lands be given to provide an institution for Negroes, especi- 8 ally those who desired training as teachers. During the

8 Austin Daily Democratic Statesman, January 4, 1872 L1873' . 126

session of the legislature, the Democratic Statesman praised the strong support in the House of Representatives that favored the promotion of practical education. Representative Broaddus and others had ably and honorably advocated and demonstrated in "'unanswerable' terms the great practical benefits from the scientific education of youth in the useful vocations of life. " They had demonstrated the "futility of expecting" an untrained man to be successful in his job or profession. Could "a man who has received but a limited education and that directed to no particular aim, make a 9 scientific and successful farmer?" Governor Davis appointed Broaddus as a commissioner to

replace Downard, "who has gone out of state. " He urged him and the other commissioners, Raymond and Stuart, to set a meeting date and notify Larmour so he could be present for consultation. Since Davis was leaving for Washington to spend almost a month, he could not attend unless the meeting were postponed, but he urged that they not delay on account of him. The Governor sent the Attorney-General's opinion that the appropriation made in 1871 was still under the commissioners' direction. He was fully confident of the new commission's ability to conduct business in "the most economical manner" and make a "creditable" showing both to

9 Ibid. , Nay 17, 1873. 127

10 themselves and the state in the matter of cost and utility. At the same time Governor Davis sent a circular letter 11 to the commissioners explaining his veto of the College bill on constitutional grounds; however, the legislative action clearly indicated that the Bryan location "is not to be disturbed" and that they should proceed with the construction of necessary buildings and the organization of the College. He wanted them to meet as soon as practicable in order to make the necessary contracts to construct the College buildings. He wanted them to understand that 12 $48, 000 of the previous appropriation was all the money available unless other legislatures would make additional appropriations hereafter. He believed the legislature would provide a reasonable sum since the required building could not be built with the appropriation that remained. "If then, your plan of building should call for a larger expenditure your contracts must look to the approval of such additional expenditure by the Legislature and be made with had that view. " He understood the previous commissioners 10 E. J. Davis to A. S. Broaddus, Austin, Texas, June 16, 1873, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 11Broaddus had his commission and the circular letter the people were printed in the ~Br an ~A eal, and noted that with Davis' action. In turn, the Galveston D~ail pleased A. Broad- News reprinted the letter from the ~Br an Areal. S. dus to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, June 30, 1873, in ibid. ; Galveston D~ail News, July 10, 1873. 12 This amount included $10, 000 worth of materials left from the previous venture. 128 planned buildings to cost $80, 000-$90, 000; he wanted them to limit themselves to the latter sum "as the v~er outside ficiure" for all buildings and "necessary outhouses. " Add- itional buildings could later be erected if needed. The state's finances would not permit extravagance. "Finally, " wrote Davis, "it is desirable that the College should at as early a day as is possible be so far completed as to permit the commencement of its use for the purpose had in view by the act of Congress making us the donation. This will be my 13 excuse for urging upon you prompt action. " Broaddus wrote Davis on July 14 that he had hoped Raymond and Stuart would be ready to act at once. He had written to both to fix an early date for a meeting in Bryan to agree upon a plan of operation. After waiting some time and not receiving a reply, he had set a meeting day for July 3, although neither of the others attended. Stuart answered his second letter and said he would try to attend a second called meeting on July 17; however, Raymond had replied that he would be unable to attend and did not know when he would be able to do so. Broaddus was aware that. the Governor had his hands full with more important matters such as the forthcoming gubernatorial race, but he did not know of any other better course of action than to ask Davis to come himself and to set the time. He then thought the

13E. J. Davis to Agricultural and Mechanical College Commissioners, Austin, Texas, June 16, 1873, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 129 others would attend. Broaddus doubted that either of the other commissioners wanted to serve; he urged Davis to inquire if they were willing to resign so that two more willing commissioners could be appointed. Broaddus personally considered his appointment an honor, and he felt 14 "anxious to accomplish the matter. " However, the Gover- nor's secretary informed Broaddus of Davis' absence from 15 Austin, but he would take up the matter when he returned. The commissioners met on July 30 in Bryan and adopted the following course of action: Larmour was to supervise and superintend the construction and receive $200 gold per month; the plan and specifications of Larmour for the main building, with the exception of the French roof, were adopted.

He was authorized to prepare specifications of material, to outline the character of the work to be done, and to advertise in the Austin ~Dail State Journal, Austin D~ail

Democratic Statesman, and the ~Br an ~A eal for bids, to be sent to Larmour in Austin or Broaddus in Bryan before August 23 and to be opened at the commissioners' meeting to be held 16 on that date. Broaddus wrote Davis on July 31 that after

14 A. S. Broaddus to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, July 14, 1873, in ibid. 15 E. J. Davis to A. S. Broaddus, Austin, Texas, July 23, 1873, in ibid. 16 Copy of proceedings of a meeting held by J. H. Raymond, Hamilton Stewart [sic)7 and A. S. Broaddus, Commissioners of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, Bryan, Texas, July 20, 1873, in ibid. 130 repeated efforts "we succeeded" in getting Larmour to come to Bryan. Larmour had always been ready to attend, but Raymond's engagements had prevented his attendance. Ray- mond had written Broaddus his views "very fully" and had authorized action to proceed without his presence. Stuart had been detained on a jury in Galveston. Larmour, Broaddus, and "other gentlemen" went to the College to "examine the state of things. " When Davis visited the College the previous Summer and condemned the work, Broaddus had doubted the correctness of his judgment, but the recent examination " had proved "beyond question that you were correct. Larmour would explain the plans they proposed. Broaddus sent a copy of the proceedings to Raymond and Stuart. He hoped that matters would "proceed with expedition" and thought Raymond's willingness and good sense should permit him to continue as a commissioner. Broaddus hoped to "get on very 17 well" with Stuart. Finally, Governor Davis was able to secure a commissioner who had the energy, ability, and desire to get things done. If Broaddus was unable to secure the presence of the other commissioners, he did secure action and consent. Unfortunately, for Davis, his selection was two years too late.

17 A. S. Broaddus to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, July 31, 1873, in ibid. 131

Governor Davis wrote Broaddus on August 8 that he had forwarded to him a commission through Mitchell relative to the district judgeship of the Twenty-Eighth District in 18 case Owens resigned. Broaddus had gotten under way in the College matter after some delay, and he had written Larmour fully as to what had been done and hoped the course of action would be approved by Davis. If Davis had other 19 directions, Broaddus would carry them out. Broaddus wrote Governor Davis on August 25 to inform him that contracts for the College building had been made with good men, at what were generally regarded as low bids. The work had been undertaken in four parts: stone foundation, ornamental cut stonework, brickwork, and woodwork. All the contractors were Austin men since the mechanics in the Bryan area "seemed to wish to make fortunes" and had overbid. The contract had not been let for the roof and the inside work. Contracts which had been let amounted to $28, 530 currency, leaving $10, 000 of the old appropriation.

He thought the building would do credit to all persons connected with it. Since Stuart had written Broaddus some weeks earlier that he had resigned as one of the commissioners, Broaddus urged Davis to appoint a new commissioner

18 E ~ J. Davis to A. S. Broaddus, Austin, Texas, August 8, 1873, in ibid. 19 A. S. Broaddus to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, August 8, 1873, in ibid. 132 as the signatures of all commissioners were needed to draw money from the Treasury. He suggested the appointment of Spencer Ford, of Bryan, a "gentleman" and local businessman who had taken a great deal of interest in the College. He congratulated the Governor on his receiving the Republican gubernatorial nomination. 20 In turn, Governor Davis was pleased with the action of the commissioners; he approved of the manner of letting the contracts and promised to appoint a new commissioner in a short time, but until that time, the two commissioners, being a majority, were suf— 21 ficient to transact business and to sign contracts.

20 Ibid. , August 25, 1873. Spencer Ford had been a member of tt2e Constitutional Convention in 1861 and a state senator for several years. He served in the Ninth and Tenth Legislatures as a senator from Caldwell, Guadalupe, and Gon- zales Counties; he resigned before his term of office ex- Texas, Legislature, Members of the Texas Legisla- pired. 9'1 ' 1846-1962, pp. 39, 45. ~B t-E gl, Sp 1 t,d Ed S 8 12, 1895. 1 1873 8o d 2 t'*, pt ber of the Democratic State Executive Committee, Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 14, 1873. 21 E. J. Davis to A. S. Broaddus, Austin, Texas, August 27, 1873, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. Af ter the Old Main building burned in 1912, authorities feared the ef fects of the elements, widening cracks, and loosening keystones would cause collapse and injure students on the way to classes. Ef forts to tear down the remaining structure resulted in praise for its construction. The interior was gutted; all that was left standing were two high brick towers in front and four on the outside wall, A. J. Neff placed dynamite under the walls but did not budge them. Then a squad of the target team using army rifles and steel bullets fired volley after volley at the small supporting columns of brick, but the walls still stood. Then two columns of the artillery battery fired blank cartridges in hopes the concussion sould bring them down. Finally, ropes were put in the openings and attached to lightning rods and the walls pulled down. The Eagle concluded that there was no doubt about the building being well-constructed. ~Br an D~ail Eagle and Pilot, May 28, 1912. 133

A news article from Bryan, appearing in the Galveston build— ~Dail News, reported on September 12 that the College ing was progressing well and that Senator Saylor, who had worked hard during the last legislative session to have the College completed as soon as possible, deserved credit. Shortly after, Larmour wrote the Austin D~ail Journal on September 20 that construction was well under way, that about forty-five men were making brick or laying the foundation, and that within the next two weeks, he hoped to have Jan— eighty men at work upon the building. By the first of uary he expected to have three stories built. He praised 22 the Austin contractors. Sometime around the f irst of October Governor Davis appointed Spencer Ford, who assured Davis he would try to deserve the trust placed in him and work for the good of the College. Ford also informed Davis that the work done at " 23 the College was of "superior quality. By October 18 the

" Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, Quoted in area 40. The clay for making the brick was secured from the of the present president's home. The Olio in 1895 described the lake in front of the last of the professor's residences. After the Main Building burned, the brick was used in re- building College roads and walks. A list of rooms in the building, and a plan of the first floor is included in Lang— ford's manuscript, in which he said that for years Old Main was carried on the College inventory as 151& feet by 60 feet, valued at 8100, 000. Langford, "Get- brick, four stories, " ting the College Under Way, 49, 61-62, 64. 23 Spencer Ford to E. J. Davis, Bryan, Texas, October 4, 1873, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Archives. 134 foundation had been completed, and the arrival of a large amount of lumber meant the carpentry work would soon 24 begin. Politics of the gubernatorial race occupied the attention of people throughout the Fall of 1873. Since many of the Democrats had recently been enfranchised, they saw an opportunity to regain control of state affairs. Governor 25 Davis lost the election to Richard Coke, of Waco, by a 26 majority of two to one. Davis contested the election and was upheld by his appointed Texas Supreme Court; but the newly elected legislature, controlled by the Democrats, organized, canvassed the vote, and certified the election of Coke. For a short while Coke and the Democratic-controlled legislature held part of the capitol while Davis and an

24 Galveston ~Dail News, October 18, 1873. 25 Born in Williamsburg, Virginia, on March 13, 1829, and a graduate of William and Mary in 1849, Richard Coke was admitted to the bar in 1850 and came to Texas to begin his practice. He enlisted in the Confederate Army as a private and rose to the rank of captain. In 1866 he was elected to the Texas Supreme Court but was removed by " General Philip Sheridan as "an impediment to reconstruction. Handbook of Texas, I, 370. 26 Texas Almanac and State Industrial Guide, 1968-1969 (Dallas, 1967), p. 65. Coke became prominent in central Texas by defending persons prosecuted under laws of the ' ' R d' 1 d t t' o. Jo 1 *f th Ho of R~t t' f th ~ft -f'fth ~L' 1 t of th Ht t f Texas, Reg. Sess. , 1289. Waco was then the state capital of politics, and the Waco Examiner was a potent factor in politics. Galveston ~Dail News, December 8, 1887. Because of Grange support, Coke had considerable power in the legislature. Barr, Reconstruction to Reform, 27. ] 316 armed guard held the other part. President Grant refused to 27 intervene, and the Davis forces finally withdrew. Governor 28 Coke was inaugurated at midnight as the new governor.

27 All of f ices of the executive department were abandoned "more the appear- by the Davis administration and presented " ance of a sacked camp than bureaus of government. "Letter from Richard Coke, " in Journal of the Senate of the Six- t th L~lt f th Et t**f 3, E t 8, 25. 28 James T. DeShields, ~The Sat in HicCh Places: The Presidents and Governors of Texas from the First American dh' f E t' 1835 36; 8 '6 t f th R~hl', 1836- 46; and Governors of the State, 1846-1939 (San Antonio, 1940), p. 288. 136

CHAPTER V

1874-1876: A NEW BEGINNING

The administration of Richard Coke marked the beginning of a new era in Texas history. Upon his inauguration in January, 1874, Governor Coke found the Treasury empty, the state without credit, and a large and undefined debt which had to be ascertained by a "slow process of groping through a confused mass of records" since no knowledge of the amount could be provided by the outgoing heads of departments. Because the people were not able to bear additional taxation and the forced collection of taxes during the depression of 1873-1874 would have been oppress- ive, the legislature resorted to the selling of bonds to keep the state from bankruptcy. An estimate placed the public debt at $2, 248, 831. 75; by the end of August, 1876, it was ascertained that the debt amounted to $5, 210, 073. 95, all of which existed when Coke took office, except for $794, 978. 50 1 of Frontier Defense Bonds. Governor Coke maintained that

1„"Letter from Richard Coke, " in Journal of the Senate S' ' of St f E t f th t th ~L* 1 t * th t* T, Sess. , 24 —25. Nunn, Texas Under the Carpetba ers, 174, states the Reconstruction debt due to Davis was 2, 172, 262. 21. The Austin ~Dail Statesman, September 30, 1884, reported the public debt was immense, some teachers not having been paid for years, and the money for such had been used by supernumeraries under the name of school officials. The debt owed school teachers made up the greatest part of the enormous bonded debt, according to the Statesman. 137 the honor and credit of the state demanded repayment of the debt and the incurrence of no future debt unless at the same time a specific fund for its payment was provided, some— 2 thing demanded by the times and the people of Texas. At the same time that the legislature was attempting to straighten out the public debt, between January 15, 1874, and August 21, 1876, it was forced to add to the debt by paying for three long sessions of the legislature and one long session of a new constitutional convention. Ordinary tax revenues would have to suport these government bodies. For four years succeeding the Davis administration, during the administrations of Coke and Richard Hubbard, it was necessary to levy a state ad valorem property tax at the maximum permitted under the Constitution of fifty cents per hundred dollar evaluation. The tax was consistently lowered in succeeding administrations. The finances, commerce, and industry of the state were slow in recovering from the effects of the war, the Radical rule, and the Panic of 1873. 3 It was not until 1880 that conditions became normal. In his message to the legislature in January, 1875, Governor Coke declared:

A State which has been rocked with the throes of revolution for twelve years, whose society, laws and

" ' 2*, G, M~, C k t 2 1874-1891 (Austin, 1916), p. 74. 3 In May, 1879, the State Treasury went on a cash basis and ended the chronic deficiencies in the revenue account. ' M'll, 3' 2 ~H' t *f 3, 233. institutions have been unsettled, and in a great measure overturned, cannot in a short period be adjusted in its new relations, so that its machinery of government will run smoothly without jarring or attrition. Time is necessary after the health of the body politic is restored, to do this, to fit the parts to each other, and to adapt the whole to the new conditions of society. Not until the citizens of Texas had regained control of their government could they really be expected to be concerned with its educational problems. Governor Coke, in his inaugural speech, said it was an eminently practical era, "that abstract principles, barren of practical results, 5 found no favor in the popular mind. " With this in mind, he proceeded to make the College a practical result. ln Febru- ary he reported to the legislature that owing to five and six percent interest bearing bonds issued under various acts of the iegislature, the state was indebted to the Permanent School Fund, the University Fund, and the Agricultural and 6 Mechanical College Fund, amounting to a total $711, 008. 31. However, while Coke was straightening out the financial difficulties, at last there were commissioners, an architect,

Jo 1 f th S t of th F t th L~l. t f the State of Texas, 2nd Sess. , 8. 5 Y, G* ' ~M. C k t R G,The Austin Democratic Statesman, May 6, 1876, 1874-1891, p. 7. said Coke had "investigated thoroughly and discussed with minute, infinite care and research every question, however " that might influence the fortunes of the commonwealth. Coke knew most of the conditions, interest, progress, and necessities of Texas. 6 Galveston ~Dail News, February 11, 1874. 139 and contractors who could carry on the work of the College without the Governor's constant attention. 7 The Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman said the first commission "had entered upon its duty more for purposes of swindling the State than otherwise" and that it had left everything in worse condition than if it had never undertaken the task of building the College. Only $39, 000 of the original appropriation remained; yet the contract for the walls alone was $29, 000, and the architect estimated an additional expense of $57, 000 would be needed to put on a roof and finish the main building and put up the necessary outbuildings and fences. Thus, a deficit of $47, 000 already existed. Several days previously, George I. Goodwin, of Bryan, had introduced into the House a bill to appropriate $70, 000 of the five percent University bonds, towards completing the College and farm. The walls of the main building would soon be completed, and the commissioners had already warned that a roof could not be added without additional funds. Unless such a provision were made, the work in which the state had already invested a large sum would have to be abandoned and wasted. The Statesman thought the building would be an honor to the state, and funds should be provided at the earliest of day possible. Brazos County had deeded some 2, 800 acres land, said to be good farming land; while there was no running stream, water was "easily obtained at thirty to forty

7 February 17, 1874. 140 feet. " It was "very reasonable to suppose" an artesian well would provide water. Broaddus, Ford, and Raymond, the present commissioners, were said to be "thoroughly identified " with the interests of the State.

A special committee, appointed by the House to examine the books, papers, and accounts of the commissioners and architect of the College, filed a report on February 19, 1874. It reported that $12, 000 in Brazos County bonds had been deposited in the State Treasurer's office to the credit of the College. The commissioners had drawn $2, 511.75 for travel and incidental expenses to locate the College. They had drawn $12, 000 "under the pretence" of the necessity of purchasing lands for the location. The citizens of Brazos County purchased and paid for the 2, 800 acres; Brazos County in turn issued them bonds payable in four years. The $12, 000 " " d f tt "p *t d d" p t ty d livered to W. A. Saylor and Harvey Mitchell, who had, on September 25, 1871, made, signed, and delivered to the Comp- troller three joint promissory notes for $4, 000 each, payable to the commissioners of the College at six, twelve, and eighteen months after the date. The notes were in the Comp- troller's office unpaid. The first work done on construction and by Chalmers and McMillan under the direction of DeGrote, a "subsequent attempt by some of the commissioners to build " the college on their own account, had "foolishly" cost $21, 096. 60, with nothing accomplished except for a foundation so defective it had to be removed as rubbish, By August, 141

8 1873, $35, 458. 85 had been utterly wasted. George Goodwin, chairman of the special committee to examine the bonds of the College, reported a bill to authorize the commissioners of the College to collect by suit or otherwise certain notes 9 mentioned in the report. Ironically, at the same time this disclosure was going on, the national House of Representatives Committee on Edu- cation and Labor, in response to wide disappointment expressed in regard to anticipations that had not been realized for "intelligent and skilled agricultural labor through the agricultural colleges" endowed under the Morrill Act and claims that the funds had been spent "other than for the " relief of those for whose benefit the funds were intended, sent a circular to the states to request information in order to determine whether the colleges were complying with the stipulations of the act. The Galveston, '~Dail News pointedly inquired if "our college" had complied with the request by providing a detailed statement of expenses, the expenses of each department, the salaries of the instructors, and every 10 other item of expense.

8 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Four- ' "G t »th L~l t , l t g . , q t d L gf d, tt g the College Under Way, " 30-31. 9 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, February 20, 1874.

10Galveston D~ail News, March 11, 1874. The states had the continuing responsibility to adhere to the terms of the grant and to file with the Secretary of Interior annual reports; however, the reports gave an incomplete picture as 142

Evidently, Broaddus had taken little or no part in the proceedings of the College affairs since the inauguration of the Coke administration. On April 8 he wrote Coke from Caldwell that he had resigned as of March 25 and recommended Frank Clark, of Bryan, who was well-qualified to give "entire „11 satisfaction to the people of Brazos Co. " Clark was 12 appointed by Coke on April 13, 1874 Construction proceeded satisfactorily under Larmour's direction; the second story of the main building was finished 13 in March, and construction was begun on the third story. Governor Coke had pushed through the legislature on April

2 a $40, 000 appropriation bill which provided additional they had not been insisted upon and generally lost sight of by the College. The Chief Clerk of the Bureau of Education spoke at the convention of the land grant colleges in 1892: "A great and radical step beyond previous legislation must be recognized by the 1890 Morrill Act . . . the land grant of 1862 amounted to an absolute gift. If the institutions established did not teach agriculture or military tactics (and many of them did not do so for years, ) the President and his Cabinet and the entire judiciary of the United States might whistle to the winds for redress But this last act control and super- establishes, to put it plainly, Federal " vision over the use of the fund created. American Agricul- ' d' 1 t 1 C 11 g d E P t Et t', ~Po tt Fifth Annual Convention, Bulletin No. 7, pp. 114-115. 11 A. S. Broaddus to Richard Coke, Caldwell, Texas, April 8, 1874, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. A S. Broaddus was serving as Judge of the Thirty-Second Judicial District on June 19, 1879. Galveston ~Dail News, June 19, 1879. 12 J. M. Moore, Secretary of State, to Louis L. McInnis, Austin, Texas, March 23, 1888, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A6M University Archives. 13 Galveston ~Dail News, March 11, 1874. 143

14 funds to complete the building. By May 27 the brick work was finished, and the carpenters were rapidly completing their work. Governor Coke and several citizens visited the College in the Fall, and were pleased with the work that had been done. They thought that the building was one of the finest structures in the state. Governor Coke planned to make a "formidable" report to the legislature in order to 15 secure any appropriation needed to finish it. He wrote Ford in November to send the College report as soon as possible since he needed to have it printed before he could 16 Broad— use it. On December 15 he wrote Ford, Raymond, and dus to ask that they send a detailed statement of expenditures 17 that he could present with his report to the legislature. At the same time Governor Coke wrote John Hancock, one of the Texas senators in Congress, to enclose a letter to James Monroe, an official in the Bureau of Education, who had complained to Hancock that he was unable to get a reply from Texas authorities concerning the federal land grant

14 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, May 6, 1874. " 15Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 42-43. 16 Richard Coke to Spencer Ford, Austin, Texas, November 22, 1874, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 17 Richard Coke to J. H. Raymond, Spencer Ford, and A. S. Broaddus, Austin, Texas, December 15, 1874, in ibid. Although Broaddus had resigned in the Spring and the Secretary of State lists the appointment of Clark on April 13, Coke sent letters to the three commissioners who were serving when he took office. Broaddus' active role and the knowledge he had gained during his service from June 16, 1873, to March 28, 1874, may have been the reason Coke included him in the request. 144 scrip. However, Coke informed Hancock that his was the only letter he had received. In the enclosed letter to Monroe, Coke recounted the selling of the scrip, the investment 18 made, the purchase of 2, 400 acres of land in Brazos County, and the expenditure of nearly $100, 000 on the College building, which was almost completed. In January he intended to ask the legislature for an additional appropriation to "complete the Boarding Hall, Professors' residences, and Barn, as well as for fences, laying out walks, planting ornamental shrubbery, trees, etc. " in order to put the Col- " lege into operation "during the ensuing year. He had no doubts Texas would "make a first class institution of learn- 19 ing of this college. " Coke, like Davis, apparently had a problem in communication since the 1875 report of the Bureau of Education showed that no returns had been received to indicate whether the College in Texas had yet been organized 20 or not. Governor Coke's message to the legislature in January, 1875, briefly reviewed the College's history and stated that it was nearly ready to be put into operation. In addition, he hopefully raised the possibility of establishing and

18 The College land had never been surveyed and was variously reported to contain from 2, 400 to 2, 800 acres. 19 Richard Coke to John Hancock and to James Monroe, Austin, Texas, December 16, 1874, in ibid. 20 ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1875, p. 412. 145 organizing one or more universities. Land put on the market in the act of April 8, 1874, was selling well, and money could be raised by the issuance and sale of bonds to effect this purpose. He called for an appropriation to complete the College, which "will under proper arrangements and " administration educate teachers to carry on common schools. Coke's plans called for a "thorough system of education" which at no time would go beyond the means of the people but would make a healthy advance so that people would learn the value of a system of public education without being oppressed by it, and the system would then take care of itself. He pointed out that people in the Northern, Eastern, and Western states were accustomed to the burdens of education, as well as to its benefits and blessings, and cheerfully submitted to taxation. He reported that the capacity of the Agricul- tural and Mechanical College building was six hundred stu- 21 dents and a personal examination had shown him that it was "modeled with fine taste. " Built on a foundation of hard limestone, it was a four-story brick building with a roof of slate, seventy-eight by one hundred and fifty feet, beautifully located in sight of the Central railroad. With the requested appropriation the main building, boarding

21 At no time in its first twenty-five years was the College equipped to handle six hundred students unless a considerable number were day students. 146

22 hall, and professors' houses, all constructed of the most durable material, with the yards and grounds fenced and properly planted and the necessary out-buildings constructed, the College would be put in operation soon. The appropriation, which he regarded as a "judicious and profitable expenditure, " was needed to take advantage of the money already invested to provide immediately in Texas "the great " want of an institution of learning of the highest grade.

He asked for $7, 000, needed to complete the main building; $25, 000, for a boarding hall; $21, 000 for three professors' dwellings; $5, 000, to lay off and fence the grounds, make walks, plant trees, and build a barn. Regarding such expenditures as absolutely essential, he thought the College funds were being honestly and efficiently administered. Ominously, for the support of the Agricultural and Mechanical College and education in general, much complaint had been made by the people about high taxes, and the Governor said he was being 23 charged with a failure to retrench expenditures. The legislature, on February 8, appropriated $32, 000 to complete the necessary buildings and enclosures. The act also provided that the requisition of the commissioners be

22 Langford says the possibility that a "boarding hall" might be needed must have arisen in 1874. Old Main contained a large dining room, kitchen, pantries, and several bedrooms in its original plan. Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, " 43. " 23 "Message of Governor Richard Coke to the Legislature, in Galveston D~ail News, January 13, 1875. 147 accompanied with the vouchers for which expenses were made; this would be suffiCient to authorize the Comptroller to 24 draw his warrant of the Treasurer.

As the most widely circulated newspaper in the state, 25 the Galveston D~ail News reported opinion from smaller would papers around the state. The Houston A~e believed it be better to spend millions than to have the Agricultural Sun and Nechanical College be a failure. The Gatesville commented on the A~e's opinion by stating that all agricul- w'as tural colleges had been failures; the College at aryan '" "'conceived in sin and shapen in iniquity. There was one no "reason or justice" in taxing the people to benefit or two hundred students. The proposal to spend millions common was "absurd"; the state first needed to support its schools. Agreeing with the Sun in this respect, the D~ail such a News questioned whether it was just to establish college at the expense of all the people when it was not possible for more than one in probably ten thousand of the people to have their sons educated there. Information obtained from inquiries about similar colleges showed that 26 all had proven failures.

24 Gammel (comp. ), Laws of Texas, VIII, 387. 25 figures for the leading state news- The circulation Houston papers in 1883 were: Galveston D~ail News, 12, 500; Gazette, 5, 600; Austin D~ail States- Post, 6, 100; Fort Worth 1883. man, 5, 500. Austin ~Dail Statesman, November 9, 26 Gal- Houston A~e and Gatesville Sun, quoted in the veston D~ail N'ews, January 19, 18'75. 148

A legislative act to regulate the government of the Agricultural and Mechanical College was passed on March 9, 1875. The Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Speaker of the House, and six directors chosen by the legislature were to superintend, manage, and control the College. At a joint session of the legislature one director was to be chosen by ballot from each Congressional district. Directors were to be elected every two years, and in case of a vacancy the Governor was empowered to appoint a director to serve until the next election in the legislature. The Board was to appoint the president, professors, and other officers they thought were needed to put the College into successful operation. They were to make by-laws, rules, and regulations and to regulate the course of study, rates of tuition, manner of labor to be performed by the students, "together with the course of discipline necessary to enforce the faithful discharge of the duties of all officers, professors, and students. " In addition, the Board was to print and cir- culate this information for the benefit of the people of the state, officers, and students of the College. The Gov- ernor was the ex-officio president of the Board and was to call meetings when he thought it expedient to transact

business. A majority of the Board members constituted a

quorum for conducting business. A certificate was to be forwarded to each director within ten days after his election

by the legislature; if a director who had been elected and notified did not notify the Governor of his acceptance, his 149 election was void, and the place would again be filled as prescribed. The Board was to elect a secretary who was to keep a record of its proceedings in a well-bound book, the secretary's salary to be a maximum of $500. Directors were allowed five dollars per day, the same amount as members of the legislature, for their services while attending meetings, of the Board, provided the total amount did not exceed $100 annually for each. The Board had power to draw the interest on the College bonds, by vouchers audited by the Board or approved by the Governor and attested by the secretary. The Comptroller was to file the vouchers and draw his warrant on the State Treasury as was needed to pay the directors, 27 officers, and professors.

On March 11 a joint legislative session was held to elect six directors, one from each Congressional district, for the Agricultural and Mechanical College. Edward B. Pickett, Liberty County; Charles DeMorse, Red River County, and editor of the Northern Standard; Bennett H. Davis, Johnson County; Fletcher S. Stockdale, Calhoun County, and perennial candidate for Governor; Charles S. West, Travis 28 County; and Isaac Graves, of Collin County, were elected.

27 Gammel (comp. ), Laws of Texas, VIII, 444-445. 28 Jo 1 f th S t f th F t th~L' 1 t of the State of Texas, 2nd Sess. , 565-566. Edward B. Pickett, born in Virginia in 1823, moved to Liberty, Texas, about 1850. During the Civil War he organized a Confederate cavalry unit and became a major. He had been a member of the Senate in the Twelfth and Thirteenth 150

Legislatures, Handbook of Texas, II, 735. Charles DeMorse, editor, publisher, statesman, soldier, public official, lawyer, merchant, and farmer, was born in Massachusetts in 1816 and in 1835 joined a group of volunteers coming to aid the Texans in their revolution. He had been island of Nassau; instead of detained by the British on the " writing his name "Charles D. Morse, authorities incorrectly wrote it "Charles DeMorsefp a change which DeMorse had the Sixth Texas Congress approve. President Lamar of the Texas Republic charged him with refunding the public debt, and at the same time he was named reporter for the Texas House of Representatives. In 1842 he founded the Northern Standard at Clarksville and continued to edit and publish it until death; in the same year he became Clarksville's first his in Texas mayor. He helped organize the Democratic party " and was called the "Father of the Democratic Press. During the Civil War he organized a cavalry unit, which fought on the frontier and in Arkansas. Following the Civil War, he worked to eliminate Radical Republican. rule and supported Liberal Republicans as a temporary measure. He had been second to Coke as Democratic gubernatorial nominee in 1873 and later became the first president of the Texas Press and Editorial Association. Ibid. , I, 489. Bennett H. Davis was born in Tennessee in 1812 and had come to Texas in 1852. He served in the Confederate Army on General Wharton's staff, Galvestor ~Dail News, as a major Senate in the May 21, 1897. Later he served as clerk of the Eleventh Legislature when the land grant to establish the Agricultural and Mechanical College was first accepted by Texas but rejected by the national government. Journal of t' of th Sl th f th Ho f 8* * t L~lt' h 1' t 8 th St t f ~S1 t, 6. H, ot 2,this legislature in Members of the Texas Leceis- as a clerk of 2 1 1846 —1962, P. 56. N 'ti 8 M & f ti t, 18461962, pp. TI!86, 1 t D ~ f L~lt,the Fourteenth Legislature. This source lists H. G. Bruce as the representative from Johnson County and W. W. Patrick representative from Brazos County. Ibid. , 80, 84. However, source admittedly contains probable errors even though the Davis was it was carefully researched. Ibid. , Introduction. named State Democratic Executive Committeeman in 1873. Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, September 5, 1873. Fletcher S. Stockdale was born in Kentucky about 1827; after studying law and being admitted to the bar, he moved to Texas in 1846 and settled at Indianola, where he became active in politics and in railroad promotion. As a member of the Secession Convention, he had been on the committee which drafted the Ordinance of Secession. In 1863 he served as Lieutenant Governor and was acting Governor in May-June, 1865. After the Civil War he moved to Cuero, where he 151

Governor Richard By virtue of their offices, Lieutenant ex- Hubbard and Speaker of the House Guy M. Bryan were officio directors. 29

law and was a leader in a company promoting imm- practiced and Mexican gration. He was President of the San Antonio Gulf Railroad in 1870, and was a delegate to the National Democratic Conventions in 1872, 1876, and 1880. Handbook of Texas, II, 674. Charles S. West was born in South Carolina in 1829 and attended college in Pennsylvania before graduating from the University of South Carolina. He had been sheriff, cashier and a teacher before being admitted to the bar. of a bank, where he Coming to Texas in 1852, he settled at Austin, practiced law with John Hancock. He was elected to the legislature in 1855 and served as Secretary of State in 1861 before enlisting in the Confederate Army in 1862. After the war, he returned to Austin. Ibid. , II, 880. Isaac Graves immigrated to Collin County in 1857 from Missouri, where he had been born in 1815. He died in d L'll' St gh, h H~t* M K' y. J. L St h gh & of Collin C~ount Texas (Austin, 1958 I, p. 164. 29 Born in Georgia in 1832 and graduated from Mercer graduating from Harvard Law School in 1853 College before a law and coming to Texas, Richard Hubbard established practice in Tyler, Texas. He spoke throughout the state Buchanan's candidacy for President and in behalf of James Eighth served in the Texas House of Representatives of the Legislature. In the Civil War he commanded a cavalry regi- Lieutenant Governor in 1873 and in 1876. ment. He served as National In 1884 he served as chairman of the Democratic 1885— 89 he was the United States Minister to Convention; in Handbook Japan, appointed by President Grover Cleveland. of Texas, I, 856-857. born in Missouri in 1821 and came to Guy M. Bryan was Gradu- Texas in 1831, when he settled in Brazoria County. where he was a classmate ating from Kenyon College in Ohio, his of Rutherford B. Hayes, in 1842, he studied law upon return to Texas. Following service in the Mexican War, he of Representatives from 1847-53, served in the Texas House Con- in the Texas Senate, 1853-57, and in the United States from 1857-59. Returning to Texas in 1860, he operated gress Galveston; in that same year ranches in Brazoria County and that split he was chairman and spokesman for the delegation National Convention meeting in South from the Democratic met in Carolina. He promoted the Secession Convention that 152

Politics entered into the selection of directors, and their short terms made long-range planning difficult. Since their terms were limited to two years, it was natural that the Governor attempted to influence them, and some of them could be easily influenced. Another common criticism that later developed was that Board membership was dominated by lawyers and politicians. "The poor Agricultural and Mech- anical College of Texas has been sorely cursed from the hour " of its birth to the present with this sort of men, wrote a correspondent to the Galveston ~Dail News in 1885, although he frankly admitted few men who know how to operate 30 such a school could be found. A little belatedly, Ashbel Smith, a physician long interested in the educational affairs of the state, particularly the establishment of the University of Texas, pointed out in 1880 that the directory was "the one block" on which the College might "split and come to grief, " since it would depend on the changing politics of recurring elections. Directors elected from the legislature " would have "enemies to punish and friends to reward. Under such conditions professors would not do their best work nor develop a lasting interest in the College's prosperity if

Texas, and during the Civil War performed various administrative and executive duties for President Jefferson Davis and Governor Pendleton Murrah. He was elected to the Texas House of Representatives in 1873, 1879, and 1887. Ibid. , I, 233. " 30„"Willis, Bryan Military Institute, to Editor, Gal- veston D~ail News, June 16, 1885. 153

31 they were unsure of the direction. Not only would the professors be unsure, but long-range direction was needed to combine knowledge in the emerging sciences connected with agriculture and engineering into an effective curricula.

A week after the election of the Board, Coke wrote Ford to suggest a plan for the best expenditure of the recent appropriation. He thought the steward's hall and professor's houses should be completed as far as the appropriation would go, with another appropriation to complete the work to be secured in the next legislature. He thought the building should be in harmony with the main building and saw no economy in "cheap and superficial" buildings. He saw no chance to open the College until after another meeting of the legislature and an additional appropriation since he believed a report from the Board would have "much weight with the legislature. " He planned to call a Board meeting in the Summer and desired the first effort of Texas 32 in the field of higher education to be a success. Also in the Spring, Coke received an application for a position in the College from Thomas S. Gathright of Gholson, Missis- sippi. Governor Coke wrote Gathright that he had received quite a number of letters in his favor, among them one from

31 Ashbel Smith to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, August 4, 1880. 32 Richard Coke to Spencer Ford, Austin, Texas, March 20, 1875, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 154

Colonel David A. Nunn, highly recommending him for a position in the College. 33

A notice appearing in the Galveston D~ail News on April 30 called for bids for the construction of the steward' s hall. Bids were to be received at the architect's office in Bryan until May 8. A dispatch from Bryan on %ay 11 announced that George Figh, of Montgomery, Alabama, "who was one of the most skillful and responsible builders of the South, " had been awarded the contract, Several of Figh's close friends were already living in Bryan, and 34 Figh now intended to make his home in that place. Governor Coke notified the directors to meet at Bryan 35 the first Tuesday in June to organize the College. On

33 Richard Coke to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, March 22, 1875, in ibid, David A Nunn was born in Missis- sippi in 1836, had attended college in Tennessee, and studied law at New Orleans, where he was admitted to the bar. He moved to Crockett, Texas, in 1858, where he practiced law and was elected mayor in 1859. In 1861 he joined the Confederate Army. A member of the Constitutional Convention of 1875, he served as chairman of one of the special committees and had a large influence in helping establish a system of public free schools. Handbook of Texas, II, 296. " 34 Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 51. The steward's hall, when completed, was 91 feet by 39 feet, three stories, of brick, with an attached residence, 40 feet by 30 feet, four stories in height, also of brick. It served many purposes —dining hall, president's home, dormitory, president's office, fiscal office, classrooms-- before it was razed in 1933. Ibid. , 53. 35 Richard Coke to Charles West, B. H. Davis, F. S. Stockdale, Charles DeMorse, E. B. Pickett, Isaac Graves, Richard B. Hubbard, and Guy M. Bryan, Austin, Texas, April 30, 1875, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 155

June 1 Governor Coke, Lieutenant Governor Richard B. Hub- bard, Speaker of the House of Representatives Guy M. Bryan, Davis, and West met at 6 P. M. because of Coke's late arrival; Stockdale and Pickett were not expected until the next 36 day. In a meeting that lasted two days, they found it was impracticable to organize and put the College into operation at that time; however, they resolved to take all necessary steps to open it as soon as possible. Coke and West were appointed a committee to prepare and present to the legislature a recommendation for more specific legislation concerning the duties and powers of the directors and the number, character, and methods of appointment of beneficiary scholars from different parts of the state. The legislature was also asked to make an investigation to determine the condition and needs in order to recommend an additional appropriation to put the Agricultural and Mech- anical College into operation. A large amount of money had already been expended; the federal donation would provide a limited amount of support, and the directors foresaw the obvious necessity of large future expenditures. The Board "apprehended" financial embarassment in maintaining the College according to the needs of the state and the "hopes of its friends. " The possibility of uniting it with the planned State University promised the best means to support

36 Galveston ~Dail News, June 2, 1875. 156

37 both. They decided that the faculty should be composed of a president and six professors to be elected at the next regular meeting. Coke, West, and Davis were appointed to define and regulate the course of instruction to be taught 000; by each professor. The president's salary was set at $4, the salaries, of the professors were not to exceed $3, 000, with residences furnished. Governor Coke was authorized to announce the organization of the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College and to solicit applications for professorships by publication and also to confer with Jefferson Davis, former President of the Confederate States of America, concerning the presidency. Later, the Board decided not to select a faculty until the College was organized. The 38 Galveston ~Dail News complained that the salaries were set at a maximum of $8, 820 more than the annual interest of $12, 180 per year appropriated for the payment of all directors, officers, and professors of the College. The 39 Gatesville Sun noted the fine salaries and stated "we need " scarcely state the dear people of Texas will foot the bill. Shortly after the Board adjourned, Carlisle P. B. Martin applied for a teaching position, and the Governor informed Martin that he would place his letter before the Board at

37 Ibid. , June 4, 1875. 38 June 4, 1875. The maximum amount of $22, 000 allowed for salaries minus the interest of $12, 180 per year would leave a deficit of $9, 820. 39 Quoted in ibid. , June 16, 1875. 157 its next meeting. He also told Martin he would be pleased to receive a plan of operation and administration for the College since the directors needed and desired all the 40 information they could get on the subject. In less than a week Nartin responded and explained his idea of an "Agri- cultural College. " Although Martin did not know the other departments which were to be included in the organization of "your college, " he said that if the College were to be a success, all other departments should be made "tributary and subservient" to the agriculture department and not "separate, independent, and coequal. " Above all, he believed the agricultural feature should not be an appendage of a literary institution but should be disassociated from it since it would always be overshadowed and perish as a result. "Somehow or other the student of Latin and Greek with his gloved or ungloved hand, does not coalesce well with him "„41 who is but a student of acriculture. Both speculation and application had coincided with the Board's first meeting, at which time the Galveston D~ail 42 News stated there was strong talk of offering General Braxton Bragg the presidency of the College. In Nay Jefferson

40 Richard Coke to Carlisle P, B. Martin, Austin, Texas, June 9, 1875, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 41 Carlisle P. B. Martin to Governor Richard Coke, in Galveston D~ail News, July 14, 1883. 42 June 1, 1875. 158

Davis had come to visit Texas and had spoken at the Sixth Texas State Fair in Houston on the 12th about the importance of agriculture and manufacturing and of the South's dependence upon the North. On May 18 he had gone to Austin, where he received the kindest attention: "Every man is an emigra- " tion agent, self-constituted to try his skill upon him.

On May 20 a reception for him in Dallas had exceeded all 43 expectations. On June 14 Governor Coke wrote Davis and told him it had been unanimously resolved that Davis be tendered the presidency of the Agricultural and Mechanical College at a salary of $4, 000 a year with a furnished residence, and sufficient land for yards. Davis' recommendations would be consulted in fixing the duties of that office. On June 7, Governor Coke received a letter from Samuel Mc- 44 Kinney, who had more than a quarter of a century of teaching experience and was leaving to attend commencements at Harvard and Yale but would be pleased to fill one of the 45 chairs at the College should his services be desired.

43 Ibid. , May 12, 19, 20, 1875. 44 Samuel McKinney had been born in Ireland in 1807 and had come to the United States in 1812. After graduation from the University of Pennsylvania, he lived in Mississippi for many years before coming to Huntsville, Texas, where he was president of Austin College from 1850 to 1853. Returning to Mississippi, he later came back to Texas, where he again served as president of Austin College from 1862 to 1871. Handbook of Texas~ II, 116-117. 45 Samuel McKinney to Richard Coke, n. p. , June 7, 1875, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 159

Upon returning, McKinney wrote Governor Coke that he had visited Jefferson Davis on his return trip to learn for himself Davis' intentions in regard to the position offered him. Davis said he was not "sufficiently acquainted with the state of things" but that he would be in Texas again in

October. He was apprehensive that the duties of president might intrude upon his impaired health, but McKinney had suggested that the professors would relieve him of pressure and that his general management would be all that was " n cessary. "After obviating another difficulty, Davis noted there were no students sufficiently advanced to undertake the study of agricultural chemistry, etc. , and suggested that an early establishment of a high school preparatory course by "two or more gentlemen of established reputation as scholars and successful teachers" would enable the desired goal to be obtained. Davis sincerely wished to aid the people in obtaining the desired goals, and McKinney believed that. Davis' influence could "aid 1 46 us ~

By the time the Board met again, Governor Coke had received at least thirteen testimonials recommending Dr. David Porter Smythe, who was later appointed first College physician, for a position in the College. The mayor of Gal- veston, Texas, Congressman Dewitt Giddings, some citizens of Calvert, several doctors in Galveston, and a prominent

46 Ibid. , July 12, 1875. 160

Baptist minister in Bryan, F. M. Law, all sent testimonials 47 to Coke. Dr. Smythe himself wrote Coke on 1'4ay 15 that he desired to place his name before the Board as Professor of Chemistry and Natural Science, not knowing the number and character of the professorships. Smythe, a graduate of the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania, had been in Texas since 1851 and had lectured for two years at the Galveston Medical School. He thought he could "bring a fair share of theoretical and practical knowledge to his 48 duties" and would devote his entire time to his duties. Applications for positions illustrate how general and vague the knowledge of science was at the time the College was established, A medical doctor had read in one of the

New Orleans newspapers that the Board would soon advertise for applications for faculty positions. He applied for the professorship of "chemistry as applied to agriculture and the arts. " At the time, he held a similar position in the agricultural college of Louisiana and was also a professor 49 of chemistry in the medical college. Another application

47 W. D. Wood to Board of Regents, Centreville, Texas, May 18, 1875; Albert M. Mills to Richard Coke, Galveston, Texas, May 22, 1875; J. D. Holonquist to Richard Coke, May 23, 1875; J. D. and D. C. Giddings to Richard Coke, May 24, 1875; F. M. Law to Richard Coke, Bryan, Texas, June 1, 1875; and Hillary Ryan, to Richard Coke, Caldwell, Texas, June 1, 1875, in ibid. 48 D. Port Smythe to Richard Coke, Bryan, Texas, May 15, 1875, in ibid. 49 Alfred W. Perry to Richard Coke, n. p. , June 23, 1875, in ibid. 161 came from a man who had been teaching since he was nineteen and who "could fill any chair, " although he preferred languages. He wrote again the following week since he had been informed that all the faculty except the president had been chosen; but in case the report was in error, he wished to know when the Board wo'uld choose professors and when the 50 College would open. The people of Texas bad looked forward to replacing the Reconstruction Constitution of 1869 ever since the Democrats gained control of government, and it had finally been determined that a constitutional convention would be held in the Fall of 1875. The writing of a new constitution presented the directors with the opportunity to achieve their qoal of uniting the Agricultural and Mechanical College with the University of Texas. Times were hard. The Panic of 1873 and consequent commercial, agricultural, and financial depression had cut deeply into the income of the people who were tired of both high taxes and Radical extravagances. At the time, the Grange was the largest interest group in Texas, and it comprised 45, 000 of the state's total electorate of 250, 000. Almost half of the members in the Constitutional Convention were members of the Grange, which had been organized in 51 Texas in 1873. The key motivating force in the convention

D. A. Bland to Richard Coke, Round Rock, Texas, July 16 and 24, 1875, in ibid. 51 Barr, Reconstruction to Reform, 9. 162 was "retrenchment and reform. " A thousand dollars would buy as much as fifteen hundred dollars had three years 52 previously. The Constitution of 1876 reflected the times and fears of the delegates who met in October. Expenditures such as the pensions to veterans of the Texas Revolution, frontier protection, and the bonded debt with its heavy interest could not be decreased; therefore, reductions were made in the salaries of state officers and judges, in the support for eleemosynary institutions, and in the share of the general revenue assigned to the School Fund. In the debate concerning the establishment of a public school system, one delegate stated that after "a quiet submission" to harsh Radical taxation, the "bitter humiliation of seeing their hard earnings squandered by the mismanagement of incompe-

tent, or what may be worse, dishonest officials" had served to alienate the people. For, after all, the greatest evil resultant from the educational article of 1869 was not the hardships and inconveniences imposed upon the citizens without commensurate returns, but in the aliena- tion of the public mind from the whole system of public free schools; it is easy to outlive its gqst evil, but how hard to outlive its future evil. The office of State Superintendent of Public Instruction was abolished. Still desiring to establish the University, the

52 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, October 8, 1875. 53 Seth S. NcKay (ed. ), Debates in the Texas Constitu- tional Convention of 1875, p. 342. 163 delegates set aside in the Constitution of 1875 one million acres of land from the unappropriated domain for the Uni- versity, and retrieved the better land previously assigned. ' The Constitution of 1875 severely limited the legislature s 54 debt-creating and taxing power.

Aid to education took up much of the time of the con~ en- tion and represented the varying and opposing views held by the state's citizens. There were those who had combatted the idea of public taxation for education and expected to continue to do so. Some called attention to the inability of a small population having $200 wealth per capita, mostly agricultural, in a large and sparsely settled area with their money invested in land, agricultural implements, and stock, to support public education. Others pointed out the tyranny centralized in a system as had existed under the recent Radical Republican leadership as well as the violation

54 W~eekl Examiner and Patron (Waco), December 3, 1875, reported at the time that the state had an interest bearing fund of $3, 000, 000. About 20, 000, 000 acres of patented land in organized counties was being placed on the market and taken by actual settlers. There was an additional land fund of many millions of acres in unorganized counties; and over and above this was half of the unappropriated public domain, in all, amounting to over 60, 000, 000 acres. In view of the large land resource and the unsettled conditions of the times, the majority of the convention decided it would be "unwise and unjust to impose on taxpayers and parents of today an onerous money tax to maintain at once a gigantic system of free schools. " A poll tax of one dollar was placed on each male inhabitant between twenty-one and sixty to be added to the annual interest of the permanent school fund in order to furnish an additional sum of about $775, 000. Each county was granted an additional 17, 772 acres to use as an educational fund. 164 of justice in assuming power over another's child. Some wanted land grants to provide funds so that "taxation for schools would be no more"; others pointed out the low selling price of a section of 640 acres (only about $41 on the streets of Austin and not enough to pay for a survey and incidental expenses), which in a few years would increase in value. Some feared the destruction of private schools, which had done some good; others decried the imposition of burdens in the last fifteen years that had replaced free government which had previously made few encroachments on the reserved rights of citizens. A legacy of prejudice and distrust had been caused by the Radicals' taxation, perversion, and the humiliation of the people by incompetent or dishonest officials.

On the other hand, the proponents of a public school system foresaw that education promoted the general welfare and that children educated outside Texas grew up with a foreign spirit and would take government into their own hands to the exclusion of present ideas. They pointed out that the minimum support for education in 1845 was proposed as the maximum for 1875; the best lands had been gutted by speculators, and it would require many years for land sales to maintain public schools. The interest in the Texas Agricul- tural and Mechanical College was closely related to the public attitude toward education in geheral. People were more concerned in the establishment of common schools; if 165 they were not willing to support them adequately, they would hardly be likely to support the College. More importantly, the class for whom the College was intended was inadequately prepared for college work; unless a good foundation for a system of public education was laid, the College would be handicapped in that it would be required to provide much 55 preparatory education. Bennett H. Davis, a director of the College and a delegate to the convention, was the spokesman for the Col- lege and secured concessions that had far-reaching implications. As finally adopted, Section 48 of Article III made it possible to levy taxes for the support of colleges and universities. In their drive for retrenchment some had wanted to prohibit the levying of taxes to support these institutions, but Davis pointed out that to crush out forever the establishment of state colleges and universities would be a serious handicap to the state. Legislation denying this right would make it impossible for future legislatures to encourage a proper system of education. He was pledged to retrenchment and reform, as well as were the people whom he represented, only insofar as such a pledge did not conflict with his duty to secure good government. Reform should be made in areas which tended to produce fraud and corruption, but restrictions upon the legislative power of the

55 McKay (ed. ), Debates in the Constitutional Convention of 1875, pp. 100, 103, 107, 124, 216. 166 people should be as few as possible and only enough to insure honest government. Texas needed a system of public education to keep pace with other states and for the welfare of its citizens. The legislators should not fear bribery in the people's effort to obtain these goals. Explaining the effect of Section 48 as first proposed, Bennett Davis pointed out that the legislature would be prevented from making any appropriation hereafter for institutions of higher education since it was prohibited from imposing any tax whatever on the people for any other objects than those specified in the section. He offered an amendment to empower the legislature in the future to make necessary appropriations for state colleges. Without the amendment, Section 48 would have the effect of destroying the only state educational institution in existence. The Agricultural and Mechanical College would cease to exist, and all state expenditures, amounting to $131,000 for a main building and other buildings would be "a stupendous mass of brick and mortar, utterly worthless to the State. " Asking them if they would refuse to reconsider the vote to adopt his amendment making taxation possible, he asked, Will you thus destroy this college and throw to the winds all of the property belonging to it, and through it to the State of Texas? Will you deprive the people of the benefits and advantages of the only institution of learning they have, or will ever have, if this section is not changed?

He called their action a penny-wise and pound —foolish policy and inquired as to why they were so distrustful of future 167 legislatures and their power to make appropriations. "Is it because we have exhausted all of honesty, wisdom, and patriotism in this body politic, and that the people will hereafter be incapable of self-government, incapable of electing honest, capable, and patriotic members of the 56 Legislature?" Including interest due, there was $214, 000 in the Col- lege Fund. If the legislature prevented additional appropriations, the College could not be completed and put into operation. The state would lose this fund as well as all the expenditures that had been made in the erection of the College buildings, an amount of $131, 000, together with the land for which Brazos County citizens had paid $22, 000 and donated to the state upon the condition that the College would be located thereon. Thus, a total of $367, 000 would be surrendered if the convention prohibited the legislature 57 ' from making future appropriations. Davis arguments were convincing, although some objected to clauses which

56 Ibid. , 144 —148. 57 During the subsequent debates on the appropriation bill in the next legislature, one of the members said the convention knew that much money had been wasted on the Agricultural and Mechanical College. He declared that he had agreed to the constitutional provision not on its merits but to prevent the return of such a large sum to the national government. Galveston D~ail News, June 21, 1876. The Gal- veston D~ail News had reported on June 5, 1875, that $147, 000 had already been expended on buildings at the College. The original appropriation was $75, 000; a second appropriation was made in 1874 for $40, 000; and a third was made in the Spring of 1875 for $32, 000. 168 specifically promised support to other prospective institutions of higher learning. Delegates were reminded that there was a University Fund, and that it was the hope of enlightened citizens that Texas would soon have at least one university. Strong supporters of Davis in the convention were fellow directors and delegates, Charles DeMorse and F. S. Stock- 58 dale. Davis next turned to securing the union of the Agricul- tural and Mechanical College with the University of Texas in Article VII, Section 13, by making the College a "branch " of the University of Texas. He was able to secure this advantageous relationship and an appropriation not to exceed $40, 000 to complete the buildings and make improvements to the grounds at the College through Grange influence among the delegates. Many Texas farmers believed that through the Grange and its leaders and the politicians associated with it, they had a real voice in the legislature and administration of the state by Democrats. In Texas, representatives of agrarian interests shared political power to a greater extent than in most Southern states because of a higher percentage of rural population and the level of farmer organization. The Texas State Grange was second in size only to that of Kentucky and clearly influenced the

58 Convention McKay (ed. ), Debates in the Constitutional of 1875, pp. 145, 150. 169

59 framing of the Constitution of 1876. Davis pointed out that the commissioners had asked for an additional appropriation of $58, 000 in the preceding legislative session', and Governor Coke had acquiesced in regarding the appropriation as "absolutely essential" and the College affairs " "economically and honestly administered. However, the legislature had appropriated only $32, 000, an amount known at the time to be insufficient. Neither did the appropriation include enough for seats and desks; thus, an additional appropriation of at least $30, 000 would be required. For this "paltry sum" the large amount of property could be utilized and a practical and scientific education could be " 60 gained by the "sons of toil in this broad state. Construction of the buildings was progressing satisfactorily. In September, 1875, a destructive tropical storm hit Brazos County; the Galveston D~ail News reported that the third story of the main building at the College had blown down, but a correction on October 12 stated that the third 61 story of the steward's hall had suffered damages. The paper had earlier reported that the College would open about 62 January 1.

59 Barr, Reconstruction to Reform, 22, 39. 60 McKay (ed. ), Debates in the Constitutional Convention of 1875, p. 147. 61 " Quoted in Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 52. 62 Galveston ~Dail News, August 25, 1875. 170

CHAPTER VI

ORGANIZATION OF THE STATE

AGRICULTURAL AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE

After the ratification of the Constitution, the Fif- teenth Legislature which met in April, 1876, had many responsibilities. In his message to the legislature on April 19, Governor Coke affirmed that he was looking forward to putting the Agricultural and Mechanical College into operation by September 1 and commended the report of the commissioners to their attention. Such a plan would require prompt action. The original appropriation of $75, 000 had been mismanaged or not "judiciously expended" through some other cause; later appropriations of $40, 000 and $32, 000 had proven insufficient to put the College into operation. The constitutional convention had given the legislators the express duty and power to levy taxes for the support and maintenance of the Agricultural and Mechanical College; it had also made it the express duty of the legislature to make an appropriation not exceeding $40, 000 in order to put the College into immediate and successful operation. In addition to the appropriation, it would be necessary to use the accrued interest on the College Fund to carry out the Board's plans. Governor Coke included the report of Ford and

Raymond to present information about the buildings already constructed and those "yet desired. " Both the main building 171

1 and steward's hall were complete. Governor Coke also pointed out a problem that the Board had encountered, at its first Board meeting that was of sufficient importance to require the legislature's attention. The Board had been empowered to make proper regulations for the admission of students and for the terms of their admission. The Board had taken no final action because it was the "fixed and unalterable policy of the State, founded upon the best interest" of both races that white and colored should not "be mingled in the public schools or colleges. " The directors had decided it best to postpone further consideration until the legislature could make some other provision for Negro pupils and "thereby any question as to them avoided. " The new Constitution provided for a branch university for the education of Negro youths; other Southern states accepting the federal grant had provided separate schools; therefore, Coke recommended Texas do the same. The Board desired to put the College into operation at the beginning of the scholastic year of 1876; if the legislature acted promptly, a school for Negro youths could 2 be put into operation the next year.

1 Galveston ~Dail News, April 20, 1876. The same paper had reported earlier that the main building of the A. and M. College was the finest in the state. Ibid. , April 7, 1876.

"Message11 of Governor Richard M. Coke, " in &bid. , April 20, 1876. 172

On May 5 the Senate passed a resolution calling upon the Committee on Education to inquire into the practicability of putting the College into operation during the Fall, as well as to inquire into the practicability of providing for the early establishment of the University. A resolution was adopted to appoint a committee to visit the premises, inspect them, and report to the legislature. The committee was to suggest such changes and improvements as it thought desirable to provide for efficient management and were authorized to call on the Board to gain needed information. The committee- 3 men were appointed on May 19, and made their report on June 13. The committee reported the Agricultural and Mech- anical College grounds included about 2, 700 acres of "light loam" and were adapted to agricultural purposes, although the land had never been surveyed according to the commissioners' knowledge. There was a fair proportion of timber suitable for fuel. Water was said to be bountiful within a few feet of the surface; never-failing wells had only to be sunk about fifteen feet. A large tank, constructed with ease and little expense, provided a bountiful supply of water for all purposes. The location was judicious and picturesque. Plans and specifications of the buildings, which were a better class than expected, of superior construction and elegant architecture, were included in the report.

3 Jo 1 f th S t f th* F'ft th L~l t *f the State of Texas, 1st Sess. , 130, 149, 186. 173

Although the committee did not want to appear unkind or unfriendly, it thought a different arrangement of the rooms 4 would have been better suited for this type of college.

An estimated three hundred and fifty students could be comfortably accommodated. The committee thought it would be necessary to build one more building for the president or professor "who has a family, " with the cost not to exceed $7, 000. An amount not to exceed $5, 000 should be provided to landscape the grounds and trees and shrubbery set out as soon as practicable. A maximum amount of $15, 000 would be appropriated to furnish the steward's hall, build stables, 5 provide desks, farming implements, teams and apparatus. There was a farm home on the grounds that could be used as a residence for some of the faculty; since it would have to be repaired in order to be put in habitable condition, the committee recommended an appropriation not to exceed $2, 000. Workshops and necessary machinery should be provided "so as to fully carry out the idea intended in its foundation, ' which is that the institution shall be a 'mechanical, as well as an 'agricultural, ' college. " A maximum appropriation

4 A serious handicap was the fact that the building did not include nor did the plans call for it to include a laboratory. "Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, April 11, 1888, " p. 60. 5 The Board was often accused of failing to comprehend what was needed in order to support an agricultural and mechanical college. The committee's report of needed equipment also shows the misconception that was general. 174 of $11, 000 was required; the committee suggested some of 6 this amount be used to purchase a steam engine. Since it was also the duty of the committee to suggest legislation required to put the College into successful operation, its members had "some degree" of investigation and given much thought to the problem. As the institution would supply a long felt need, it should be placed in operation as soon as possible, A practical education in the general sciences would then be available to many who lacked such an opportunity heretofore. The Board should set the standard of scholarship and course of study in each department. Although the committee had no preference or plan, it believed it was "conducive to the interests of the college" that some method whereby a number of students could be appointed and taught free of charge should be regulated by law. It also thought that since the endowment was intended for all, the College should be open to both sexes. The accrued interest on the endowment was about $48, 000, which the committee thought should be invested in some safe manner. An annual income of about $14, 000 would be available to the College from the interest on both the endowment and previously accrued interest. If its recommendations were followed as to the appropriation, the members believed the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas would be open

6 J* 1 of th S* t f th F'ft* th L~lt f the State of Texas, 1st Sess. , 309-309. 175 to receive students on the first of September, "an event long looked for, " to benefit a class of people previously denied facilities for intellectual development and improvement. "As upon this class rest many of the burdens of government, it is meet and proper that every effort should " be made to prepare them for their responsibility. The special committee recommended that "out of any available" fund a sufficient amount should be appropriated to provide for the Negro youth. A suitable locality, the purchase of an adequate amount of land, and the construction of needed buildings should be undertaken at an early date so that these youths also could have the "blessings" of an agricultural and mechanical college. The Morrill Act had authorized the donation to be apportioned to one or more such colleges in each state. The committee thought both schools could be controlled by the same board; the experience of one could be for the advantage of the other. "This appears to the committee to be an equitable, just, and legal solution of what seemed at first an insuperable difficulty " 7 in the way of a speedy organization of this institution. Following the report of the special committee, the bill to appropriate $40, 000 for the requested purposes was debated in the House of Representatives. A proposal was made to cut it to $20, 000 because of the importance of the "greatest vigilance" caused by the "embarassed conditions of our

7 Ibid. , 308-309. 176 finances. " The criticism was made that other legislatures had been asked for appropriations to "finish" the College, and it was still requesting money. Walter W. Lang, a member of the House and also Master of the Texas State Grange, took the lead in the debate to secure the appropriation; he pointed out that it would be throwing money away to give a lesser amount and not putting the College into operation, since the Governor, Board of Directors, and special committee had all requested the larger sum as being essential. There was no need to let the College drag slowly along until another legislature made appropriations to make it useful. Economy demanded that the people gain some benefit from the investment already made. He also mentioned the condition in the land grant which stipulated that if within five years the College was not put into operation, the federal grant would be forfeited; the Constitutional 8 Convention had also seen this necessity. Debate soon centered on making some provision for the Negro youth while at the same time securing the entire appropriation for the Agricultural and Mechanical College. The Negro members of the legislature believed that in creating the College the national government had not said it was for one race and opposed the appropriation on the

8 Galveston ~Dail News, June 18, 1876. 177

9 grounds that it was for whites only. Meshack Roberts said he had voted against the appropriation in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Legislatures. "It is always coming up. " He didn't think the College would even benefit whites; once it was put into operation only the rich people could send their children there. However, he had voted against it because the Constitution shut his race out. "I ask, what went with the school fund during the war? Sent it off to Europe. There was a million dollars of it in gold, and now they bring back $350, 000 in currency, and you are going to waste and destroy even that. You shut out

my poor race from college and destroy the common school

fund. " He was opposed to a proposition that only took care of one class of people. "In 450 years from now maybe you will build another college. " He stated that his people did not want to go to the same schools as whites, but every tax- payer's money went into the State Treasury; the appropriation would educate only the whites. "Is it right or just?" His sympathies were with the Southern people, but he thought the fund should be equitably divided.

9Meshack Roberts, as a slave, had been brought to Gilmer prior to the Civil War; during the Civil War he operated his master's plantation while the latter served in the Confeder- ate Army. In 1867, after differences with the Ku Klux Klan, he was sent to Marshall by his former master, and he became active in politics and Methodist work among the Negroes. He represented Harrison County in the Thirteenth, Four- teenth, and Fifteenth Legislatures. Handbook of Texas, II, 485. 178

You place in this constitution that the Legislature may build a branch college for the colored people, but right down below you say that no money shall be appropriated to build it. He said this provision for Bryan College must be made or we would lose everything, and we could wait on the rest. Is that just? You can't fix it up right to save your lives. Roberts then attacked the Constitution on the grounds that it meant nothing else but "to strike down the poor race, " 10 poor enough already. The other Negro legislator in the House of Representa- 11 tives, William H. Holland, also claimed that the Constitu- tion tied the hands of legislators, who could not vote a dollar or impose a dollar tax to create a Negro college; and he claimed a pro-rata interest on the College bonds.

You will establish a college to educate six hundred white youths sufficient for yourselves of my kind. The gentleman says to the exclusion can' you will make an appropriation for us. You t do it. But you may appropriate a few thousand acres of barren prairie land, and that will be the last of the college for my people. colored He asked, if under the bill, they could exclude children from the College; he was in favor if there was no color line.

10Galveston D~ail News, June 21, 1876. 11William H. Holland was born a slave in Marshall in 1849. Purchased by Bird Holland, who had served as an officer in state government for many years and was killed during the Civil War at the Battle of Mansfield in 1864, he and two of his brothers, who had also been purchased, were sent to Oberlin College in Ohio. Returning to Texas, William H. Holland taught in various cities, worked in the Austin post office, and represented Wharton County in the Fifteenth Legislature. Handbook of Texas, I, 826. 179

You may as well vote both, for we are bound to have education for the colored children from this national provision, if we have ourselves to knock (excitedly knocking at his desk) at your university doors. Why not educate both in the same college? Let them be divided if you please, by a wall, and I don't care if it is a mile high and a half mile through the wall. 12

Lang noted that the Constitution prohibited taxation and an appropriation to build a branch university, but did not prohibit it for a branch of the Agricultural and Mechan- ical College. Other white legislators assured Holland and Roberts that they favored education for Negro youths since the state had an obligation to them and "humanity to humanity demanded their education. " Holland and Roberts then announced their willingness to vote for the appropriation after a mollifying speech by a white member was made for 13 their benefit. Holland, who had visited the College, introduced a bill to establish a branch of the Agricultural and Mechanical College for Negroes. It passed the House by a vote of sixty-seven to six; the Senate recommended a change in the title of the bill to omit a "branch of" and 14 passed the bill twenty —two to one with the amendment.

12 Galveston ~Dail News, June 21, 1876. 13 Ibid. , June 18, 1876. 14 Letter from Governor O. 4, Roberts to W. N. Brown, in Austin Daily Statesman, January 24, 1882. The law was passed August 14, 1876, but the Constitution forbade an appropriation from the general revenue for such an institution. Another law in 1879 appropriated $6, 000 from the University Fund to establish a Negro normal school. 180

The bill making the appropriation became law on June 24, 1876; due to the emergency of the situation, the appropriation was to take effect and be in force from its passage. It included $40, 000, or so much of that amount as was necessary, for the purposes which had been recommended. A supplemental act, July 28, 1876, placed the appropriation under the control of the Board of Directors, and the Comb- troller was autnorized to draw his warrant on the Treasurer on the order of the Board and the signature of the President. Since it was necessary to have the buildings completed by October 1, the emergency nature would cause the act to take 15 effect immediately. 16 The Galveston D~ail News criticized the small economical reforms made by the legislature, such as saving clerk and printing expenses, but making no effort to control finances otherwise. The Finance Committee of the House had recommended the issuance of bonds amounting to $1, 675, 000 agreed to by the House. Another bill was then before the House to issue $400, 000 to the School Fund, to replace money loaned to bankrupt railroads. Lang had proposed two bills to issue bonds to pay the back interest on the University Fund and the Agricultural and Nechanical College Fund. Altogether these would cost future taxpayers $350 a day; by 1878 the taxpayers would be burdened with a debt of $7, 000, 000, and 15 Gammel (comp. ), The Laws of Texas, VIII, 864, 892. 16 June 22, 1876. 181 an annual interest of $500, 000. To fund the accumulated interest on the special funds "is to saddle future taxpayers with obligations and with burdens which cannot be excused by either necessity or justice, " according to the editor of the Galveston D~ail News. They should be paid at that time and not passed on to saddle the future generation. The Houston 17 A~e commented on the College appropriation as "simply the excuse for a ring 'to make something out of the State. '" " The College was one of the "most arrant humbugs of the time. Legislative expenditures to repay old debts, many of them created by the Radicals, received little sympathy from people who had grown accustomed to and were pleased by the sound of "retrenchment and reform. "

An act passed on July 6, which authorized the issuance and sale of bonds to meet the indebtedness of the state, provided for the payment of the unpaid interest due the 18 College Fund. An act of August 21 made the State Board of Education responsible for collecting the interest due the College Fund at the end of the fiscal year and investing all of it except $12, 000, which was set apart for the opening and support of the College, in six percent state bonds. This 19 investment added $35, 000 to the original fund of $174, 000.

17 Quoted in ibid. , July 15, 1876. 18 Gammel (comp. ), The Laws of Texas, VIII, 877. 19 Austin ~Dail Statesman, February 28, 1885. 182

For the next seven years, with the exception of a 815, 000 appropriation in 1879, the interest from this investment, in addition to student fees and matriculation fees, was to be the sole support of the Agricultural and Mechanical 20 College. In a later attack upon the College in 1885, admist the wrangling between University and College supporters that occurred because of their limited financial resources and the need of both for legislative aid, the Austin 21 ~Dail Statesman declared that the defaulted interest really belonged to the Available Fund and represented cash. The interest of $35, 000, invested in bonds was settled by the two legislative acts; however, the investment in state bonds did not change the nature of the interest fund. It was the manner in which the state preferred to settle the debt. Since the interest on the federal grant was subject to appropriation, these bonds belonged to the Available Fund and were subject to be used for maintenance and did not constitute a part of the Permanent Fund. The legislature made no provision for appropriations to establish a thorough program of scientific work, either mechanical or agricultural, an oversight which was to lead to considerable difficulties for the College. No one is able to justify the course of the Legislature in accepting the donation of the

20 Galveston ~Dail News, March 12, 1883. 21 February 28, 1885. General Government for this precise purpose, and, after expending a considerable sum of money in buildings and imperfect equipments, in stopping short and refusing to complete the undertaking. But what is still more reprehensible, many are holding up the college to scorn and ridicule for not doing what the Legislature practically forbade it to do. 22

On July 15 the Board held its second meeting in Austin with Governor Coke, Hubbard, Bonner, Davis, and West present. The chairs were selected and salaries set, with the president to receive $3, 000 and the professors $2, 250 and residence. Determined to elect only those professors they considered absolutely necessary to the organization and success of the 23 College, the Board decided on a maximum of six professors. However, the salaries of even this number of faculty members was greater than the amount of the annual interest, the only financial resource the College had; the interest had to be used to pay expenses of Board members and any other employees, as well. William Falconer, of Bryan, was elected secretary 24 of the Board with a salary of $500.

22 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. Ncinnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 23 Alexander Hogg, Industrial Education; Oricrin and ~po ~ (g 1 t*, 1879), p. 28. 24 t' A. J. P 1 ( o P. ), 1 ~R 1 t th A~lt 1 od M* h 1 C~LL* of T d th ~pd' f th 8o d of C' t f 8 'd C~ll f J o 1, 1878, t* ~323, 1878. A 9ddpbl'hdbyA. J. PL One of the Directors of the Board, under Its Authority )IAustin, 18-19. Hereafter cited: Peeler, Laws 1878), pp. ' ~R*1 t' t th ~A' lt 1 d M h 1 C~*11 f T 184

Governor Coke announced that Jefferson Davis had refused the presidency. When Davis visited Texas in Nay, 1875, there had been popular backing to induce Davis to become a citizen of Texas, and the offer of the College presidency was made on behalf of the state as well as by the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Nechanical College. The Board knew of no other person whose name and efforts could be better used. Should Davis have accepted, he would have helped to define the duties of his office. Upon his visit in Austin, 25 the Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman had pointed to the need of a state university and thought that Davis could build in Austin a major university on the site selected by the founders of the city and the leaders in state government. 26 A few weeks later another editorial in the Statesman called for the creation of a "great university of world-wide importance" in Austin with Davis as its head, each denomina- tion to have a college in that place as an integral part of the university. A great university would send out "instruc- " tors and engineers and learned mechanics and practical men. The editor thought its location at the capital would give access to a library and make university inspection convenient to lawmakers; in addition, a railroad would soon make Austin accessible to other areas of the state. Jefferson Davis wrote to a Texas friend, "the only person with whom I had

25 May 7, 1875. 26 Ibid. , May 28, 1875. 185 conversed freely on the subject, " and said that considerations he would have asked would probably have prevented his election by the directors. "I want to work with compensation, but could not accept a position which I did not believe I 27 could satisfactorily fill. " Coke had written Davis in June, 1875, that the directors desired to build up the Agri- cultural and Mechanical College as a prominent feature of the educational system, and "we know of no living man whose name and efforts can do as much as yours toward accomplishing that purpose. "„28 Rumors had circulated before the first Board meeting in June, 1875, that should Davis refuse, the 29 presidency would be offered to General Braxton Bragg. The rumor was still afloat at the time of the second Board meeting. Bragg was a "consummate organizer, an excellent scholar, and practical mathematician, " and he had recently

27 Article by James H. Quarles concerning the history of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas in the Houston ~Dail Post, June 6, 1909, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. Jefferson Davis had previously been proposed for the position of Chancellor of the University of Georgia. Galveston ~Dail News, November 2, 1873. 28 Charles P. Arrowood, "The Election o f Je f fer son Davis and Mechanical College to the Presidency of the Agricultural' of 'I, " S th t* H' t 1 ~Qt 1, XLIX (0 t b 1945), pp. 294-295 ~ "The sun of the old South had set, and the ef fort of the Directors of the A. and M. College to bring Davis —— symbol of the Old South- —to the institution was but an afterglow of the day that was fading. The Agricul- tural and Mechanical College of Texas was to turn its face to the future and have its life in a way which, then, was just dawning. " 29 Galveston Daily News, June 1, 1875. 186 resigned his position as chief engineer with the Galveston 30 and Santa Fe Railroad.

As rumors spread in Austin in the summer of 1876 that Jefferson Davis might not accept the presidency of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, Louis J. DuPre, a former Mississippian and editor of the Democratic Statesman, suggested that Judge Walter Acker should see Thomas S. 31 Gathright concerning the presidency. Judge Acker did not remember talking to Governor Coke about the matter, but he did discuss it with Lieutenant Governor Hubbard. In the July Board meeting Gathright was elected president on the second ballot; he was also elected Professor of Moral and Mental Philosophy. Gathright had founded the Summerville Institute in Mississippi in 1854 and had remained there until 1876, when he was elected Superintendent of Public Edu- 32 cation at Jackson, Mississippi. Gathright later said that 33 he owed his appointment to Governor Coke. A former student

30 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, July 24, 1875. 31 As earlier noted, Gathright had written to Coke in March, 1875, and again in October, 1875, to inquire about a position and to offer testimonials. At that time Governor Coke mentioned receiving recommendations from Colonel Nunn and others. T. S. Gathright to Richard Coke, Gholson, Missis- sippi, March 22 and October 25, 1875, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 32 S. A. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Palestine, Texas, January 4, 1883, LouiS L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 33 Brazos Pilot quoted in Galveston D~ail News, December 21, 1879. 187 of the College said that Gathright had been elected to the presidency solely upon the recommendation of Jefferson Davis, who regretted his own inability to serve, but thought Gathright to be more able than he. According to Davis, Gathright had "no superior as an educator and a guide for 34 youthful character. "

An old Texan, Hamilton P. Bee, was elected steward and was also chosen superintendent of the farm, a newly-created office, at a salary of 8.500 a year. Dr. D. Port Smythe was chosen College physician, the medical fees charged the students being his compensation. In the preceding Summer, when rumors spread that the College would open in the Pall, 35 the Board received over one hundred applications; it is quite likely that many more had been received since the opening was a reality. The Board used the same procedure in electing the remainder of the faculty as it had in electing the president. Faculty members appointed were Alexander

Hogg, of Alabama, Professor of Pure Mathematics; John T. Hand, of Tyler, Professor of Ancient Languages, Belles Lettres, History and English Literature; William A. Banks, of Austin, Professor of Modern Languages; Carlisle P. Martin, of Montgomery County, Professor of Chemistry, Practical Agriculture, Natural Sciences; and R. Page Morris,

34„"To the editor of the Post, March 26, from New Orleans, " Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 35 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, July 24, 1875. 188

36 of Austin, Professor of Applied Mathematics. When plans were being made to select a faculty for the University of Texas six years later, Dr. Ashbel Smith stated that the history of the "branch of the university is a most significant warning against a hasty and ill —advised selection of a corps of professors. "M37 Most of the faculty had been in. charge of private schools; Gathright himself had formerly been in charge of a private school and had complete charge of both employment and removal. Evidently, the selection of the faculty met with public approval as the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman 38 publicly praised the Board for being fortunate in the selection of an excellent faculty; other things being equal, preference had been given to Southerners, " who were trained and "erudite gentlemen in every instance. 39 However, the Galveston ~Dail News complained that from the

36 ' P 1* ( o P. ), L R~kt' t th Ag lt 1 d — Ph 9 d h d th M h 1 ~C11 f 1', 19 19. plans upon therr own experiences since they were college— educated, and college was a place where Latin and Greek were the main subjects that gave the student an understanding of history, philosophy, literature, and oratory. The College was organized routinely. First, a p esident who also taught mental and moral philosophy and was both a classical scholar and orator was selected. Then the professors, ranking in order from Greek and Latin to an unimportant young instructor in the natural sciences was selected. [Brazos Pilot (Bryan), January 9, 1884], Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M Uni- versity Archives. Professor Morris was only twenty-two ' 'th ' y f g*. 1 t A. L. 9 k B 11 M~ News, December 18, 1927, in ibid. 37 Ashbel Smith to Editor, Galveston Daily News, May 26, 1882. 38 July 21, 1876, and June 12, 1878. 39 October 22, 1876. 189

number of professors employed and the character of the gentlemen, it seemed likely that they could not afford to serve for meager salaries. B. H. Davis and C. S. West were appointed a committee to

call together the professors known to be present in Austin, and with their assistance prepare a pamphlet for circulation which would set forth a general outline of the courses of study, the manner in which they were to be conducted, ex- pensee, etc. The pamphlet was accepted on July 23, and five 40 thousand copies were ordered printed. There were several reasons why the Board chose the course of study that it did at this meeting. The United States Bureau of Education said that when the Agricultural and Mechanical College was organized, it was "not surprising" that it opened as a classical and mathematical school to provide academic instruction rather than being a technical school, since few Southern- ers opposed the exclusive study of the classics at the expense of sciences and mechanic arts. Although there was some

40 Gathright was still in Mississippi and did not come to Texas until September. S. A. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Palestine, Texas, January 4, 1883, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. Certainly his presence during the initial planning seems desirable, especially in view of the fact that the degree of his authority as president of the College was later to be challenged by some of the faculty. A humorous observation in the Democratic Statesman pointed out that it was thought an education in conducting, printing, and publishing a newspaper had been anticipated, and an application had been made for the professorship. "Editors require a special training, even as do lawyers and physicians, and the fact will yet be recognized at Bryan. " Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, July 21, 1876. 190 instruction in the mechanic arts and sciences, the traditional classical instruction received the greatest attention. "In this, the institution but supplied the demands of the citizens of the State, and was not contrary to the general act of the Federal government, making the grant and estab- " lishing the conditions upon which it should be founded. The College was totally unprepared to teach science and 41 agriculture. The College building did not even include a laboratory. Even those colleges equipped to teach the sciences faced difficulties in selecting a curricula since education meant specific training in subject matter, and the scientific fields were just beginning to emerge, constantly creating both new subject matter and new occupations. More- over, qualified teachers were unavailable in sufficient numbers. Viewing innovations with suspicion and disfavor, conservatives were more firmly entrenched in the field of 42 education than any other place. Throughout its early years

41 H~t f tt* H~t f 3, 183. 78 1, 8 Bl 1873 ~Ro t f tt 8 f Ed t'o ff d p curricula for a "liberal and practical education" in agriculture and mechanic arts: besides a respectable knowledge of the vernacular and of its literature, a knowledge of the laws of mechanics and physics; a knowledge of natural history and of geology and botany; of experimental chemistry, both organic and inorganic; of engineering and surveying as related to irrigation and the reclaiming of waste lands; of pot't' 1, 1, +ddo t' *y. ~Rot f tt Co missioner of Education for the Year 1873, lxxiv. 42 At the opening of the industrial college for women, President Cree T. Work said that it had been only a comparatively few years since the person who believed that industrial work possessed strong educative values or who said that higher education should be made more practical was 191 the College was forced to contend with both those, "and they were legion, " whose concept of higher education was the attainment of knowledge based on the classics and those who ' " 43 had a "deep-seated contempt for 'book-farming. The Board had nothing in the past to guide it, either in the management of a state-supported school or in a successful model for an agricultural and mechanical school, since similar colleges in other states were still experiment- ing in both the selection of course content and in the arrangement of the courses, as well as in the methods to be used. Conditions varied from state to state, but few states provided as little support as Texas did. Occupied as they were with legislative sessions and the Constitutional Con- vention of 1875, in addition to the fact that College appropriations were always insufficient to construct needed buildings and purchase equipment, the members of the Board had little or no time to familiarize themselves with the

regarded as a heretic. Those who pursued an industrial, technical, or commercial training were commonly looked upon as being worldly-wise and mercenary, but not entitled to rank among the educated. It had been many years since the doctrine was first set forth, but "it has remained for the present generation to make the general application . . . of providing a higher education for the common people which will afford culture and practical preparation for common du- same time. . . It is the age of specialization, ties at the " . and of action. [ Houston ~Dail Post, February 1, 1903], Louis L. Mclnnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 43 Semi-Centennial Celebration of the Agricultural ' d M h J. C~ll f 1', 15. 192 most successful of the other agricultural and mechanical 44 colleges. However, the United States Commissioner of Education thought the country would be benefitted by necessary and multiform diversity; it was thought desirable that each of the colleges should have its oWn government and objectives, distinct from those of other colleges, according to a careful consideration of the state's needs, "the nature " of the colleges and schools already organized, and the type of education and degree of culture that young men of the 45 state would be most likely to seek after and obtain. Even if they had planned a th'trough course in scientific education, there was no money available for the directors recommended to set up such a system. Even the steam engine, as the minimum by the Senate committee in June, was not purchased. It would be no use to ask a legislature whose patience had already been worn thin by repeated requests

44 Especially did they have no model in the South since only two or three institutions in all of the South gave unqualified prominence to scientific studies involved in manual occupations. In the 1870's the most learned and cultured citizens thought that education involved one course of training: reading in the classics that would lead to the professions of law, divinity, a life of literary ease, knowledge available at medical colleges. or the scientific and The vast subject of agriculture, including the important botany, zoology, geology, etc. was supporting sciences of chemis- only a subordinate subject taught by the professor of try. It is probable that the able directors at that time could not have done other than pursue the course they followed. Article by James H. Quarles concerning the history of the Agricultural and Nechanical College of Texas in the Houston D~ail Post, June 6, 1909, Louis L. NcInnis Scrap- book, Texas ASM Unxversity Archives. 45 Year Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the 1871, p. 35. 193

" for funds to put the College in genuine "working condition, especially when there were many impatient to organize the long-delayed state university and resented expenditures on the Agricultural and Mechanical College. After all, it had been over five years since the College was first initiated. In addition, a backlash against the extravagant expenditures and high taxes of the Radical Republican era combined with the immense debt and the depression called for "retrenchment and reform. " Even had there been funds available, qualified instructors were difficult to obtain. Politics had played a large part in the first five years of the College's existence, and with a Board composed of politicians serving as directors, its future as a political issue seemed assured. The College bore the stamp of both state and federal paternalism, the one legitimate and the other illegitimate in the eyes of many Texans. Federal paternalism was grudgingly accepted as an usurpation of state's rights; throughout the 1800's the state' s Democratic Party platform consistently opposed federal aid to education, although the state's representatives in Congress did not 46 oppose the second Morrill Act in 1890. It was natural that in trying to assure the College's success as the first state- supported college and in attempting to harmonize its relationship with the federal government, the directors

46 Galveston ~Dail News, August 23, 1890. 194 adopted a traditional curricula that would be accepted by most Texans, and not excluded by the Norrill Fund, with only slight attention being placed on the experimental sciences. Observing that the University Fund would be incapable of supporting the type of university that Texas planned to establish, the leading citizens and the directors saw "that for years to come this will be the only state institution to which we can look" and believed that the Agricultural and Nechanical College, as the only existing branch of the University of Texas, should do the work of the entire insti- 47 tution. Evidence had already been given that some of the College's warmest supporters hoped the College would later become the main university. Besides, Texas students were estimated to be spending more than a half million dollars in attending out-of-state colleges and universities. In order to appeal to "higher and nobler considerations" as well as to the "pecuniary advantages" of education at home, the College would have to place an emphasis upon the kind of 48 education that appealed to this class of Texans.

47 A. J. Peeler, Address Delivered by the Honorable A. J. 2 2* f A t', T ttf f l~l ~M' 1~~C* of ~T C ot dd *, J 26, 1877, p. 17, Louis L. NcInnis Papers, Texas A&N University Archives. 48 Ibid. , 17. For example, Texas students were second in number only to those from Virginia at Roanoke College in Virginia, which had one hundred and seventy-one students from Virginia and twenty —four from Texas. Galveston D~ail News, June 15, 1876. In 1871 thirty-nine Texas students attended Washington and Lee University, and for the third year in a row, a Texan received the highest medal bestowed at the closing examinations. Ibid. , Nay 17 and June 26, 1871. 195

zn addition, most Texas students were poorly prepared to receive a college education, since most had never gone to high school. Though the state government was doing little for education, county governments were doing nothing. There was no taxation by school districts, and only $1, 994 of 49 local school taxes were collected in 1879. Another problem unrelated to organization that brought trouble involved finances, since some expected the College to be self-supporting. They thought the College should and could support itself from the interest fund or through Mman- ual labor. " As a portent, the Galveston D~ail News in February, 1876, included an article about the Michigan Agricultural College with the editor's comment that as Ma pecuniary investment the institution does not appear to 50 pay. " Still later in October, after the College opened, 51 the Galveston D~ail News felt compelled to explain the financial structure of the College. The government of Texas was not expected to tax the people to support the College. There had been much adverse criticism based upon a misconception of the plans of the College and the purposes and aims of its founders. The national government gave a land donation, which had been converted to cash and invested, thus drawing interest. The state was bound only to furnish

49 ' M'll, 2' l ~H' t of l', 222. 50 February 22, 1876. 51 October 22, 1876. 196 buildings. Over $45, 000 in interest had accumulated, of which $12, 000 had been appropriated to open and support the College. The remainder was invested in state bonds. After the current year, the entire amount of interest would be required to operate the College. The limited income would provide for a year or two, or the state would provide a small additional supplement. However, once the College had become established and popular, it would "in no great time be self-sustaining " and the pride and glory of the State. However, by 1878 the paper reported that the state had spent $112, 000 from the general revenue and $75, 000 from the School Fund, an amount in excess of its endowment, and that the state was under no obligation to support the College-, having complied with the law and the contract. When it became necessary for the annual interest to be supplemented by a considerable amount in order to support the College, "it will be difficult to convince legislators that this supplement should not come " 52 from the beneficiaries, but from the State Treasury. At the second Board meeting on July 23 approximate estimates were made for the construction costs for the professors' residences, to be built of brick and not to exceed $3, 000 each. Estimates of costs of furnishing the steward's hall, professors' rooms, dormitories, and suitable apparatus were also made. Since Davis was the only Board member living in Bryan, the Board delegated to him the power

52 Ibid. , June 25, 1878. 197

"to take all such matters under his supervision and consideration. " The Board sought to make the College available to all classes of prospective students by establishing a plan calling for "beneficiary scholars, " or state students who could receive free tuition. Each state senator could appoint three beneficiary scholars; each Congressman could appoint one from his district; and each United States senator could appoint one from the state at large. It was decided that the College would open the first Monday in October, although the professors' salaries would begin September l. Governor Coke would open the College with a formal address, 53 with members of the Board requested to be present. The legislature, which was in session throughout the

Summer, passed an act on August 9 supplemental to the act of March 9, 1875, concerning the Board of Directors. Each of the members, except the Governor, was allowed $5 per day for each day he attended a Board meeting and $5 for each and every twenty-five miles traveled from his place of residence to the place of meeting. When the legislature was in session, the Governor and Speaker were not to receive mileage and per diem. Since the Board had already held two meetings, to which the members had found it necessary to pay their own expenses, an emergency made it necessary for the act to 54 take immediate effect upon its passage.

53 ~R' lt 1 d 9 1 ( P. ), 1 ~RL t t tt ' of 19 20. M t 1 C~ll 2, 54 Gammel (comp. ), Laws of Texas, VIII, 929. 198

55 The Galveston ~Dail News reported the planned opening of the College had been set for October. Two years later president Gathright wrote a resume/ of the Summer's happenings. The $40, 000 appropriation made by the legislature had been drawn in state warrants and sold at market rates, netting about $36, 000. The College was capable of housing about one hundred and twenty-five students. Authorization had been made to have five residences constructed as well as other buildings necessary for students and employees. Expenditures had been made to furnish the buildings, to fill the needs of the academic departments, and to make "special provision for giving instruction suited to the wants of the industrial classes" through a curricula in conformance with 56 the provisions of the federal donation. The Austin ~Dail 57 Democratic Statesman could not resist making a jab at the College, according to the custom of the day. "The faculty, those venerable and fat and lean old gentlemen chosen, and wisely too, to educate young men and women at Bryan, are mightily bothered about that great college building with the chapel in the cock loft. " In fact, the newspaper suggested that the professor of chemistry was making plans to turn the structure upside down with nitro-glycerin.

55 August 9, 1876. 56 Ibid. , August 29, 1878. 57 August 18, 1876. 199

Less than a month before the opening of school Gath- 58 right wrote the Galveston D~ail News to announce publicly the opening of the State Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege of Texas on October 2. The furniture was ready to be put in place; the faculty was already present; and "as is known, there are no buildings south of the Potomac superior to those of this new college. " Student expenses would be cheap, not to exceed $250 for the entire nine months and $200 for state students, which amount included clothing and textbooks. Those who were seeking a cadetship were to apply to the President; those seeking state appointments were to apply to the different state senators, each of whom would appoint three students free of tuition. An announcement appeared the following week in leading newspapers in the state. "Let no one doubt about the opening of the college, or the completeness of all the appointments looking to the „59 inauguration of a first-class institution of learning. " Governor Coke wrote Davis on September 12 and enclosed a letter from the Comptroller explaining the manner in which vouchers had to be presented to his office to secure the issuance of warrants upon the Treasury fund appropriated for the College. The Comptroller had returned the vouchers which the Board had voted during their late session to draw

58 Thomas S. Gathright to Editor, Galveston D~ail News, September 9, 1876. 59 Ibid. , September 13, 1876. "The college buildings are remarkable for elegance within and without. " 200 the money. Governor Coke asked for advice as to whether he should call another meeting, and if so, when and where. Coke thought they needed a treasurer who was bonded and that the Board "should order money in sufficient amounts drawn on requisition from the State Treasury and paid out " 60 to the treasurer of the Board to be disbursed as needed. The Governor also wrote the other directors that he was calling a meeting at Bryan, October 5, to take such action as might be deemed proper in accord with their duties. Since it was an important meeting, he urgently requested 61 their attendance. He also wrote William Falconer, the Board secretary, to have the minutes properly recorded and ready for authentication. Falconer was asked to call on Davis and the professors of the College to ask them to prepare a synopsis of matters that needed to be brought before the Board in order that "the administration of the " college may proceed smoothly and without hindrance. The

60 Richard Coke to B. H. Davis, Austin, Texas, September 13, 1876, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. This method of drawing funds was reminiscent of the Radicals' handling of money and was objected to by the Comptroller. The handling of money was to prove a continual problem. The distance from Austin made it difficult to present vouchers to the Comptroller, who drew his warrant on the State Treasurer. Situated in Austin, the University of Texas never had such a problem of having access to its funds. 61Richard Coke to Charles DeNorse and Other Dire'ctors, Austin, Texas, September 20, 1876, in ibid. 201 long distances, personal inconveniences, and expense required that the Board should be convened as seldom as 62 possible.

62 Richard Coke to William Falconer, Austin, Texas, September 25, 1876, in ibid. 202

CHAPTER VII

THE OPENING:

FACULTY, RULES, REQUIREMENTS, AND PROCEDURES

Former President William B. Bizzell of the Texas Agri- cultural and Mechanical College, speaking at the Semi- Centennial Celebration of the College, stated that if the test of every institution, whether educational or industrial, is in the quality of its product, then the accomplishments of the men who had gone out from the College had made it a 1 success from its earliest days. However, a quarter of a century was required after the organization of the Agricul- tural and Mechanical College before it became evident to most Texans what the early critics had failed to realize: scientific colleges, in order to be permanent and of substantial value, would necessarily grow slowly because scientific education "involves an expense which sometimes seems unjustifiable and fruitless. Upon reflection, however, it will appear otherwise, because it is often as profitable and necessary to know in advance what ought not to be done "H2 as to know what should be done.

1William B. Bizzell, "The Administrative Problems of the " Semi-Centennial Celebration of State-Supported College, in' th A~it 1 4 H h 1 C~ll of f, 147- 148. 2„"Message of Governor Joseph D. Sayers" in Journal of the Ho f R t t' * f th f t -H th ~L' 1 t of the State of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 26. 203

Throughout its first seven years the Agricultural and Mechanical College reflected the restless society undergoing great economic and accompanying social change. At the time the College opened, an experiment in education was not the only problem Texas faced. Lawlessness had been a problem ever since the end of the Civil War, and by 1876, Texas was " overrun by "desperadoes and desporadoism. Horse thieves "had a picnic, " and in several instances the thieves had been able to elect some of their own number to serve as sheriffs. To combat the problem of lawlessness, the Travis County sheriff called for an association of sheriffs, whose 3 cooperation led to the beginning of a decline in crime. Lawlessness continued into Governor Richard B. Hubbard' s administration, which was marked by a wave of feuds that spread over the entire state. Outlaws such as King Fisher, Juan N. Cortina, Bill Longley, John Wesley Hardin, and Sam Bass were a menace which provided a "glamorous pageant of " 4 bold bad men stalking up and down through the land. Under such circumstances it was not unusual that the College t1R dthR1 dolt'h ldP'd*tht students who brought arms with them to the campus were to deposit them with the President and were forbidden to have firearms or ammunition in their possession, except that

" 3 "Report11 made at the convention of Texas sheriffs, in Galveston D~ail News, July 11, 1893. 4 DeShields, ~The Sat in Hicih Places, 296-297. 204 issued for military training. Neither were they to enter into student combinations, issue challenges, or fail to 5 report such challenges.

Many things accepted today as commonplace were not invented or were just beginning to become known and used. Speaking at the Semi-Centennial Celebration of the College, Eugene Davenport, Dean of Agriculture at the University of Illinois, pointed out that in 1876 buffalo still roamed the prairie, with a good robe selling anywhere for ten dollars, and longhorn cattle were still being driven to northern markets. The internal combustion engine had not yet been invented. There were no improved roads, and city streets were not paved. Neither electric lights nor street cars had made their appearance; at that time his instructor in chemical physics had stated that in his opinion electricity would never serve any very useful purpose other than in telegraphy, because, even though it was an interesting and powerful form of energy, it became so easily unmanageable. In 1876 the bicycle was introduced from Europe, and the telephone was first exhibited as a rare and astounding curiosity. Kerosene lamps had only recently begun to replace candles.

The mowing machine and reaper had already been invented, but there was yet no successful binder. Most planting was still done by the use of a single furrow walking plow and

5 ' ~Ct 1o f tt pt t A~lt 1 8 67 8 1 ' ~Coll f 7, 8 of 1876-7 (8 7, 1877), p. 22. 205 the "old fashioned spike toothed 'drag'"; though most farmers still used the single shovel plow to cultivate their crops, the riding cultivator was coming into use as a "lazy man' s tool. " Insecticides and fungicides had not been discovered; tuberculosis and "mutilations" were thought hereditary. Even though chemistry was the most advanced science, only fifty-five elements were listed in textbooks, and six were known as "incondensible gases. " Improved cattle were being brought from Europe, but "plant breeding" was an unknown term. The first adequate textbook explaining the principles of animal and plant improvement would not appear for two more years. Outside of the classics, knowledge was deficient since science was just being born. The State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas had been created in an age of philosophy rather than one of science, and at a time when men based their ideas on authority 6 rather than upon research.

On the same occasion Walter M. W. Splawn, who gave the welcome address, stated that in 1876 Texas had less than 1, 500, 000 people, and taxable values of the state were only $250, 000, 000. The state had no highways to speak of but had 2, 085 miles of railroad in the state, which made travel to the College from as far away as El Paso easier, more

6 Eugene Davenport, "Agricultural Education During One- Hlfd t y, "'6'-C*t ' lf t' f tt ~d'1— ' lt t 1 634 1 1~633 f T*, 36 —43. 206 comfortable, and sometimes 1)ss time —consuming than travel 7 from an adjoining county. At the opening ceremonies conducted on the steps of the Main Building on October 4, 1876, two directors were present, Judge Davis and Governor Coke; Lieutenant Governor Hubbard had not arrived in time but was expected the next day as was Speaker Bonner. All of the faculty members were present and participated. Three to four hundred citizens attended the inauguration at 2:00 P. M. , when the main address was delivered by Governor Coke, considered to be intellectu- ally the ablest of any Texas governor from 1860 to 1920, with " a "mind like a machine, inexorably logical, though he was not handsome nor a gifted public speaker. A "tall, ungainly, unpretentious, ungraceful, man, who went about without bluster or parade, never seeking the limelight, " he custo- marily wore a "great flop hat, and long-tail coat, and "„8 carrie [dJ a big stick, and holler[ed/ when he Ispokeg . 9 Although the Galveston D~ail News reported that the opening ceremonies took place on the steps of the Main Building, Governor Coke spoke on this "interesting occasion" of the "magnificent" building "in which we are now assembled,

" Walter M. W. Splawn, "Response of Address of Welcome, in ibid. , 177. 8 Norman G. Kittrell, Governors Who Have Been, and Other Public Men of Texas, 61, 65-66. 9 October 5, 1876. with capacity for the accommodation of six hundred students, and around it commodious residences for professors and a capacious steward's hall, " all located on a tract of "2, 400 acres. " He briefly reviewed the history of education in Texas, in which every instance the framing of organic law had enjoined the establishment of a system of free public schools and of the State University at the earliest practicable time, but which had been delayed by "untoward circumstances. " The state's development in the course of time would add wealth to the available fund which was designed to provide for the organization and maintainance of the state's educational institutions. Reviewing the federal and state partnership in the passage and acceptance of the Norrill Act and the sale of scrip to create the Endowment Fund, of which the current interest amounted to $10, 962 gold, the equivalent of $12, 000 currency, Governor Coke spoke of the "embarassment" of the state's not having made provision for a Negro college, which had led to delay in the opening of the Agricultural and Nechanical College, until a Negro school could be provided for in the Constitution of 1876.

He thought no other educational institution, North or South, could provide a better and more practical education at such a small cost. Provisions had been made to diffuse the College's advantages widely to meritorous young men. With thirty-one senatorial districts and six Congressional 208 districts, a hundred and one scholars would be admitted on scholarships. Education was necessary to provide stability and excellence to the country's government as well as to man's material greatness; consequently, the state was making preparation to establish a public school system as well as " the "commencement of her university system. The aim and mission of the Agricultural and Mechanical College was to teach the responsibilities of citizenship, to train minds in the study of science, and to train hands in skill. Muscle alone was weak, but knowledge multiplied the value of the muscles. A State College in the "beautiful and healthy" locality of the "intelligent, refined and thrifty community" of Bryan would build up state pride. Students, whose watch- " words were "Duty, " "Honor, " and "Labor, had the grave responsibilities of developing leadership capabilities, since the College's success depended on their progress, subjection to discipline, and deportment.

An additional number of scholarships might be granted with experience or additional legislative aid, but until that time, additional scholarships were "inexpedient and might lead to embarrassment. " Once the College was a success and its benefits understood, the state would doubtless provide additional aid to make it even more beneficial to the people. Representing the legislature, the Board was anxious to place the benefits of education within easy reach of the greatest number. The four courses adopted included all that 209 was "necessary to a complete and liberal, literary and scientific education, which shall be as regards agriculture and the mechanic arts, thorough in practical application and experiment as well as in theory. " Convinced that the Board had secured well qualified professors who were well aware of their responsibilities, he believed that the faculty would largely determine the character and reputation of the Agricultural and Mechanical College. They could not erect a higher monument than the success of the College. While time and experience would necessarily dictate changes, the Board believed that the College was organized on a sound basis and began its mission with its success assured. President Gathright made the response and spoke prophetically:

The work which we inaugurate today is a noble work, reaching in its effects and results to your children's children, and invites us all, even the present, to a beneficient position. In its accomplishment, however, are many difficulties. These must be met and overcome. No great thing is done by mere volition, by one effort, by one blow; but crebro ictu must be in this, as in all other enterprises, our watchword. The idea of even a partial failure cannot be entertained; for this is the first school of the imperial commonwealth of Texas. It is not the college of the Board of Directors, not Governor Coke's college, but it is the college of Texas, so declared in her organic law, and so recognized in her legislation. To the full success of the college, I can promise the best efforts of my colleagues in the faculty, as I pledge my own. They may not be the proper men to work out success, and may be called to give place to others, I may not be suited to my place, and may retire; still this great work, in which all the people of this good 210

state are interested, must go on and must succeed. ID

He noted that the Board intended to begin an experimental farm, and if there were sufficient means would purchase necessary equipment and facilities to illustrate scientific agriculture. He also hoped that machine shops could be established in which to train skilled labor for the state. Warning that the College would necessarily have a small beginning, he surmised, however, that it would grow slowly, " Impatience on the part of the people can neither furnish means, nor create a healthy public sentiment. " Following the ceremonies, the audience went to Steward's Hall, where they were served a "sumptuous repast prepared for the occasion "Mll by the fair ladies of Bryan. The Galveston ~Dail News

State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, ' ' 1 d M h 1 C 1- ~ftioo1' th* St t ~A lt levee of Texas (Bryan, 1876), pp. 3-11. A student in 1895 still expressed concern that has education was a "great in a voyage tc experiment on trial before the world, either " mighty fulfillment, or a still mightier failure. Olio, A A 1 P hl' h d th of C d t f th A~l— ' bg C~ t 1 d M h 1 C~ll f 9 (C*ll g St t', 1995), p. 23. Hereafter cited: Olio. In 1924 Professor Page Morris recalled that the speeches had been made in the large hall on the fourth floor, which later came to be known as the chapel. He also stated that some of the crowd came from other parts of the state. Page Morris, MBaccalureate " ' Add , 5 11 t' of th A~lt 1 d M h 1 ~211 f T, 3 d S . , X (3 ly 1, 1924), p. 12. State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, ' Col— ~ft'o of th St t A~lt 1 d M h 1 ~le e of Texas, 13, and Galveston ~Dail News, October 5, 1876. Professor Morris called the "repast" a "picnic lunch. " Morris, MBaccalureate &sic/ Address, " in Bulletin of the ' A~lt 1 d M h 2 C 11 g *f T, 3 d S . , X (July 1, 1924), p. 13. 211 heralded the beginnings of a new era in education in Texas; 12 and even though there were not more than fifty "cadets" present at the opening, it thought that a start had been made and that the number would swell to three or four hundred during the session. The editor believed the faculty to be one of the ablest in the South and the facilities equal to 13 those of any other college. Even though President Gathright

12 the Re ulations of the ~A ri- According to ' Rules and lt t 1 d M h 1 o ht t orf, 1876, ~At 1, 81 5, ttdtht"~~ td t" *ldh th t used in the academic department and "cadets" in the military department. The News and the rest of the state press used the term "cadet" in derision much of the time. The News soon began its almost continuous attack on the College for not teaching agricultural and mechanical education; yet, the News itself did not point out that the College was in no way equipped to provide this kind of education. Nor did it make an effort to see that the proper means that were absolutely necessary to a scientific education were provided. Instead, it reported the College Chad facilities equal to those of any other college, " a false assessment in regard to scientific education. One of the first students, Charles Rogan, reported that the equipment of the mechanical department was a grindstone; the agriculture department, a hoe and a broken rake for implements; and the gym, an axe and a wood h" dth t ' 1 fo t k lt p'l, " ~d Texas maverick. Charles Rogan quote in Battalion, VII (September-November, 1899).

13Galveston ~Dail News, October 5, 1876. Other sources give different accounts of the number of students present. president Gathright himself, in an interview with the News concerning the poor start of the Negro college at Prairie View with its eight students, reported only six students and six professors during the first six weeks of the session of the white college and that he was much disturbed. Ibid. , 5 25, 1878. lh ~Ct 1 f th ft t A~L' lt 1 d ' M h 1 C~ll of 8 '* f 18778, P. 36, 1 7, in 1876. reported that the College began with six students Year The R~e ort of the Commissioner of Education for the 1877, p. 247, states that the College began with six students. Professor Page Norris recalled Mso well" the six students because he had so much time to dr'ill and train them. 212

" the Morris, MBaccalureate I ~sic Address, in Bulletin of ~A' lt 1+dMh'30~33* fl', 3dS. , X (July 1, 1924), p. 12. Aubrey L. Banks, whose father was one of the professors and himself a student, recalled only six students present at the opening. Interview with A. L. Banks in the Dallas Mornin News, December 18, 1927, W. A. Banks File, Texas A&M University Archives. William Trenck- mann, who entered on the Saturday following the Monday opening, said there were already nineteen students when he arrived. "From the Autobiography of W. A. Trenckmann, d translated by C. B. Campbell from the Austin Das Wochenblatt, 3 pt a 17, 1931, ' 1 d*d ' 0 'd E. Cof, E~l H~t f th T A. d M. C~f1 ~th o h L tt d P~ (College Station, 1952), p. 130. According to a letter he wrote in 1928, Charles Rogan, one of the first students present, said the College was advertised to open on September 17, but since there were only six students present, the opening was postponed until October 4, when thirty students matriculated. Copy of a letter from Charles Rogan to Lettie West, Austin, Texas, February 1, 1928, in ibid. , 107-108. Dean Charles Friley said in his address at the Semi-Centennial Celebration that the College had advertised to open September 17, but when only six students showed up, the formal opening was postponed until October 4, when thirty students matriculated. Friley, "The Agricultural and Texas, Past, Present, and Future, " Mechanical College' of S '-C* t 1 C*1 h t' *f th A~lt 1 d ' W'll' T t 1 M h 1 C~ll *f T, 70. said he had been advised the College would open in September. "From the Autobiography of William A. Trenckmann, " in Cofer, E~l ~Ht f th T A. d M. C~ll, 130. H*, t its July meeting the Board had set the opening for October ' 3. P 1 1 o p. ), L H~lt t* th Ag lt 1 d Mechanical Colle e of Texas, 20. The Galveston News stated on August 9, 18 6, that the College would open OctoEer 2 and called attention to the announcement of the opening in the newspapers and in circulars to be distributed the succeeding week. Governor Coke wrote James C. Garrison on September 12 that the College would open on October 2. Richard M. Coke to J. C. Garrison, Henderson, Texas, September 12, 1876, Richard Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. Nine sons of faculty members were students during the first year: Clement S. Bee, Hamilton L. Bee, Jack T. Bee, Aubrey L. Banks, Hugh G. Gathright, Thomas S. Gathright, Jr. , Barton Harry G. Smythe, although B. Hand, Carlisle B. Martin, ' it ot t t*d h h t 1 t*d. C~tlo f th St t A~ lt 1 d M* h ' 1 C~ll of T*, S of 1876-7, pp. 8-10. 213 reported only six students, throughout the semester the number of students gradually increased, and during Christmas vacation "perhaps fifty" were able to go home; quite a few could not go because their entire vacation time would have been spent in travel. Some of those who went home brought 14 back friends, and seventy returned. Inauguration day found the College fairly well-equipped in its academic department, but it had no money available 15 to initiate "practical" education. By way of physical facilities the College had 2, 416 acres of poor quality land, some timbered with post oak. The four-storied Main Build- ing, 1514 by 60 feet, had forty-six rooms. one room each for use as a chapel, hospital, guard-room, commandant's office, president's office, the societies; eight used as lecture or recitation rooms; 16 three used as quarters for the College architect; and twenty-eight used as dormitory rooms to house students. The Main Building, located on the highest point avout eight hundred yards from the railroad tracks, had a mansard roof and twin turrets; insite, high ceilings allowed good ventilation. Its size and "severe simplicity"

14 William Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A, & M. College, " in L~on Horn, 1907, p. 115. 15 Letter from Thomas S. Gathright to the Editor, Gal- veston D~ail News, August 29, 1878. 16Austin E. Burges reported that only the first floor was available for class rooms. Austin E. Burges, A Local M 1 A *f f A. & M. C 11 g ( . p. , lglg), p. g. ft second and third floors were used for dormitory rooms. 214

17 made it impressive. The Steward ' s Hall (renamed Gathright Hall in 1898), 91 by 39 feet and three stories high, had twenty rooms for students and was located about a hundred yards to the right of the Main Building. A four-storied

residence hall, 40 by 40 feet, was attached to the Steward's Hall; and although President Gathright did not live in it 18 until 1878, it was known as the President's House. Ac- cording to William Trenckmann, one of the first students, the Steward's Hall and attached residence "could scarcely be called beautiful, but to the students it became an object of tender solicitude, a name to conjure with, especially after

M 19 evening drill and morning roll call. In both buildings there were only forty —seven rooms available for student dormitories; these had been furnished with stoves, iron bed- steads, mattresses, tables, wardrobes, and chairs from 20 funds of the last appropriation. The kitchen and

William A. Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. & M. College, " in Battalion, Vll (April —May, 1900); Olio, 51; Galveston ~Dail News, October 24, 1897.

18 1 f th 8 d f D' to of th A~l— R~t [ ' t 1 d M h 1 C~ll f 1 t d 8 B~ h 3, 8 C~~t, to G J I 1 d, J y 1883— J y. 1885] (A t, 1885jp. 56. Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. a M. College, " in Battalion, VIl (April —May, 1900). 20„"Report of President Thomas S. Gathriqht of the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas to Governor O. M. Roberts, " and submitted by Governor Roberts to the Special Session of the Sixteenth Legislature, in the Galveston ~Dail News, June 11, 1879; also in Journal of the Senate of the 215 dining room had also been furnished from the appropriation. The estimates for the professors' houses had been made at the meeting of the Board in July. Construction began on them on September 1, and since only small amounts of materials were bought at intervals, the last of the five houses was not completed until the late Spring of 1877. From the beginning of construction until March, 1877, a long rope stretched from the Main Building to a staked post at the last brick residence and provided a walk "down the line" 21 for students. Four of the residences were completed and

S' t * th ~L' 1 t of th St t - '1, E t S 46-50. Part of the problem of facilities that no doubt invited public skepticism was the varying reports given concerning the capacity of the College. Governor Coke in 1875 had said it could accommodate 600 students; the legislative committee in 1876 said that 350 students could be "comfortably accommodated. " President Gathright's report, made in 1879 after additional dormitory space had been added, said 125. While Gathright admittedly made his report in haste, he accounts for only forty-five rooms in the Main Building, yet stated there were forty-six. Later, in adding the dormitory rooms from the Main Building with the twenty of the Steward's Hall, he arrived at the figure of forty-seven. Possibly there were only twenty-seven instead of twenty— eight rooms used as dorms in the Main Building. In 1878 one of the professors reported that the Steward's Hall could comfortably accommodate 250 students. Hogg, Industrial t' ' Ed 5: ~O' d ~P, 24. "College in 18768M ms. , Texas ASM University Archives; Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, d 57. The Agent of the Board reported in 1883 that some of the houses needed repairs; all the kitchens had been poorly constructed and needed to be rebuilt. The residential portion of the Ness Hall also needed repairs. All six structures "are now held together by staunch rods of iron. " Report of the Board of ' ' I ~ t j *f th A~lt 1 d M h 1 C 11 8 f T Go J h 1 1 d J 8, 1 83 83~-885r p. 46 n 1906 the Board's report stated that four of the brz5k residences were in such condition as to render repair "almost, if not entirely, " impracticable since inferior quality brick 216 occupied before January, 1877, by President Gathright, and Professors Martin, Hogg, and Hand. Major Banks and General 22 Bee had apartments in the Steward's Hall. According to Professor Morris' recollections forty-eight years later, he and President Gathright had rooms in the Main Building, where the students were housed. General Bee lived in the President's House, attached to the Steward's Hall, where the other professors had rooms. As the residences were completed, the professors moved into them. Professor Hogg took the house nearest the Main Building, with Professors Martin, Banks, Hand, and president Gathright down the line. Morris 23 also recalled an old farm house already on the grounds.

' t' ' f h d h d th t . P~l' ~Rto' th B d f 0' t f th ~Alt 1 d M h 1 C~f1 of 9 fo th 9' 1 Y 1906-06 Lt 0 * S. W. T. Lanh~am, (Austin, 1906), p. 4.

22 W. N. Sleeper to W. A. Trenckmann, Waco, Texas, April ' 0 1- 12, 1933, C f *, E~l ~H' t f f A. d M. 111. In the same letter Sleeper erroneously stated lecee, Professors Banks that when school opened in October, 1877, " and Lewis occupied houses "down the line, probably built during the summer of 1877. However, Professor L. N Lewis did not arrive at the College until 1878. 23 Although President Gathright was given permission by Governor Hubbard in December, 1876, to go to Mississippi to bring his family to Texas, he did not go until March, 1877. T. P. Martin (private secretary of Richard B. Hubbard), to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, [ December 15, 1876], Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives; Austin March 28, 1877. This is probably ~Dail Democratic Statesman, since the time the "Quality RowM residences were completed " the President occupied the fifth house "down the line. Major Morris had married in February, and the Morrises lived the "President's House, " in which the Bee family also in the next ses- resided. The Norrises lived there throughout " sion as well. Morris, MBaccalureate [sic] Address, in B lit' of th ~A' lt 1 dM h ' 1~C11 f 2 3rd Ser. , X (July 1, 1924), pp. 14-15. 217

The last house was the largest and had a "lake of water" 24 about two hundred yards away. All of the same style of architecture, the two-storied houses faced the railroad to the west, and according to the Olio had the military appear- 25 ance of a three hundred yard line of well-drilled cadets. " For fifty years the houses were known as "Quality Row. At the same time the houses were built, the barn was also constructed; it was a two-storied wooden structure on a brick foundation 48 by 40 feet, with side annexes 48 by 14 26 feet to be used as stables. Evidently there had not been enough in the appropriation to add trees, ornamental shrubs, drives, and walks planned by the commissioners, as Charles Rogan, one of the first students and later Commissioner of the General Land Office of the State of Texas, said that sage grass and broom weeds took the place of lawns, walks, shrubs, ornamental trees,

and drives. He also reported there was no fence to turn the loose stock and jack-rabbit hunters who used the

24 James R. Cole to Mrs. J. R. Cole, College Station, Texas, November 23 and December 9, 1879, .Historical Letters File, Texas A&M University Archives. 25 01'*, 49. fh 8 * th A 1 C~tl * of th ~A' 1- t 1 ~M h ' 1 ~011 of 9*, 8 o 1 ~ 82-1883 (Bryan, 1882) 9 p. 35, states that the residences extended about a quarter mile down the line.

' ' 26 ' d 24. H gg, 1 d t 1 Ed t o: ~0 P~, 218

27 land. The College campus was not only isolated from the community of Bryan but was still inhabited by a variety of 28 wild animals including deer and wolves. Pumas, or Mexican lions, "frequently startled the sentries on the lower floor of the Main Building from their dreams 'of pleasures' and n29 an unlimited supply of 'cush. '"t The College had been located in a wild waste, where it was not considered safe for children to be out after dark, and the howling of wolves occurred every night and provided an all-night serenade. It appears that some of the students were as untamed as the wolves since the throwing of wood, brick-bats, tin cans, and other missiles in the halls also furnished a "reveille

27 Charles Rogan, quoted in Battalion, VII (September- November, 1899). 28„ "College in 1876, " ms. , Texas A&M University Archives. This account describes an incident that Occurred soon after the College opened. President Gathright informed the steward, Bee, that since Gathright had no house, he would like to have a lady guest from Alabama spend some time with the steward's family, who lived on the second floor of the President's House. Soon after her arrival, supper in the Steward's Hall was announced, at which time the guest was introduced to the professors and the usual "pleasantries at faculty table" took place. The last cadet to leave cried out, "'I'm killed. I'm killed. '" Immediately the commandant and corps were called out. The cadet had turned back and fallen on the cement floor of the porch. Wolves had crept up behind and bitten him severely on the body, after which they presented a horrible and frightening sight as they pressed their faces against the windows. The ladies ran upstairs. The Commandant ordered the cadets to form a line for a thorough search, but the wolves escaped. This story was repeated in the ~Lon Horn~ 1907) p. 170. It is to be wondered how that inc&dent escaped the notice of the Gal- veston ~Dail News. " 29 William A. Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. S M. , in ~Lon Horn, 1907, p. 112. 219 cannonade. "M30

The Galveston D~ail tJews, October 5, 1879, reported only two directors attended opening day ceremonies; however, Board records state that at some time on opening day a quorum of the Board —Coke, Hubbard, DeMorse, West, and Davis--met to transact business. A handicap they faced was the lack of a fixed appropriation to give permanency and to provide funds needed to initiate and establish the agricultural and mechanical departments, make regular additions to equipment, and provide for increased facilities for instruction as science progressed. 31 The Board set the precedent of using available amounts at. its discretion. The interest on the federal Endowment Fund was available annually for appropriation; its only limitation was that it was not to be used for buildings and their repair. Certain salaries of the professors and officers of the College were to be paid from it. A separate statement was not kept of the fund, which was placed in the general account of the College in the bank.

30 Long Horn, 1904, p. 170. 31 P 1 ( P. }, 1 R~lt' t tt Ag lt 1 d ' Tw ty-f' t. M A 1 ~C11 f T, 20. y* 1 this same lack of a fixed appropriation caused all plans to be more or less of a temporary nature. President Lafayette L. Foster said, MNo great educational institution can be built up without a fixed income sufficient for present needs and future growth. The element of uncertainty surrounding legislative appropriations for enlargement is an obstacle to development that cannot be overcome by securing an extra intervals when extraordinary exertion is appropriation at " forth for that purpose. ~Re ort of the Board of Direc- put ' ' t of tt Ag lt 1 d M A 1 ~C11 f T f* the Fiscal Years 1898— 1900 /to Governor J~ose h D. ~Sa ers] (Austin, 1900), p. 6 220

The treasurer's account showed the amount and kind of expenditure, and a careful report of this was made to fed- 32 eral authorities in Washington. 33 John S. Fowlkes, of Brazos County, was appointed Fis- cal Agent for one year at a salary of $200 and was to furnish a bond of $20, 000 with two or more securities. He was to draw in bulk from the State Treasury the amounts of the appropriations made by the Board according to law and entered in the minutes. The resolution making the appropriation was to be certified by the Secretary of the Board and approved by the Governor as President of the Board; this was to be "sufficient authority" to the Comptroller, who would then draw warrants on the Treasurer for the amount of the appropriation. The Fiscal Agent was to keep books of receipts and disbursements; whenever an appropriation was exhausted, he was to make a full accounting to the

Board. Upon the Board's approval the Secretary was to file the account with the Comptroller. In addition, the Fiscal Agent was to make a quarterly statement of his account,

32 Interview with President David F. Houston, in unidentified newspaper clipping, )Houston Post, September 3j, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 33 S. Fowlkes came to Texas from Mississippi in January 1868; he was first a grocer and entered the banking business in 1874 with H. C. Edrington as his partner. Neither was over thirty-five years old. They owned large amounts of land in Brazos, Robertson, and Burleson counties and a "great deal of improved and unimproved land, favorably situated, in close proximity" to the College which they hoped to sell to settlers. Galveston ~Dail News, September 17, 1878. 221 including the amount of money on hand, amount disbursed, and for what purpose to the Governor as President of the Board. He was also required to present his account upon the Board's request at any regular or called meeting of the

Board. All funds set apart by any law were placed subject to the order of the Board to be appropriated for the purposes intended, drawn from time to time in necessary amounts by the Fiscal Agent on requisitions approved by the Governor. President Gathright's vouchers showing the expenditure of $200 on the credit of the College from J. S. Fowlkes & Company, were examined and approved; the Fiscal Agent was authorized and required to pay the sum of $200 to Fowlkes &

Company and take their receipt as a voucher. He was also authorized and required to pay for textbooks, stationery, and material for clothing needed by the College upon vouchers approved by the President of the College; this amount would be refunded to the Fiscal Agent out of the funds received by the President from the sale of books and clothing to the students.

To handle money not appropriated by law, the Board appointed one of the faculty, Professor Norris, to act as

treasurer to account for money received from tuition, board, and incidental fees set by the Board. At the beginning of each month the treasurer was to pay the steward all money that was due him for board; immediately upon receipt he was to pay the Fiscal Agent all money received from tuition fees and was to receive a receipt. All money 222 received as contingent fees from laundry, fuel, lights, and other expenses was to be disbursed by the treasurer upon vouchers approved by the President of the College. All money paid over to the Fiscal Agent by the treasurer was to be used to pay all contingent expenses of the College that had not been otherwise provided for, on vouchers approved by the President of the College and the local resident member of the Board in Bryan. One twelfth of the annual salaries of the President and professors were to be paid at 34 the end of each month. The Board took care of various other business matters. B. H. Davis, the resident director of the Board at Bryan, with President Gathright's aid, was to contract for the printing in pamphlet form and distribution of a maximum of a thousand copies of the inauguration addresses. The contracts and accounts made under the supervision of Davis for the erection of professors' residences, and other purposes 35 were approved. The Fiscal Agent was authorized to secure the necessary funds and pay the amounts due on the contracts upon their completion. The contracts, amounting to $26, 660. 57 were to be paid by vouchers approved by Davis and included almost $16, 000 for buildings and a stable and

34 9 1 ( p. ), 1 Rl t' 97.oth 1 ' R~lt d N* h 1 D~ll * *f T* , 26-24. 35 Th G 1 t D~l N, D tob 19, 1676, p* t d th t tl obl g t * t d fo dd't' 1 b 'ld' g not honored in spite of the fact that the contract was for cash. 223 more than $2, 500 for fencing material, labor, and painting. in addition, contracts had included kitchen utensils and equipment, construction of a brick oven, furniture, mattresses, mules, wagon, ambulance, repairs to a house already on the grounds, table linen, etc. , and $82. 36 for agricultural implements, hardware, etc. The Board authorized the President and professors to draft necessary rules and regulations for governing the College, subject to the Board's approval. Relaxing the rule requiring all students to reside at the College, the Board permitted students actually residing with either parent or guardian and living within five miles of the College to attend as day students. They were required to be present at the hour set for recitation and were to be dismissed in time to reach their homes before night. The day students were subject to all the rules and regulations as the faculty determined. Fifteen was set as the minimum age for admission to the College; however, the faculty had the privilege of making exceptions "when it may occur to " them wise to exercise their discretion. Students could omit the study of any branch of the regular course with the consent of the faculty. The Board set aside the first and second stories of the residence adjoining the Steward' s Hall for the use of the steward and his family; the third and fourth stories were to be used as dormitories for the students. An 224 appropriation of $200 was made to the surgeon of the Col- lege to buy fixtures, furniture, and necessary medicines to be kept at the College. The steward and superintendent of the farm were appointed to take complete charge and control of the boarding and lodging of the students and employees of the College and farm. They were also charged with taking care of the College' s farm implements, stock, and wagons. The steward was to have control of at least two teams and wagons at all times "when needed" to haul supplies and fuel, and the use of other teams when they were not engaged in experimentation on the farm. The professor of Agriculture was appointed to see to the setting up and cultivating of the experimental farm "for the purpose of illustrating the science of chemistry as applied to agriculture, and for this purpose only. " He was to direct the farm superintendent as to the employees, stock, and use of wagons and implements. The farm was not to exceed thirty acres; manual labor by the students was to be voluntary, "except so far as the Faculty may determine it necessary to a proper understanding of the principles of science, and shall in no event interfere with the regular course of. study. " An orchard of fruit trees adapted to the local climate was to be set out as soon as practicable; the agri- " culture professor, ."with the concurrence of the Faculty, was in charge of planting the orchard, all ornamental and " shade trees, and of landscaping the College grounds. The Board appropriated a thousand dollars to carry out its plans. 225

In order to transact business the Board agreed to semi- annual meetings to be held at the College during commencement on Monday before the last Saturday in June of each year, and at Austin on the third Monday in January of each year. In case the office of secretary of the Board became vacant, the Governor had authority to fill the vacancy until the next Board meeting. B. H. Davis, the local resident director, was authorized to take Charge and direct all matters of business not provided for at the present Board meeting or which might arise before the next meeting. He was given full authority and his acts were to be recognized 36 as valid. Although the faculty had been praised for its scholarship and high character, its members were comparative 37 strangers to the people of the state. One of the early

36 Peeler (comp. ), Laws Relating to the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, 16-24. The precedent for apnoint- ing a local official to oversee affairs had been made by Gov- ernor Davis, who failed to secure the desired results until he appointed A. S. Broaddus in 1874, This arrangement worked well when the director and College officers and faculty worked harmoniously; however, if the director assumed an officious attitude, strain and dissension resulted. Presi- dent Lawrence S. Ross advised Governor Charles Culberson to discontinue the practice since it constantly involved the director in Bryan politics and the people of Bryan in College politics. L. S. Ross to Charles A. Culberson, Col- lege Station, Texas, March 18, 1897, Charles A. Culberson Papers, Texas State Archives. 37 At this time, especially in the private schools, success was measured by those dominated by an outstanding personality. Colleges advertised widely and used strong personal influence and popularity and widespread acquain- tances as safe foundations to build successful colleges. ' f Ed t'oo D R f C. Ety, ~D* 1o t f, 153. . 226 students called the faculty a "collection of mental giants, strong in personality and individuality and each capable of leadership . . . and no students ever learned faster or 38 better. " They were also a colorful group. President Thomas S. Gathright, forty-seven years of age, Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy and Belles-Lettres, was serving as Superintendent of Public Instruction in Missis- sippi when he was elected president of the College. Student recollections provide an insight into his personality. In 1879 a student described him as "a man distinguished alike for his matchless talent and genuine manhood whom we proclaim the friend and father of Southern young men--the 39 high, the rich and the low and poor as well. " Pinckney L. Downs, who had been Gathright's private secretary while attending college, said the wsun never shone upon a man more generously and devotedly beloved alike by friends and students. " Downs thought he used his power as president

Burleson, long a dominant personality in Waco University, in 1890 told the State Teachers' Convention that he had visited and preached at every old town except Burkeville, where he intended to go before the end of the summer. BAnd this is and are not what it takes to build up a college, if you " willing to pay the cost, do not waste your money. Georgia J. B 1 o ), TD L fd'p~t' of Rf C. (*P.' B 1 * 1: C~t' ~B' D of D . B 1 o b~ B Harr ~Ha nes (Waco, 1901), p. 31. Hereafter cited: Burle- p. ), L'f d W~t' of R f C. B 1 38 Tully Fuller, "Address to the Alumni Society, " in the Battalion, IV (October, 1896). 39 T* C~ll, 11 (1) BB, 1BJP), P. 1. 227 with "unsurpassed purity and steadiness of purpose, energy 40 and wisdom. " In an address to the Alumni Society in 1896, Tully A. Fuller said no one was "nobler than the unpretentious scholar, " whom he characterized as having almost universal knowledge . . . classical but no pedantic; dignified but deligntfully democratic and approachable. He could read the heart and disposition of a boy as well as he could read the lines of Virgil and doubtless he deemed it more important. A man of business and of affairs . . . a pleasing and fascinating speaker At his bidding sublime conceptions sprang forth and stood before us and high behavior took enticing form while vice bot) great and small, became abhorrent and repelling. William Trenckmann thought he was "quick in movement and temper, somewhat haughty in demeanor" but always ready to offer fatherly advice. Even though Gathright was a college man, his bearing was that of a soldier, which he had been during the Civil War, "whose mien and voice called for unquestioning obedience. " He had a fiery temper but a kind heart, a vast store of knowledge, and a "scorn of everything mean, untruthful, or ungentlemanly. Sometimes he erred, but " when he did, he made amends lavishly. His lectures in chapel inspired the students; their constant theme was always, "Whatever you be, whatever you do, be a man, be a 42 gentleman. " 40„ "Address to the Alumni Society, " by P. L. Oowns, in Brazos Pilot, Commencement Edition, June 27, 1882. 41 Battalion, IV (October, 1896). 42 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & M. , in Loncn Horn, 1907, p. 114. 228

On the less favorable side, one student recalled that Gathright was called "Old Tom" behind his back and recalled a slap he gave to an adult student who had made a "pert 43 reply. " P. L. Downs recognized his "awful temper" as well as his ability as an administrator who had the reputation in Mississippi of being a great disciplinarian, ruling his academy with an iron hand. The fact that he had been appointed president through the influence of Jefferson Davis "undoubtedly strengthened this estimation of his own posi- " tion and he did not stand for any criticism of his actions. Trenckmann, the cadet quartermaster, related an incident in which President Gathright had addressed the student body to tell of two new students who had arrived the night before but had no student officer to show them to quarters. He severely rebuked the officers for their neglect of duty, which Trenckmann took as a personal affront. He believed himself innocent since there had been no notice of the students' arrival, and he had properly been in bed. Trenckmann sent his resignation to the President, who sent an order reducing him to ranks. Trenckmann then resigned as a student; whereupon, Gathright issued an order for his expulsion. Indignant and aware of the sacrifice his father had made in sending him to college, he planned to go to Austin and present his case to the Governor, ex-officio

43 Interview with A. L. Banks, in Dallas Mornin News, ' ' D M 19, 1927, L L. M I 6 pPP, University Archives. 229 chairman of the Board. After telling his friends goodbye, he met Gathright on the stairway; Gathright demanded to know his plans, and Trenckmann boldly and roughly told him. The President patted him on the back and told him to go back to quarters and resume the duties of his office. All the former students remembered Gathright as a strong leader, a man of moods with a violent temper and intolerant of opposition. 44 The first teachers were men with interesting back— 45 grounds and varied experiences. William A. Banks, forty- three years of age, Professor of Modern Languages and English Literature, was described as being big in both stature and heart, a gentle and kind man who was always ready to give „46 help, a perfect example of the "Southern gentleman. "

44 Interviews with P. L. Downs and William A. Trenckmann, D 1 7, ~H' t 1 tt ~A' 1t 1 d N D 1 C 1- lecee of Texas, 48-50. 45 William A. Banks was born in Virginia in 1833 and graduated from Washington and Lee University in 1854. Before coming to Texas, he taught in Virginia, North Carolina, and Arkansas. Historical Letters File, W. A. Banks, Texas A&M Archives. Up'on coming to Texas he opened the Austin Male Academy on January 1, 1876. Austin D~ail Democratic States- man, March 2, 1876. Banks had served in the regiment that John Brown at Harper's Ferry. Interview with A. L. captured' ' H k D 11 N~ N, D* R 19, 1927, Lo L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives.

46 D Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & M. , in Lonca William Trenckmann, "First Chapter of Horn, 1907, p. 114; " the A. & M. College, in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900I. 230

47 Of John T. Hand, Professor of Ancient Languages and Litera— ture, Trenckmann said, "If the younger generation of Texans in those days were considered rather uncouth, 'wild and woolly, ' by the outside world, no better model could have been selected for us than Professor Hand beside whom even " Lord Chesterfield would have appeared a veritable boor. Hand's politeness came from a "kind and generous soul" rather and than any superficiality. Professor Hand was "smiling placid as a day in June"; in fact, so much so, that he often fell asleep before reaching the end of the alphabet and 48 49 hearing Trenckmann recite. Alexander Hogg, aged thirty- six, was Professor of Pure Mathematics, tirelessly energetic, x "always wrapt up in calculations, always planning to use y

47 T. Hand had come to Texas in 1859 and founded a Presbyterian College at Tyler, where he remained until coming to the Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1876, according to the Galveston D~ail News, May 1, 1884. According to the Handbook of Texas, I, 331, 557, Hand in 1860 had been elected President of Eastern Texas Female College, chartered by the Baptists. The enrollment at that time was eighty-seven. The school was closed during the Civil War and the name later changed to Tyler Female Seminary. Heavy debts and low enrollment caused the school to operate in the red. In 1865 the College was leased as partial payment to Hand for his president's salary and renamed Charnwood Institute. It became coeducational in 1869, and a short Fall term allowed the boys to work in the fields until the beginning of school. Hand served as president until 1874, when competition forced him to close the school. 48 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & M. , in ~Lon Horn, 1907, p. 114. 49 Alexander Hogg was a graduate of the University of Virginia. Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 30, 1879. 231 and sines and cosines as levers in quickening the world 's progress. " Trenckmann described him as a learned mathematician but a "doctor of confusion" because of his unclear explanations. 50 Carlisle P. B. Martin, 51 sixty-two years of age, Professor of Practical Agriculture, Chemistry, and Natural Sciences was "venerable and white-haired" and won respect from the most undisciplined because of his "Christian

50 United States, Bureau of the Census Records, Brazos Enumerator, 1880, 33; County, 1880, J. W. Johnson, p. " Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. & M. College, in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900}; "From the Autobiography of William A. Trenckmann, " in Cofer, ~Earl Histor of Texas A. d M. ~GLL y~bb L tt d 9 p, 13 51C. P. B. Martin had been born in New York in 1814 but in 1842 had gone to Georgia, where he served as a Pres- byterian minister and teacher until 1868. From 1870-73 he was a teacher and supply preacher in Missouri. He came to Texas in 1874 and served as Presbyterian minister at Huntsville, and then at Willis as teacher and supply from 1875— 76, when he was appointed a professor in the Agricul- tural and Mechanical College. He had declined an appointment at Austin College in 1874. He had been president of a college at Griffin, Georgia, before the Civil War and had been deeply interested in a better system of education for young men, particularly those who would own plantations. He had written Governor Coke in June, 1875, in response to Coke's invitation to give a plan of operation and administration of the Texas A. and M. College. The system he had originated and which had been adopted in the Montpelier school was to furnish young men with a scientific knowledge of all a farm's operations and practical acquaintance with all its details. He thought "all other departments should the agricultural, be made tributary and subservient to " and not separate, independent and co-equal. He thought the College should be completely equipped with all kinds of apparatus, implements, and stock and serve the state as a model farm. Carlisle P. B. Martin to Richard Coke, June 15, 1875, in Galveston ~Dail News, July 14, 1883; Samuel W. Geiser, "George Washington Curtis and Frederick Arthur 6 11 y, " ' 9' ld d L~bt*, Xly (J y, 1966), P. 2. 232 gentleness. " He was well-versed in Latin and Greek and served as chaplain as well. In teaching the sciences he endeavored to harmonize his strict Presbyterian views with the teaching of modern science. Although most instruction was in theory because of a lack of equipment, some of the chemistry students "succeeded in making the section room, and even the entire Main Building, uninhabitable with sulphuretted hydrogen and chlorine gas on several occa- 52 53 sions. " R. H. Page Norris, aged twenty-three, was Professor of Applied Mathematics, Mechanics and Military Tactics, and a strict disciplinarian and "naturally belligerent toward any action not in accord with the principles of his code of honor. " Both Morris and Gathright were "loved and feared by the student body and their peculiarities gave color to all the College activities. Gathright and Morris laid the foundations of that fine esprit de corps which has always characterized the student body of the Texas Agricul- tural and Mechanical College. " Morris was "a soldier every inch" who had determined to make the College first among the

52 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & M. , in ~Lon Horn, 1907, p. 114; Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. & N. College, " in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900) . 53 Norris had entered Virginia Military Institute in 1869 and graduated in 1872; following graduation he was made assistant professor of mathematics at that college. He came to Texas in 1873 as assistant professor of math at Texas Military Institute in Austin, where he remained until coming to the College. Robert W. Jeffrey to B. A. Hardaway Virginia Nilitary Institute, March 18, 1958, Historical Letters File, R. H. P. Morris, Texas A&M University Archives. 233 military schools. As Trenckmann recalled the clear voice " "whose commanding tones would ring across the entire campus, it made his "hand twitch involuntarily to render them the "„54 'right hand salute' of respect. 55 Dr. D. Port Smythe, fifty-two years of age, Surgeon of the College, had been in Texas longer than any of the other faculty members or officers with the exception of Hamilton P. Bee. In 1852 he had made a trip up the Brazos River to Palo Pinto County and identified plants and prom- 56 . 57 inent landmarks along the way. Hamilton P. Bee, fifty- four years of age, was the College steward and lived in the

54 Downs and William Trenckmann, Interviews with P. L. ' ' 0 1*7, ~H' to f tt A lt 1 dM t 1 ~do ll of 7 , 47; 7 1 , 7 t ct pt* f~t * A. & 74. College, " in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900). 55 Born in Alabama, Smythe was a graduate of the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania Medical School. He came to Texas in 1850 at the age of twenty-six. Following service in the Civil War, he lectured at the Galveston Medical College in 1869 before coming to Bryan in 1870. He returned to the University of Pennsylvania in 1873-74 for further study. Handbook of Texas, II, 630. "Ibid. 57 General Bee had come to Texas in 1837 at the age of fifteen from South Carolina, and he and other family members had long been prominent in public life and held in high esteem. In 1839 he was Secretary of the Boundary Commission which established the boundary between Texas and the United States. In 1846 he served as Secretary of State. Following the Mexican War, he lived in Laredo and was elected representative to the Texas Legislature from that district; in 1855 he was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. Serving with distinction in the Civil War, in 1863 he saved $1, 000, 000 in munitions and stores from a Union general. At the Battle of Mansfield he was only slightly wounded in spite of the fact that he had two horses shot from underneath him. At the end of the war, he fled to Mexico, where he lived until 1876. Ibid. , I, 135-136. 234 residence originally intended for the President of the College. In 1924, when he returned to the College to deliver an address at the commencement ceremonies, former Comman- dant Norris said of General Bee, "In all my long life and somewhat varied career, as teacher, member of the bar, member of Congress, and Judge of State and Federal Courts, it has never been my good fortune to be associated with a finer, more courageous, more delightful and accomplished 58 gentleman than he. p The College furnished the dining room and all necessary equipment, and Bee received the full amount paid by students for their board in order to purchase food and supplies and to pay his salary. All employees of the College had their board paid by the College at the rate of twelve dollars a month. In planning a curriculum the Board and faculty were faced with three serious problems that were to plague the College to some degree until the turn of the century: a lack of funds to purchase equipment, conduct experiments, and to provide for future growth; a means to provide technological education to prepare men for future industries and further scientific advancement when most people were more interested in immediate benefits; and students who were ill- prepared. As long as education was mostly literary, it was

58 " Morris, "Baccalureate f ~sic Address, in Bulletin of ' ' tt A lt 1 d M A 1 C~ll o9 1', 3 d 3 . , 9 3 ly 1, ~94j, p. 12. 235 cheap; scientific and technological education demanded greatly increased funds. Texas had no system of public high schools to prepare students of any class to receive higher education. Most or the students had first to acquire basic skills in communication and basic scientific knowledge before they could take advantage of a technological education. Eighteen years after the opening of the College the editor of the Texas Farm and Ranch still found it necessary to criticize those who ignored the facts and set impossible goals that the College could educate those who had not been first educated in the studies constituting an "English 59 education. " In the comprehensive report of higher education authorized by the Texas Legislature some sixty years after the establishment of the College and prepared by out of state educators, the Survey Committee believed a serious mistake would be made in restricting the students at the College to agriculture and engineering studies. "Some consideration must be given to those courses which furnish them with the social background for the interpretation of 60 the social, economic, and political life. "

59 Texas Farm and Ranch, XIII (June 30, 1894), p. l. 60 Ed t' L ~Ro t t tt ~L' 1 t of the State of Texas, VI E~(Austin, 1925), p. 48. Even though the Commission could look to the past and see the mistakes of narrow-mindedness which strangled technological education, they could not foresee that the potential or future needs of the College could also be strangled if their advice had been heeded, for they had recommended that "no attempt should be made to build up a general graduate school at College Station, even though research in agriculture should have unlimited development there. " Ibid. , VI, 48-49. 236

The first College catalogue, printed in 1877, quoting excerpts of the Morrill Act and the Act of the Texas State Legislature in accepting the grant in April, 1871, accordingly stated that the College "holds as to its leading object to afford the most thorough instruction which its means will allow in the branches of learning pertaining to the industrial arts, or necessary to 'the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and professions of life. '" Four courses of instruction were offered: agriculture, mechanics and engineering, languages and literature, and military tactics. Changes dictated by time and experience would be made promptly. Student expenses were low as compared with similar institutions in Texas and other states; should future success justify it, rates would be still further reduced in order that Texas boys from all the industrial classes would be able to secure the higher education which presently could be afforded only by those in the community who had means. Since the College was the state' s first attempt to provide higher education, the Board encouraged all classes of people to send their sons to the College in order that its benefits would be widely spread. Confident that the way would be opened for even the poorest youth who was capable and 61 ambitious to obtain a college education, The Board adopted

' ' 61 pt 1 lt 1 6 73 3 1 C~tlo f tt ' t ~631 f 7, 6 f 1676 —7, Pp. 3~7. 237 the elective system, an innovation of the last quarter of the nineteenth century, since it felt the College was designed for those who knew their own abilities, desires, 62 and goals. The Board created seven departments, each under the charge of a professor: Commercial, Modern Languages and English, Agricultural and Scientific, Ancient Languages, Applied Mathematics, Pure Mathematics, and Mental and Moral Philosophy and Belles-Lettres. President Gathright was in charge of Commercial as well as Mental and Moral F'hilosophy and Belles Lettres departments. The latter study required three years to complete; and, in addition to philosophy, included ancient and modern history, rhetoric, logic, political economy, and higher English. Teaching was done by means of lectures, recitations, the encouragement of free discussion by students, and essays that inspired investigation of "great laws that control mental and moral action and regulate the relation of labor and capital. " Bookkeeping,

62 Article by James H. Quarles concerning the history of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas in the Houston ~Dail Post, June 6, 1909, Louis L. Nclnnis Scrap- book, Texas A&M University Archives. Professor Morris said that when the faculty members who were in Austin--Hogg, Banks, Norris, and possibly Martin--met with the Board in the summer of 1876 to plan details of organization, the question of elective studies came up. He recalled that Professor Hogg wanted a purely elective one while Morris wanted a prescribed one. They compromised by prescribing studies for the two years and first elective" after that. Morris, "Baccalureate sic I Address, in Bulletin of the A~lt 1 dM h I ' i~coll f T, 3ds X (July 1, 1924), p. 12. 238 business law, and the "Philosophy and Morals of Business" were taught in the Commercial Department.

Two to three years was required to complete the requirements for a diploma in the Modern Languages and English Department. Ancient Languages was a four year course, one of which was academic and three collegiate. The Depart- ment of Pure Mathematics had four classes, the first of which was for review but was not preparatory in nature; rather it was for the purpose of laying a good foundation for those who had an inadequate background in mathematics. Students would be examined on these principles before they could enter the collegiate course. The purpose of the College was "more to reach results, than to develop theories-- more to store, than discipline the mind. " The practical application of mathematical laws would be applied to farm and workshop and the higher plane of the civil engineer. As the Agricultural and Mechanical College expanded its influence and increased its popularity, thereby securing more advanced students, it would accordingly enlarge its sphere 63 of instruction in a rapidly changing age. The Agricultural Department gave the most trouble; however, the problems were not unique to the Texas Agricul- tural and Mechanical College. Neither the Agricultural,

63 ' 1o f th t. I~L' 1 6 8 h I ~ft 'o ft lt ~C ll f 8 , 8 of 876-7, pp 11-18 239

nor the Mechanical Departments, possessed the barest minimum of equipment, nor were they under the control of properly

trained professors ~ Because of the large rural population of the United States the emphasis was first placed on the "Agricultural College. " In 18 71 the United States Commis- sioner of Education called this term both "incorrect and injurious, " since it promoted the idea that the colleges were designed solely to promote agricultural education . He also pointed out that the theory of agricultural education was vague, and that the desired results were better recog- 64 nized than the means used to attain them. In 18 76 the Commissioner noted additional problems. There were no schools which prepared their graduates to receive an agricultural education in college and no clear-cut jobs were available for graduates in agriculture, even though more branches of learning were related to agriculture than to any other occupation, and almost as many were related to

mechanics ~ Many believed that those educated at land grant institutions should return at once to some form of manual labor. The Commissioner believed it "unjust in the extreme" to condemn the colleges when their graduates did no t return 65 to the farms and shops. One Texas observer thought that more knowledge was required to successfully practice

64 ~Re crt of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1871, p. 435 ~ 65 Ibid g 1876' pp. ci-cii. 240 agriculture than any other occupation or profession in spite of the fact that there was no other in which the ignorance was greater. He cited a professor at Amherst who said it required "at least ten years to establish one agricultural fact. "„66 Just what should be included in an agricultural education was not understood. The Commis- sioner of Education thought that history, literature, mathematics, modern languages, and natural sciences were prerequisites to the intelligent study of agriculture. A "glaring defect" that needed correction was the lack of relation between one branch of agricultural study and 67 another. What most did not realize or understand was that 68 agriculture was the Godmother of science. The whole idea of agricultural education was unpopular in Texas, where "'book-lamin'" in agriculture was ridiculed. Depres- sion-ridden farm youth looked forward to college training to take them off the farm, rather than to prepare them for a return to it. Not until research and experimentation had brought new knowledge and application would general acceptance come. In 1876 all the technical education that

66 Unidentified newspaper clippings, flke Philkins, Educational Special Correspondent of the Examiner], Louis L. Mclnnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 67 ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1879, p. cxlvi. 68 Davenport, "Agricultural Education During One-Half 6 t y, " ' 6 '-6 t ' 1 c lb t'o f tt ~A' lt 1 ' 36. 6 M 6 1 C~ll * of 3, 241

69 was available could be gained in one year at college. Since Texas had no experimental station and had to depend upon reports from other stations with dissimilar conditions, agricultural knowledge came slowly. The Agricultural Department included a four year course; the "different studies mentioned will be finished in the year, in which they are placed, when carried on synchron- ously with other studies in other departments, but will be varied to suit the wishes of students taking a special course in the Scientific Department. " The first year, which Professor Martin called academic, included the study of botany and natural history. Specifically, these directed the students' attention to the organization of the vegetable and animal kingdoms. Botany was the "introduction to the great subject to which all the instruction in this Depart- ment is intended ultimately to look, the Science of Agricul- ture. " Second year studies included Physical Geography, an Elementary Course in Natural Philosophy, and a course in Mineralogy, all designed to "still further prepare the student for those grand sciences of nature--Chemistry and Geology, " taught in the third year. All these studies were the foundation for the fourth year and "the practical application of all the sciences in Agricultural Chemistry, " Horticulture, Arboriculture and Practical Farming. Lectures

69 E. B. Cushing to a young student at the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, in Reveille (College Sta- tion, Texas), I (December 7, 1918). 242 were to be the primary means of instruction in chemistry, geology, botany, and agricultural chemistry, which involved "subjects of absorbing interest and vitpl importance, bearing alike upon individual and national propserity. " The care 70 of stock was also studied in the fourth year. It appeared there would be little practical instruction since Professor Martin found it necessary to write Governor Hubbard twice before the end of the first semester to inquire about the apparatus and other equipment that his department needed. Governor Hubbard replied, "All's well that ends well. "M71 The Department of Applied Mathematics was to collect the truths as developed in the exact sciences, whether mathematical or otherwise, and to apply them to the practical work of the Engineer, Mechanical, Civil or Mining; to fit the student to stake out a lot, survey a farm, to locate a railroad or a canal; to design a building, to make plans with specifications and costs of the same. In a word, to prepare those completing this department for the practical duties of real life. The studies were divided into two classes. Junior class studies included "Surveying, Plane or Compass, Topographical and Town, Theory and Practical; Descriptive Geometry, Mechanics, Drawing--Plane and Projectiond; those of the senior class were "Shades, Shadows and Perspective; Descriptive Astronomy with Lectures on Practical Astronomy;

70 ' C~tlo f tt St t 1 6 M t 1 ' A~lt C~ll f 7, S f 1676-7, pp. 12-14 71 Richard B. Hubbard to C. P. B. Martin, Austin, Texas, December 8, 1876, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 243

Railroad Surveying; Location and Construction; Strength of Materials; Arches; Framing; Bridges; Machines; Drawing--Free- Hand; Napping; Profile and Sections of Railroad Surveys; Sketches of Tools; Designs for the Component parts of " Machines and for Bridges and other Structures. Professor Norris' description of the engineering course involves so many different modern-day specializations that it is difficult to comprehend how he planned to teach so much knowledge in two years, especially with no tools except drawing instruments, or to understand his sanguinity in being able to cover such a broad curriculum, until it is realized that the engineering graduate was broadly trained through necessity and because the available knowledge and literature were rather limited. Although there were few books on engineering, standardization of course offerings and immediate recognition of the worth of an engineering education came rapidly because the United States had the most rapidly expanding industrial society in the world. The Society for the Promotion of Engineering Education was established at the World's Fair in 1873 and soon led in securing standardization of objectives and curricula for its member institu- 72 tions. As a result of the rapidly expanding fields of

' f W. R. W o1 h 6 *th, M f I~t h th th Q~* T, 1884-1964; Th f~ll ot ~E of th ~U' 't of T (A t', 1964), p. 11. Tl Olio, 26, said that modern engineering instruction began in the United States as a result of an exhibit of shop work made by the Russian government at the Centennial Exposition held in Philadelphia in 1876. 244

engineering in American industry and the demand for trained engineers, engineering departments grew rapidly. In spite of the fact that the cavalier attitude prevailing in the South and Southwest tended to overlook the importance of mechanical education because of the lack of respectability toward mechanic arts and the predominance of agricultural interests, 73 engineering education at the College achieved greater success sooner than the agricultural feature did.

A student received a diploma when he completed the required courses in a department and passed an approved examination in its studies. The A. S. Degree was to be conferred on graduates in the departments of Pure Mathema- tics, English studies, and Natural Sciences, Chemistry, and Practical Agriculture. The C. E. degree was to be awarded all those graduating, with slightly different requirements, in

73 Galveston ~Dail News, August 5, 1881; and Speech on Engineering Education before the Texas Academy of Science, in ibid. , January 2, 1895. When the United States Secretary of Agriculture visited the A. and M. College in 1899, he said, "Nobody will question the ability of Texas for the production of raw material, but the point is, will Texas sell skill also? . . . You must use skill with a product to make it profitable. " Wealth was produced by adding the skill of manufacturing to cotton production. ~Br an D~ail — Eacale, May 25, 1899. Speaking at the Semi Centennial Celebra- tion, Professor James Nagle said that the Texas people were obsessed with the idea that manufactured articles had to come from outside the state. As an example, he cited a Marble Falls shoe factory that was unable to sell its products in the local community until they were shipped to New York, a stamp put on them, and reshipped to Texas. The factory was later abandoned for a lack of patronage. James C. Nagle, "Industrial Progress and Possibilities of Texas, " in Semi- ' ' C t 1 C ldh t'* *f th ~A' lt 1 d M h 1 ~do ll of 2, 201. 24'5 the departments of Pure Mathematics, Applied Mathematics and Mechanics, English studies, one Modern Language, General Chemistry, and Geology. An A. B. degree would be conferred on those who met special requirements therefor in the departments of Pure Mathematics, Ancient Languages, Mental and Moral Philosophy and Belles-Lettres, Astronomy, Mechanics, Chemistry, Geology, English studies, and one modern language. "Thorough and exhaustive" examinations would be 74 given for all degrees. Recognizing the lack of preparation of most students, th* C~t 1o po'ot d t th t th 1* d o *d 1 would be instructed chiefly through the use of textbooks; " once the students had "acquired the habit of attention, instruction through lecture would be prominent. Daily records, including both scholastic and conduct information, were to be kept in permanent form and sent weekly through the Commandant to the President, who then sent a monthly report to the parent or guardian. Public examinations, partly oral and partly written, lasting about ten days and covering studies of the entire term, were to be held at the close of each semi-annual term. Absences during examinations 75 were not permitted. An average of the examination grades

74 ' of th dt t 1 odh h 1 ~tt1 '* 6~it ~C11 f l', 6 f 16767, p. 19. 75 As in all other colleges of the time, examinations were memorable climaxes of the term; they were conducted over the "most intricate sentences and idiomatic phrases in the Latin, Greek, French, German, and Spanish languages, the 24 () was combined with the session grade to determine the final grade; "full credit" was also given for good conduct. These collective data were used to determine whether a student had passed or was deficient. In order to be eligible to enter a higher class, the student had to remove all deficiencies charged against him within a year's time. Examinations for degrees were to take place during the last four weeks of the last term and were to cover the entire study of a course. 76 Recognizing that the responsibility of making rules to govern the College was a serious responsibility, the Board realized the necessity of change that would come with time. Since both Congress and the state had made military instruction mandatory, the Board used the best military schools to serve as models for government and discipline. The directors carefully disclaimed any notion that military science was a leading object; it was designed to teach all students basic military tactics, and more especially, it provided "discipline

most obtuse and knotty problems in mathematics, from algebra to Integral Calculus, the most profound and redondite principles in natural, intellectual, and moral philosophy. " M' h *1 A. Mh't*, ~Ht *f 8~1 C~t. 1848-1861 (Waco, 1968), p. 67. Professor Hand said, "These miserable public examinations and public parades, where you must do a thing every year to show the public that you can do it. Who will deliver me from the way of death!" J. T, Hand to L. L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, Nay 22, 1882, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&N University Archives.

' ~Ct 1 f th Ht t A~lt 1 8 M h 1 C~tt f 7, 8 ' f 1876 7, pp. 18 21. 247 and gymnastic exercise. " Since the Morrill Act required 77 courses in military tactics be of fered, the Board determined that the requirement should be "faithfully carried out by imparting to each student, not physically incapaci— tated to bear arms, practical instruction in the school of " the soldier, of the company, and the battalion. Guard, outpost, and picket service were to be practically taught.

A complete set of breach loading cadet rifles, swords, and accoutrements had been provided by the state. Military duty involved no hardship since drills were short and provided healthful exercise as well as contributed to the

77 The Commissioner of Education said in 1871 that the clause that required the teaching of military" science and tactics had given "a great deal of trouble. Most states would have welcomed a repeal of the clause. Special help from the state or from Congress was needed for thorough training, and it was questionable whether most of the military science as it was taught had any real advantage. He thought it desirable to permit each state to make its own determination as to whether to keep it as a branch of instruction. ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1871, p. 439. Requirements and practices for military training varied widely in the land grant colleges. Until 1885 it was unpopular with students and faculty in most of the colleges, which reduced requirements to the minimum necessary to comply with the vague law. At the outbreak of the Civil War the North found itself at a strong temporary disadvantage because of Southern superiority in the number of trained officers, since military training had long been a Southern tradition. The provision in the Mor- rill Act was made so that in the event of foreign aggres- sion, the United States would have a supply of trained officers. At very little additional expense, the land grant colleges could provide widely diffused military training. A Congressional act at the conclusion of the Civil War provided for the detail of army officers to land grant institutions. Except for two institutions, Clemson and Texas A. and M. , where military emphasis continued to recent times, military instruction was one of many different de- 0 t t . Eddy, C~ll 9 0 L d d 9', 93. 248 development of physique and the individual ' s carriage. The student body was divided into companies, commanded by 78 officers selected for proficiency in drill and deportment. Each company had one captain, a first lieutenant, and sergeants and corporals as required. All wore appropriate insignias of rank. Appointments were made by the faculty as "honorary distinctions" upon the Commandant's recommendations, and misconduct was cause for removal. Student

' ' ff ' " ' t t tt fo ot *f ~d' l and their orders were to be obeyed as duly authorized; they served as models of both military conduct and general behavior. Under penalty of themselves being reported delinquent, officers, squad marchers, and sentries had to report delinquencies such as lateness, disorder in the ranks, and other infractions that came to their attention while they were on duty. No cadet or other person was to be questioned concerning reports he made, nor was he to discuss the matter with the one reported. Promotions took place in the "order of original appointment only when efficiency, fidelity, progress in studies, conduct or

78 Sometime later a student saw company division of the corps as a positive benefit. With the students of every class divided almost equally among companies, there were no well-defined lines of division within the College. The cadets had "company spirit" which prevented class division from heing carried too far, and at the same time "class spirit" prevented the company divisions from being carried too f . C y, ~H' t* of tt*A. dM. ~C11 f Hl 9. 249 other qualif ications warrant them. " Students receiving appointments or promotions were required to carry out faithfully their official duties. Cadets were responsible for keeping arms and accoutrements in the best of condition. Prescribed dress was "strictly" required, with not even the " smallest deviation" allowed. Fancy cravats, caps, etc. were not tolerated under any condition. Hair was to be worn short, and whiskers and moustaches were not allowed. The uniform was cadet gray, a coat with one row of College buttons, pants, and forage cap, with trimmings of black. The uniform, costing $22, was neat and serviceable, with a fatigue suit costing $18. Students were required to wear uniforms, which were less expensive than regular clothing, at all times. Since military duties required little time, they did not demand time otherwise spent in academic duties. 79 The President, Commandant, and faculty were to administer the College government according to regulations set by the Board, a copy of which was given to each student upon registration. The President's office was open to students at appointed times; the President attended all examinations, presided at faculty meetings, and received scholastic and deportment reports through the Commandant. His personal attention was given to any irregularity, and

' 79 C~tl* f tt At t A~lt 1 6 A* 6 1 ' ~C11 of 2, 6 f 1676-7, PP. 25-26. 250 he counseled with students before imposing a penalty, " "except in case of flagrant offenses. Students who neglected their duties or regularly skipped class would be required to withdraw. Students could leave during the session only with the permission of the President after making application to the Commandant. The faculty was given discretion as to the punishment for irregular class attendance or tardiness. A student could be dismissed for possessing ammunition, weapons, or arms not issued by the Commandant; loaded weapons could not be kept in student quarters under any conditions. Students were prohibited " from "entering into cominbations under whatever pretext. "any A student who began, excited, caused, or joined in boisterous or riotous conduct, " or took part in the avoidance or violation of any regulation was subject to dismissal. No student was to have in his possession or participate in cards, games of chance, a raffle, or make bets that involved money or other things. Permission to attend private parties or public amusements would not be granted, and during the twenty week term no cadet would be granted more than five leaves of absence. A student

who drank alcoholic beverages, brought or caused to be brought "within the Cadet's limits, or have in his room, or otherwise in his possession, any fermented or intoxicating liquor, or fruits or viands preserved in intoxicating liquor, shall be dismissed. " Students would be required to or pay for damage to public property and be dismissed 251 punished for cutting, marking, injuring, or defacing buildings and equipment, fences, shrubbery and trees or improperly disposing of arms, accoutrements, or other

College property. A demerit system was established, with demerits given a rating from one to ten in proportion to the seriousness of the offense in a moral or military view. A student who received 150 demerits for a term or any part of a term, or 250 for a longer time was to be 80 declared deficient and dismissed. Religious services were to be held each morning in the chapel, with mandatory attendance. Students were expected to attend "the church of their choice at least once on Sunday. " They also ha'd the opportunity to attend 81 Bible classes every Sunday. Major Morris, a young man serving as the first Com- mandant, wanted to build a corps of cadets which would increase state pride as well as train efficient officers for the military and National Guard. Since the first " students who came were "green, President Gathright, "who was a man of vision and saw the advantages to the student body of thorough discipline and subordination, gave me

80 Ibid. , 6, 19-23. Neither was a student permitted to keep a "waiter, horse, or dog, " nor could he play on a musical instrument on Sunday or during study hours on other t'o 1 d d y . R 1* d ~R 3 f th* A~lt R h ' l~c*ll * f th Btt f T, tBy (A t 1876)f pp. 12, 18. ' 81~Ct 1* of th Bt t* ~A' lt 1 d R h 1 C~ll* * of T, 6 ' *f 1676-7, p. 23. 252 carte blanche, " recalled Morris many years later. The first students ranged in age from sixteen to twenty and learned quickly since they knew they would be the drill masters for other students who came later. One "tall and fine looking" student who was also "grave and serious and earnest" became the cadet captain with supervisory authority. Since he set a good example, as new students 82 came, enthusiasm, interest, and pride grew together. The strictness of military discipline and the isolation of the College made it, according to the editor of the Olio "a refuge for rough, unprincipled and uncultivated boys, whose parents were ashamed of them and sent them to this College" in hopes these factors would change their charac- ters and make them useful. However, the editor thought their hopes vain and foolish, "for how could the authorities of an institution of learning accomplish for a young man „83 that in which his parents had failed' ?" According to Trenckmann, many parents thought the military discipline would serve as a "cure-all, " while many of their sons came in order to get "just as much fun as possible out of their banishment. " The Commandant had his hands full since rule-breaking was more fun under strict regulations.

82 "Baccalureate Address, " in Bulletin of Morris, ' Lsicg th A~lt 1 d M h 1 L~ll of T, 3 d S X (July 1, 1924), pp. 13-14. 83 Olios 33. 253

Stealing away at night from sentries with fixed bayonets guarding each floor provided a greater challenge; some of the cadets used a lightning rod to escape from the fourth floor. Gambling and drinking soon became a problem until the faculty and more responsible students managed to create a "better spirit. " Student officers were especially tested; boys who did not respect teachers or parents at

home were reluctant to obey orders from other students. The precedent was soon set of settling certain differences by the "primitive method in an honest fist fight" and not taking them before the Commandant. "While this was not 84 strictly military, results were quite satisfactory. Near the end of the first term an epidemic of measles broke out, and according to one student, the College physician's "chief claim to fame was his free use of drastic acting pills to put on feet again those students

84 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & N. , in Lonca Horn, 1907, p. 116. In an interview some years later, P. L. Downs, who had been Gathright's private secretary, President was "wholly opposed to any military said that the their discipline" since he believed in placing" students on honor and trusting them "implicitly. Najor Norris was determined to carry out the requirement for military training. One night a cadet guard, who had instructions to obtain the password or send any "visitor" to the Commandant, halted President Gathright and asked his business, an irritation that the President never forgot. One afternoon Downs asked him if he might have permission to go to the "turned on me abruptly store to shop; President Gathright " and demanded I should never ask the question again. The President thought the employment of Downs as his private secretary also implied enough confidence to trust him in "going outside of boundaries without bending my knee to ask M Downs quoted in Ousley, him for permission to do so. P. L. ' M h ~H' t* f th* ~A' lt 1 d 1 C~ll *f Texas, 50. 254 who were averse to study and drill. " During the epidemic some of the students went home, a customary procedure when a student failed to improve, unless he were too ill to be 85 moved. Fifteen was set as the minimum for admission to the 86 College, and applicants were required to be "thoroughly 85 "From the Autobiography of W. A. Trenckmann, M in C f, ~E1 ~H' to of th f A. d M. C~ll ~Th o h Letters and ~Pa ers, 131. 86 Although the Board had set fifteen as the minimum age for admission, this rule could be modified by the Presi- dent in case a student showed unusual proficiency in prepa- tory studies. Charles DeMorse to Editor, Clarksville Times, reprinted in the Galveston ~Dail News, November 12, 1876. fh R 1 d ~R1 t'oo of th ~A' lt 1 d M h- 1 C~ll f th Bt t f 1' t ~B, p. 5, t t d that applicants had to be at least fourteen. In 1880 when there were only sixty-two students at the College at the conclusion of the school year, one student was thirteen, another fourteen, and five were fifteen. Bureau of the Census Records, 1880, Brazos County, A. W. Potts, Enumera- tor, 19. Immature students were to be a continuing source of problems. President David Houston stated in 1904 that requirements for admission were designed Mto exclude from the college immature boys who have no serious purpose and whose parents desire to send them here merely to keep them out of mischief or to profit by the military discipline. It has been found that such students are merely a drag on the work of the college. " Texas Almanac, 1904, pp. 182- 183. President Houston must have succeeded to some degree; according to one student, A. and M. still retained the reputation of being a reformatory school "until 1904. M A ~H' 1' d M. 15. B 5, 1* 1 t f th A. ~Coll, The Lonca Horn, 1906, p. 38, reported that one of the most important developments in the past four years had resulted in "an almost complete change in the spirit and general attitude of the corps. " Adding one year to the entrance requirements took away much of the youthful appearance and character; raising entrance requirements kept away many many Mand here in the who were unprepared whose very presence " past had been a serious handicap to the institution. Many of the students' juvenile habits and practices had disappeared with the addition of a "more mature and earnest set of men. d Art work of "charcoal frescoes on the wall, 255 prepared" to begin the study of subjects in the lowest class. 87 Students were also required to furnish testimoni— als of good moral character. Upon entering the College, students reported immediately to the President, and although they were urged to enroll at the beginning of the scholastic year, they could enroll at any time, with the understanding that they were required to make up any deficiencies in previous course work. Those who could show prior satisfactory completion of studies in a course could obtain 88 advanced standing. At it July, 1876, meeting the Board had set expenses not to exceed $250 for the scholastic year, including clothing and textbooks. Those who had been awarded state scholarships were called state students and were exempt and the jack —knife carved initials" had disappeared to such an extent that a new coat of plastering given the Main Building in 1904 was almost entirely clean. The word "'sucker'" had become almost obsolete; the "caste system" and hazing were also disappearing. 87 Zn 1873-74 the Democratic controlled state legislature abolished the Republican school system as being too centralized, but the weak substitute that replaced it would not provide adequate schools for many years. Barr, Recon- struction to Reform, 9. The lack of well-trained high school students remained a problem for many years; Presi- dent Foster complained to the Texas Farmers' Congress in 1899 that the College still found it had to serve as a preparatory school even though it also taught more advanced work. Galveston ~Dail News, July 26, 1899. 88 ' 1 ~Ct 1 f tt dt t A~lt 1 6 M 6 C~ll f 7, 6 'o f 1676 —7, p. 26. 256

89 from paying the $50 tuition fee. Half of the fees were 90 payable on entrance. Rooms and the necessary furnishings were provided "free of rent, " but the student was to bring "bedclothingd and "underclothing sufficient for one year' s wear. " Students were required to take meals at the Steward's Hall, where a professor would be present at 91 each meal.

89 Galveston ~Dail News, September 9, 1876. 90 "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor 0. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature, Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth 8 . , 46. E ~ lt of th Stt*of 7, Et t~dently, the 'College authoritres did not apply this rule to all since Governor Hubbard wrote President Gathright in December concerning a man whose sons were state students and asked for a frank and had made "frequent importunities" " reply since he was writing "privately. He advised Gath- right at the expiration of the time that he specified, to make the father pay or expose him. T. P. Martin (private Secretary to Richard B. Hubbard) to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, December 15, 1876, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 91 ' C~tl* of th '*St t A~At 1 d M h 1 C~*11 f 7, 8 f 18767, p. 28. 257

CHAPTER VIII

1876-1877: THE FIRST YEAR OF THE COLLEGE

William Trenckmann's recollections provide a graphic picture of student life and the making of tradition. Before entering college he had gone to nearby Brenham and taken the examination for a state scholarship. The examiner was satisfied that Trenckmann had the multiplication tables in his head and knew the names of the chief cities in Texas as well as the capital of New York, and he was promised a scholarship. He had studied his geometry and worked in the fields harvesting crops until the last moment. As he boarded the train in Hempstead, his brother, an ex-soldier, "„1 advised him, MDo not put up with everything. Riding the train to college the Saturday after opening ceremonies, Trenckmann caught sight "across the brown and somber plain" of the Main Building, the Ness Hall, and the 2 two —story homes built for the professors. He was over- whelmed by a spirit that would permeate the lives of other students throughout the coming years. MNo devoted crusader

1Quoted "From the Autobiography of William A. Trenck- C f, E~1~H' t *f T A. d M. C~ll d 130. ~TH o t 1 tt ~E, 2 Najor Morris said that when the College opened there were only two buildings, and there were no professors' residences, although plans had been made to build some just H. Norris, in east of the College. Quoted from R. P." Langford, "Getting the College Under Way, 56. Charles Rogan also said there were only two buildings. Battalion, VII (September —November, 1899). 258 ever hailed the sight of the Holy City with greater joy than I felt, when those buildings on the bald College prairie arose before me. " As he contemplated the vision, great swarms of grasshoppers darkened the sky, covered the track, and as the wheels began to spin, the engineer opened the throttle, and Trenckmann could not leave the train until he reached Bryan. The next day, which he thought to be the longest Sunday of his life, the College wagon, drawn by a span of big mules, arrived to take him and his "load 3 of groceries" to the College. 4 Upon Trenckmann's arrival he found twenty young men from all areas of the eastern half of Texas and one from the banks of the Rio Grande who had been temporarily housed on the second floor of the Steward's Hall in eager anticipation of the commencement of their studies "though by no means inclined to grow pale and haggard with overmuch study. " They played pranks while they waited. Trenckmann thought them an ill-assorted lot. Some were the sons of professional men and had received education in the best high schools; others were the sons of farmers and ranchers and were "more at home in the saddle. " Some had come from village schools; others from colleges and universities

3 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & M. , in Lonca Horn, 1907, pp. 112-113. 4 In another account Trenckmann says nineteen had preceded him. "From the Autobiography of William A. Trenck- C f, 3~1~3' to of th T* A. d N. ~C*ll ~TA o h 1 tt d ~P, 13D. 259 with widely differing curricula. Some were quite young, while others had already experienced adult responsibilities. Even more apparent were the differences in mental attain- ments than those of age. Some were examples of high moral character; others were almost the opposite. Many were used to being outdoors. Some were undisciplined and had obviously come to have a good time and wear the uniform; they came from affluent and indulgent homes and were used to advantages that money could buy. When the Main Building was opened for occupancy, the students went through the process of matriculation, were assigned rooms, and selected room- mates. Mirrors were improvised by pressing hats against window panes, and foottubs served "at all abolutions of the pioneer cadets. " Shortly after reaching college, Trenckmann "longed for nothing so much as for the old farm in Millheim and a stout hoe-handle. " After supper hc found that he was the center of attention for about twenty young Texans between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five who had arrived the preceding week. A few had attended opening ceremonies and heard the speeches of the important politicians. In order "to pass the time, [the students] set out to do a little hazing that would have made a West Pointer green with envy. "„5 Trenckmann discovered that hazing began before any

5 Hazing was a discipline problem that plagued mo. , t colleges. While an incident that occurred at another Texas college may not have been directly related to haz j ng, 260 classes met or assignments made. He was taken in charge by an Austin student dressed in the uniform of the Texas Military Institute and wearing the Commandant's sword and 6 sash. Hazed in the dark Main Building, he followed the orders of the "make-believe commandant" so well that one of the students was unable to use his arm for awhile. He it does reveal the general unruliness of many college students at that time. In 1874 Southwestern University had thirty-three students of college rank; even with this small number an unruly group kept the faculty "uneasy. " Frequent fights and spilled blood resulted from the unwillingness " of many to adapt themselves to a "new order of discipline, and the administration believed dismissal would be the only way to make the proper impression. The district attorney advised President Francis Asbury Mood to turn the recal- citrant students over to the civil authorities since they also lived under the law and could not be excused as college students. Consequently, the son of the district attorney was tried according to law and fined. Mood was supported by the district attorney, "and when the students felt that if they resorted to violence, they would be carried to the Court House, and dealt with by officers of the law, and that public opinion sanctioned this course, it had a wonderfully soothing effect in allaying their dan- " Claude C. Cody, The Life and Labors of gerous ' passions. 8 A~bM d, D. D. , 8 d d 8' t ~R* t of 8o th- t D~*t Tdh 0* 1886) PP ~ 116-117. fh 0 1 t ~0'8 8 10, 1880, lid h*' g t+d'— 8, ' h' t 1 0 d p t of A t d t h th y h d inherited from their English ancestors along with the Magna Carta and trial by jury. It was the more polite name for bulldozing. 6 According to Trenckmann the Main Building was not occupied until his first Monday at the College, one week after the official opening ceremonies. He said that matriculation, roommate selection, assignment of quarters, an attempt at classification, and the reading of the rules and regulations occurred on that day. He could not remember whether he arrived at the College on the last Saturday in September or the first Saturday in October. On Monday afternoon Major Morris, "rather small" and "martial from the word 'go, '" drilled the awkward group. Trenckmann did not think raw recruits who marched single file and stepped on each other's heels or did setting up exercises 261 passed the night in sleepless anger, and when he was razzed as a Dutchman the next morning, he became so angry that the students apologized and accepted him "in spite of my little " tin trunk and my plain Millheim garb. Since he had had no opportunity to speak English "for months and years, " Trenckmann was a fit and inviting subject. His opinion of his warm reception and of the students fell to the

zero point, and I had made up my mind to use the muscle acquired in exercises with maul and axe on anybody who might try to put me on guard duty again. But that never became necessary; it seems that I had not stood the test so badly, and next morning I was well acquainted 7 and at home at the A. and N. College of Texas.

was a very funny experience. Lonca Horn, 1907, pp. 112— 113. As earlier noted, Trenckmann's account of student numbers differs from that of other sources. 7 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. s M. College, in LoncO Horn, 1907, pp. 113-115! ibid. , "First Chapter of the A. s M. College, " in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900); "From the Autobiography of William A. Trenckmann, " in Cof ~E1 ~H' t f 9 A. d h. C~ll* ~Th h L*tt d ~P, 139. Ph* L~ho, 1926, P. 127, stated that Fish (freshmen) were introduced in essentially the same way from 1877 to 1926 and that as the years rolled by, it became pleasant to remember the early Fish days. The Olio, p. 91, described the prospective student's embarassment when he was met at the depot by so many crying, "'Fish, Fish! Look at the Fish!'" The writer recalled the trembling "in our boots when led into the presence of the who took our names and grim, awe-inspiring Commandant, " assigned us to our various companies and quarters. The 1926 LoncO Horn, p. 127, thought the terrors of the night surpassed those of the day. "The worst came with darkness! Some of us slept in the seed house by the depot; others were afraid to sleep at all, but we all bowed in submission to the army belt. It is these first few days, the rugged discipline, and the many bull pens that are afterwards so cherished by graduates, and that make an A. and N. man an A. and N. man forever. " 262

The isolation of the College caused a lack of social and recreational opportunities, which was often a topic of conversations on the weekend since even those who studied hardest needed a break. The 1903 ~Lon Horn wistfully noted that a river or lake would provide swimming or boating, but that a student was reduced to taking a walk as "rather tame exercise" since "there are not many other things to do at College Station. " Some of the walks were described. In spite of the fact that the College was located on a drab rolling prair'e dotted with post oaks, from February to June the campus was covered with a many-colored carpet and was as pretty a flower prairie as could be found. A walk down the railroad track was the favorite on Sunday " afternoon; groups of five or ten walked to the "Tub. Admittedly, there was little to see except the new switch- tower where the International crossed the Central, something which the engineering students found interesting. There was a walk to the north through either of the side gates into the "Long-Lane-That-Has-No-Turning, " and a "short walk across one of the fields behind the butcher' s cot- tage. " Here the reader is left to conjure on his own.

A walk by the south gate from the professors' pasture led to Vannay's Lane. Across the lane and past the carved initials, some ten or fifteen years old, on a pecan tree was a pasture beyond which was "another land and the Bohemian Dance Hall. " This walk was a favorite on Saturday night 263

8 after taps. MBut 'that's another story. '" Isolation often led to deviltry and disciplinary 9 problems. A letter writer to the Post about 1899 listed some of the illustrious graduates who had attended the Agricultural and Mechanical College in the 1870's and their achievements. He noted that the "only sinM against Charles

Rogan, who later became State Land Commissioner and a director of the College, was the occasion when he and other "stalwart cadets" overturned a "tenement house" con- 10 taining two laborers. Trenckmann also related that "good old Dr. Martin had granted full pardon to those who turned his shed bottom side up. " Recalling a "thousand happenings, " amusing or sad, and often a blending of fun and sadness, Trenckmann thought the isolation had also created spirit and tradition. In the line of amusements there was a little baseball, foraging expeditions into 'rural districts and surroundings on Satur- days, stag dances and debates on Saturday nights, now and then a concert or circus in Bryan, a fire alarm at night, the Commencement Ball, and the never-to-be-forgotten April

8 Lonca Horn, 1903, pp. 131-33. 9 During an investigation following a student strike in 1908, a student complained that tensions were caused hy a lack of coeducation, the isolation of the College, strict military discipline, a full schedule of six day recitations, and a Sunday routine of chapel exercises and inspection that barely left time to read the newspaper. C Y, ft ~H' to *f tt 1 od M ~C11* * 1 tl 11 10 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas ASM University Archives. 264

Fool's Day. The long excursions on foot into the wildwoods of Brazos County, with a 'possum hunt and a chicken dinner as crowning the event, and the glorious comradeship which the very isolation of the school helped to develop, are to me cherished remembrances. ll Trenckmann returned to the College in 1899 for the first time in twenty years; he had seen the College only once since he left it, and that from the train in the dim autumn night. After twenty years he recognized many changes. He con- trasted the buildings, equipment, and beautiful grounds with the "brown and somber plain" that the first cadets, a mere handful, saw on their first arrival. But just as the "traces of the child which neither time nor responsibility . . . erase" can be discovered in the adult, so throughout the years College alumni gave unmistakable evidence that the "'Old College'" had not entirely vanished. IIe found the caps and buttons similar, the College slang "strangely familiar, " the same fondness for ice cream, the

same command for break ranks, as well as the "same espirit du corps, the same good fellowship, the same manly bearing, " the same impulsive contempt for cowardice or cant. He mused that perhaps the feature of the College most criticized of all, the military training required by Congress, "is perhaps the most valuable of them all?" Tn spite of the fact that the lines of study were different, he emphasized

" 11Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A, 6 M. College, in LoncO Horn, 1907, p. 117. 265 two strong and prevailing traits: Ma firm attachment for this institution, a quick resentment for any attack upon its fair fame or fortune. " Then, prophetically, he looked to a future "when thousands of sons and daughters as well will assemble here. " The alumni could hope and trust "we shall find the same manly bearing, the same unswerving fealty to the old A. a M. College, as characteristic of its students, its alumni and its instructors as they were in the days of seventy-nine, as they are in ninety and nine. "M12 In spite of the fact that the Agricultural and Mech- anical College had taken more than five long years in the building and organization and held high expectations for some, others despaired of it and condemned it from the beginning. Shortly before the College's opening the Goiiad 13 Guard complained that the College was an aristocratic establishment to educate the sons of the wealthy and asked,

MWhy has this great folly been committed by a Democratic administration?" At the same time the sons of the common people were forced to remain untaught, "yet every poor man and poor widow's cow and calf is taxed to support this " college and pay high salaries to the professors. The Guard complained about the obscurity, indefiniteness, and

" Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. S M. College, 9 tt I'* VII (BB ' I-M 9, 1900). 13 Quoted in Galveston D~ail News, October 4, 1876. 266

" impracticability o f the "so-called f ree public school law, under which not one school had been opened but the taxes collected and promises made. Two weeks later the Galveston 14 ~Dail News pointed out that unfavorable criticism had arisen as a result of the misconceptions concerning the organization, objects, and aims of the Agricultural and Mechanical College. Many newspaper writers did not know that the legislature was not expected to collect taxes to support the College, although its limited income might have to be supplemented by small additional sums from the state until it became successful and self-supporting. The News did not know about the amount of the salaries of those connected with the College but did not think it likely they would serve for small salaries. A week later the 15 Galveston News reviewed its policy toward the College. While it had "often animadverted" on the state's delay in opening the College for the benefit of Texas youth, it had hailed the organization and opening by acknowledging the abilities of the faculty and praising the College as being worthy of public support. At the same time, believing there were just grounds for criticism, the News had nevertheless followed both a responsible and patriotic course by supporting home education. One man with seven sons to

14 October 22, 1876. 15October 31, 1876. 207 educate had written the News that it was the only paper with an encouraging words for the "best equipped college in the South. " The editor could not explain the reasons for the criticism of small town papers except that much of the criticism was in general opposition to Governor Coke. The editor thought it a mistake to complain about the College before it had been in existence for even a week. At one Virginia college, thirty-five Texas boys were spending $500 each on education. The News thought the major objections in recent criticism appealed to class prejudice because of the complaint that board and tuition were not free, and, consequently, only rich men's sons could be educated at the College founded at state and federal expense. Ignorance in any class was both dangerous and deplorable, but even the most enthusiastic supporters of the College had never proposed that it should be open to all at public expense. Many richly endowed colleges in the North still required the student to spend a considerable sum. The News endorsed a policy of making the most of the existing provisions; and while the College might not be perfect, it was a step in the right direction and could be built up. Future prosperity was based on education, and a college to inspire ambition and raise educational standards was needed more than elementary schools. 268

16 The Galveston D~ail News reprinted a letter from one of the Board members explaining Board decisions and refuting the misconception created by some of the state' s newspapers that the legislature had appropriated s'. ate funds to feed and clothe a large number of College students. Not a dollar had been appropriated by the state to operate the College, but as soon as the Board could devise such a plan, it wanted to allow those who could not otherwise obtain a college education to work out their college expenses. Such a plan, even though it was desirable, required well-considered judgment and economical management in order to bring success. Only with great difficulty had the Board secured enough funds to put the College in working order, but should the legislature appropriate funds for College maintenance, the Board would carry out its intent. The Col- lege buildings were believed to be the best public buildings in the state, and the grounds were "extensive, beautiful and eminently healthful. " Pointing out that agricultural labor was strictly voluntary, Director DeMorse explained the reasons for adopting the elective system, which allowed students to enroll for special training, and the benefit to the student of military tactics in physical development and in the development of systematic habits. Agricul- tural instruction was intended to include lectures

16 Charles DeMorse to Editor of Clarksville Times, reprinted in ibid, , November 12, 1876. 269 and practice gained on the College experimental farm soon to be put into operation. Moreover, horticulture was to be taught through practical instruction in the orchard planted in the coming Spring. Both arborculture and agricultural chemistry would be taught. The course in civil, mechanical, and mining engineering included hydraulic and bridge engineering so important to the rapidly expanding railway system of the state. Courses in language and literature were as extensive as the student desired to follow. Analytical chemistry, "with full laboratory for illustration, " was designed to qualify those students who 17 desired to be chemists, druggists, or pharmaceutists.

On November 9, 1876, Charles S. West submitted his resignation as director effective December 1, or sooner if 18 Governor Coke named a successor. Governor Coke appointed

17 It is puzzling as to why DeMorse claimed the College "full laboratory. " Trenckmann said the College had had a "but a few chemicals, a few glass tubes and crucibles, " not a plow, nor a plane, nor a surveyor's compass. Those wanting to build a bootjack or woodbox were forced to borrow a saw and hatchet from the College carpenter." Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. & M. College, in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900). 18 C. S. West to Richard Coke, Austin, Texas, November 9, 1876, Richard C. Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. According to law, 'the Governor was to appoint another director to serve until the next election in case a vacancy occurred as a result of "death, resignation or otherwise. " Gammel (comp. ), Laws of Texas, VIII, 444. Norman G. Kittrell, Governors Who Have Been, 192, said West had no taste for political stri. fe. 270

19 Anderson J. Peeler, of Austin, to replace West since he 20 was also from the Fifth Congressional District. Two days later Governor Coke informed I, ieutenant Governor Hubbard of his own resignation as governor on December 1 to enter the United States Senate, to which he had been 21 elected in Nay. Before he resigned, however, he 22 appointed Thomas S. Scott, of Collin County, an active member of the Texas State Grange, to the Board of Directors

19 Moving from Florida to Texas in 1873, Peeler was appointed Assistant Attorney General by Governor Coke. Born in Georgia in 1838, he lived in Florida from 1848 to 1873, where he was admitted to the bar in 1857. Peeler had been secretary of the Florida Constitutional Convention and a member of the Florida Legislature. As Assistant Attorney General in Texas he investigated the management of the penitentiary at Huntsville and drafted the law that enabled the state to regain control of it. In a series of letters signed Publius he had advocated the calling of the Texas Constitutional Convention of 1875. In July, 1876, he drew up the forgery law; in October he resigned to enter private practice. He died in 1886. Handbook of Texas, II, 356-357. 20 J. N. Moore to Louis L. NcInnis, Austin, Texas, March 23, 1888, Louis L. NcInnis Papers, Texas A6N Uni- versity Archives. 21 Richard Coke to Richard B. Hubbard, Austin, Texas, November 11, 1876, Richard C. Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 22 Thomas S. Scott was born in Ohio in 1824. Moving to Kentucky in 1844, he served with a Kentucky regiment in the Mexican War. From 1849 to 1851 he was in California; returning to Kentucky to marry, he afterwards moved to Texas in 1852. He served in the Confederate Army, and after the Battle of Shiloh was promoted to assistant adjutant general on General Samuel B. Maxey's staff. Following the war, he was assigned to make treaties with the Indians. Handbook of Texas, II, 582; Galveston ~Dail News, May 22, 1895. 271

23 on November 29. Scott replaced Isaac Graves, who evidently had no intention of serving on the Board since he never attended a Board meeting; in fact, he had opposed a system of public free schools in the recent state consti- 24 tutional convention. During the Fall of 1876 at least one literary society was organized at the College. According to the first catalogue two halls were assigned to literary societies, and one society, the Stephen F. Austin Literary Society, had been organized so students could improve their speaking abilities.

23 Richard B. Hubbard to T. M. Scott, Austin, Texas, May 16, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 24 McKay (ed. )f Debates in the Texas Constitutional Convention of 1875, p. 348. ln March, 1875, Graves, of the Third District, was the only director not elected on the first ballot and had won by only two votes on the second D 11 t. J 1 f tt S t f tt f t tt ~L' 1 ture, 2nd Sess. , 565-566. Governor Coke wrote him on April 30, 1875, to inform him, along with other Board members, of the meeting to be held on June 1, which Graves did not attend» Richard Coke to Isaac Graves, Austin, Texas, April 30, 1875, Richard C. Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. Graves did not attend the second Board meeting in July, ' 1876, and Coke did not write to inform him of the Board meeting to be held in Bryan on October 4, 1876, as he had all the other Board members. On November 29 he appointed Thomas M. Scott to the Board although Scott did not attend the Board meeting in January or formally accept the appointment until Governor Hubbard made inquiry of him in May, 1877. Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Scott, Austin, Texas, May 16, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 25 C~tl of tt St t A~lt 1 d M t: 1 'd ~C11 f S 'o f 1576-7, p. 26. D B. C f D 'dB. pl tD*t7, M & 15. Cf, f~t of ~EL ~H' t f 7 A. d M. ~C11 (C 11 5 St tion, 1953), p. 5. 272

It is difficult to determine when the second society, the Calliopean, named for the Muse of eloquence and heroic poetry, was organized, but by June, 1878, the two societies 26 held a joint celebration at commencement. The Texas 6~11 ', th 8' t td tphl t', p td tht the Austin Society met many difficulties in the first two sessions, and it appeared that the members had given up on making it a success since they had no library nor the use of the society hall for a time. Energetic members soon overcame the others' apathy, and the Society was able to buy a "small but fine collection of books" for the start of a library. From that time the Society became a success. The celebration of both societies at the close of the second session was pronounced a success, and at the beginning of the 1878 session they organized under the most favorable conditions they had encountered. New interest was aroused, and rivalry insured the success of both. The Calliopean

26„"Invitation to the Celebration of the Austin and Cal- liopean Literary Societies, " June 25, 1878, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas ASM University Archives. The Texas Col- leceian is unclear; it reported the two socie~xes hacCbeen organized since the first session of the College. Still later in the same article it reported that the Calliopean Society was organized during the second session. Texas ~C11 ', 1 (D N, 1878), p. 6. fh 1903 L~* 8 p. 102, said the faculty granted permission for the organization of the Austin Literary Society in November, 1876, and the Calliopean was organized in 1879 as a result of a division over a debate. The 1904 LoncO Horn, p. 131, agreed that the Austin Society was organized in the fall of 1876, but stated that the Calliopean was organized in 1878 as a result of factions in the Austin Society. 273

encountered the same difficulties as the Austin, but also overcame them. Each society had u membership of between 27 thirty and forty, almost all talented and interested,

Since the founding of the Co& lege had met w& th discouraqe- ments, a few students decided t hey needed some recreati &&: to take their minds off some of the "stern duties of student life. " In those early days of the College students were required to gather the niqht's supply of wood and walk to the nearest tank to get water after their day's work was done. The students determined on the type of organization that was desirable, and the faculty qranted permission to organize the Stephen F. Austin Literary Society, the name being chosen so that students would always remember that they were Texans, and in remembering thc life of Austin, pledge their lives to the welfare of Texas and the high principles for which he stood. The 1904 Long Horn sa&d

Professor Alexander Hogq did all he could to make thc society prosper since he had suggested the organizat&on, but his presence embarrassed the "rude and awkward members, " because they made blunders and mistakes in spcechc' and debates. The Austin Society, as i. t was popularly known. , found it a "rather painful duty" to ask hrm to ak&sent. himself, Once the Cz&lliopean Society was formed, the two

27 Texas ~Colle ian, I (December, IB&8), p. 6. 274

28 became rivals in debate and oratory. Governor Hubbard called a meeting of the Board on the second Monday in January and reminded the directors of the legislative act passed August 9, which provided each director payment of $5. 00 per diem for expenses, plus allowance for board and $5. 00 for each twenty-five miles traveled from their places of residence to Board meetings 29 and the return home. The legislature did not meet during Governor Hubbard's entire administration.

The Board met from January 8-11, with Governor Hub- 30 bard, Lieutenant Governor Wells Thompson, A. J. Peeler,

28 ~Lon Horn, 1903, p. 102; ibid. , 1904, p. 131; Olio, 105. The societies had their successes and failures; by 1904 the Calliopean had disbanded, and by 1905-06 the Bat- talion, published by the societies, was made independent d h kly. 8 g, Lo I ~H' t f th A. d R. ~C11* * of 7, 18. 29 Richard B. Hubbard to F. S. Stockdale and Other Directors, Austin, Texas, December 11, 1876, Richard B. for Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. Board expenses " 1876 had amounted to $633. "Expenses of Board Members, T ~L' I t' R o d, R*g. 8 . , B h 3. 1881, l. 2, no. 43, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 30 Governor Hubbard addressed Thompson as Lieutenant- Governor. Richard B. Hubbard to Thompson, May 19, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. Thompson was also called Lieutenant —Governor in the Handbook of II, 775. R % f th T I~It, 1846- T,1962, p. 89, I' t I'hop P 'd Porto f the Senate after Hubbard's accession as tGovernor. At any rate, Thompson became a member of the A. and M. Board by virtue of his office. Born in Alabama in 18 37, he came to Texas in the early 1840's and settled at Matagorda with his family. In 1859 he graduated from the University of North Carolina and in 1861 from the law department of the Univer- sity of Georgia with first honors. Enlisting in the Con- federate Army, he rose to the rank of captain. He was 275

Charles DeNorse, and B. H. Davis present. In an economy move to reduce expenditures as a result of insufficient endowment interest, the directors abolished the office of secretary of the Board and appointed Professor Hand to perform these duties without additional pay, and they dis- pensed with the architect's services except for final acceptance and examination of the on-going work for which he was to be paid a maximum of $200. They also abolished the office of farm superintendent filled by General Bee and eliminated this salary; all farming operations were assigned to the Professor of Agriculture, without additional compensation, and under the general supervision of Presi- dent Gathright. The $1, 000 appropriation made in October to plant fruit, ornamental, and shade trees was reduced to $250; and a sale of the mules, wagon, ambulance, and harness " was ordered. Also, "owing to the lateness of the season, although it was only January, the Board decided to dispense with all further farm work and not to purchase two mules intended for farm purposes. Beginning with the October session, the Board decided to charge a maximum amount of not more than $12 monthly. In order to avoid the distinction between students, thai.

wounded twice. Between 1866 and 1868 he practiced law at Matagorda; was elected district attorney for the Natagorda district in 1866, but was later removed as an impediment to Reconstruction by General Philip Sheridan. Moving to Columbus in 1868, he was elected to the Senate in 1876. Handbook of Texas, II, 775. 276 abolished the system of state students and accordingly lowered the $50 annual tuition fee to $20 for each student. The President was authorized to spend $200 annually advertising the College in newspapers located in several sections of the state. President Gathright was authorized to purchase fire escapes for each end of the Main Building at once with the resident director approving the purchase and transportation. In addition, a fire extinguisher was to 31 be placed on each floor. 32 The Galveston ~Dail News reported that it was anticipated that the available fund would exceed the actual expenditures since the Board of Directors had reduced expenses to the least amount possible and the "State will not be called on for a dollar. " The correspondent suggested that if the University were combined with the Col- lege, as Major Davis had proposed in the Constitutional Convention, the income would support a "first class 33 university. " The Galveston ~Dail News also reported that DeMorse had pointed out that the Board had been hampered in using the appropriation for completing the professors' houses and other buildings because state warrants were selling at such a low rate. Had their value been

31 ' P I ( P I, I „R~lt t tt Rg It I d I t ' I ~C11 I 2, 25-2P 32 January 11, 1877. 33 January 13, 1877. 277

at par, the appropriation would have been adequate. A brief look at finances showed that the College received interest of $17, 000 annually 34 and $1, 600 in tuition, while the current total expenditures were not expected to exceed 816, 500. The Galveston newspaper continued to point out the advantage of combining the University of Texas with the Agricultural and Mechanical College to secure liberal support and the use of excess funds Mto purchase a library. " President Gathright was praised as a man of "sense, education, and experience, " who thought the foundation Mhas been laid at Bryan for the grandest college of the Southwest. " Coinciding with the time of the Board meeting was the annual Grange convention at Tyler, January 9-16. The Order of the Patrons of Husbandry had reached Texas in 1873, and by 1877 there were a thousand subordinate Granges with a 35 membership of 40, 000. At the time, most of the farmers led

34 The annual interest on the Endowment Fund never amounted to more than 814, 280. 35 Speech of Master A. J. Rose to the Texas State Grange, in Galveston D~ail News, August 16, 1891. R. L. Hunt, A Hjstor of Farmer Movements in the Southwest, 1873- 1925 1(0 g* Ht 193353, p. 26, t t~tt th 0 og t, 1877. The membership was claimed to be 50, 000 in January, Grange declined as rapidly as it had risen, with old Granges dying faster than new ones could be organized; by 1879 there were only 250 paying Grange organizations with a mem- h h'p f 9, 560. 0 M. 5* 0, ~H' t f th* 0~1 Texas State Grancre, 1873 to 1896 (Ln. p. , 1962 ), p. 39. 278 social and intellectual lives that were as depressed as their economic life. Many lived in isolated regions; few travelled, read books or newspapers, or tried to improve their intellectual capacities. Many were slovenly, lived in unpainted houses, and did not keep up their fences, 36 barns, and premises. The rapid growth of the Grange showed that it held out some hope of providing relief from the farmer's daily life of drudgery. Although the Grange was avowedly nonpolitical, the subjects the members discussed in their meetings involved action that needed to be taken by the government and consequently had an influence on political action. At its 1874 convention the Grange had passed a resolution calling upon the State Board of Education to provide in the public schools more practical courses in the natural sciences, basic principles of commerce and finance, and "especially a course in agricultural chemistry" as a means of improving soils to increase production and "bring about health, happiness and the 37 wealth of man. .", The Waco Examiner was chosen as the official Grange publication at this same time, and in 1878 the Waco Examiner and Patron was circulated as the official 38 Grange organ.

36 Ralph A. Smith, "A. J. Rose, Agrarian Crusader of Texas" (Unpublished Ph. D. DiSsertation, Austin, University of Texas, June, 1938), p. 26. 37 H t, 5 ~H' to f H Ho t th 5 th west, pp. 25-26.

38 ' B 5, ~H' t *f th ~0' 1 Bt t ~G, 15. 279

Ever since the organization of the State Grange its officers had promoted the idea of an experimental farm where the sons of farmers could go to study and practice

the best known scientific methods of agriculture. They thought the farm would support itself as well as the students, and although several farms were offered for sale and were investigated, funds were never available to purchase one. A proposal had been made in 1876 at the state convention for the establishment of a model Grange farm near Austin to conduct scientific research. However, the Executive Committee decided funds were insufficient, and if a model farm were undertaken, it ought to be located at College Station in connection with the Agricultural 39 and Mechanical College. Once the College was organized, the Grange diverted attention from establishing its own farm and school, and the officials became impatient with 40 getting the system of agricultural education under way. 41 The Master, Walter W. Lang, suggested and advocated action

39 Smith, "A. J. Rose, Agrarian Crusader of Texas, " 275. 40 Hunt, A History of Farmer Movements in the South- west, 11-12. 41 Walter W. Lang was born in Mississippi in 1829 and graduated from Oakland College. Defeated for a seat in the Mississippi Legislature at the age of twenty-one, he nevertheless earned a reputation as a speaker during the campaign. He moved to Falls County, Texas, in 1860, but returned to Mississippi to serve in the Confederate Army. In 1863 he resigned and returned to Falls County to serve in a Texas regiment. In 1873 the Order of the Patrons of 280 that would give aid and encouragement to the College so that it would benefit farmers and become a source of state 42 honor and pride. Forty-eight students remained at the College until 43 the end of the first term. A visitor attending the first term's examination in February thought that the students did not appear to have crammed nor to have rehearsed for

Husbandry, the Grange, moved "like an immense wave over the United States. " Lang served as Master of the Texas State Grange from 1874 to 1880. He represented Falls County in the Fifteenth Legislature (1875-76) and tried to secure the Democratic nomination for governor in 1878. He was accused of using the Grange as a political tool to gain public office; however, in 1876 the Austin ~Dail Democratic States- man stated he "neither swerves to the right or left, seeking popular favor, and often taking position directly antagonistic to what would appear to be his personal advancement. " He became President of the Southwestern Immigration Company in 1880 and lived in Europe from 1881- 84 in the interest of the company; from 1885-89 he served as the United States consul at Hamburg, Germany. Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, July 2, 1876, and February 4, 1880. Handbook of Texas, II, 25. Following Lang's service in the legislature, Governor O. M. Roberts, who had defeated Lang in the close race for the gubernatorial nomination in the Democratic convention, appointed him Assistant Superinten- dent of the State Penitentiary, a work which he resigned because the "work was too great for him. " Galveston ~Dail News, July 6, 1879. Lang, while a member of the legislature, wrote Governor Coke to recommend Colonel J. B. Killebrew, of Tennessee, a long-time author of agricultural articles, who was "splendidly qualified to be president of the Agri- an institution which cultural and Mechanical College," enlists my deepest solicitude. W. W. Lang to Richard Coke, Marlin, Texas, February 17, 1876, Richard C. Coke Papers, Texas State Archives. 42 Galveston D~ail News, January 12, 1877. 43 the Agricultural "Report of the Board of Directors of " and Mechanical College of Texas to the Legislature, Journal of th S t f th S' t th ~L' f t f th St t *f Texas, Reg. Sess. , 286. 28 1. the special occasion. He praised the faculty, all of. whom except had taught successfully for twenty years or longer, accom- Professor Norris, who was quite young. He found the modations adequate, the discipline perfect, and the expenses poorer quite low, and thought there was no excuse for the of class to remain uneducated or for Texas youths to go out state for education. In addition, he called for the College 44 to become the nucleus of the UniverSity. With the beginning of the second term, one hundred upper and thirty students enrolled, and as a result the stories of the Steward's Hall had to be used for dormitory 45 Gath— rooms. Two companies were now formed. President. a right informed a young friend who had inquired about teaching position at the College in February that there che were only two classes of students at the College; University highest was the same as that of a freshman at the 46 of Mississippi. In April he replied that he could give employ- him no idea of the Board's action concerning the continued ment of teachers in June. The present faculty, "almost prepara- Gathright, was adequate for the one hundred received the tory students. " Only recently had the College

44 J. L. C. to the Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, February 24, 1877. 45 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & N. , in L~on Horn, 1907, p. 115. 46 Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. NcInnis, College Station, Texas, February 1, 1877, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&N University Archives. 282 apparatus "absolutely necessary to illustrate the simplest truths in science. " Should additional teachers become necessary in the Fall, he thought there might be an oppor- 47 tunity for employment. The post office at College Station, Texas, was established on February 7, 1877, with Henry D. Parsons as post- 48 master. Its establishment relieved somewhat the isolation of the College; the train stopped to put students off at the College but did not stop to receive passengers, who 49 and had to go to Bryan to board the train. Major Norris General Bee had mustangs, which they rode to Bryan; for the others the trip to Bryan was made in the College 50 "ambulance. " While the increased enrollment was encouraging, the financial problems remained discouraging. As long as the enrollment remained small, President Gathright performed mostly as an executive, with duties that were "many and

47 Same to Same, College Station, Texas, April 17, 1877, in ibid. 48 Five Administrators of Texas David B. Cofer, First 7. A. 6 A. C~ll, 1876 1898 iC*ll 9 gt t'o, 1952), p. Hereafter cited: Cofer, First Five Administrators of Texas A. 6 M. College. 49 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. NcInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. " 50 Morris, "Baccalureate ~ sic Address, Bulletin of ' 3 d 8 tt A~lt 1 od 76 5 1 ~Cll 6 7, X 7July 1, 1924), p. 14. 283

"„51 onerous owing to the. crude conditions. Governor Hubbard wrote Gathright in March that though he had conferred with J. S. Fowlkes, he was powerless to help him with finances. Warrants had risen from ninety-three to ninety-five cents, but the State Treasurer could not discriminate between warrants due the College and those due citizens of other state offices. The warrants would have to be sold at current rates to meet the accruing indebtedness of the College; while this action necessitated a deficit, the misfortune could not be helped. Economy dictated that the " College "lop off wherever we can. Calling attention to extra charges of $800 or $900 for one of the professors' houses, Governor Hubbard was "not certain that this was authorized. " The Board had determined that all the houses would cost the same and had acted accordingly at their "un- previous meetings. He instructed Gathright to pay "d btf1" t'1 g t'o*d" dbt f t'd 'to "and funds were available. Concerning the fire escape in fact every thing we can't pay for when due--why we must do urged without. " He spoke as "one member of the Board" and Gathright to "try and weather the gale until our meeting in June. " In spite of the financial problems, Hubbard was 52 pleased with the "prosperity" of the College. The faculty 51 Ibid. , 19. 52 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, March 8, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. Gathright said later the $40, 000 284 was doubtless encouraged by the fact that one hundred three of the students who had registered in February were still 53 at the College on April 4. Governor Hubbard wrote Gathright on Nay 18 and enclosed letters from the Houston and Texas Central Railroad inquiring as to whether the cadets would attend the approaching state fair in Houston. The railroad had offered to take 54 the cadets free of charge. A week later the cadets of the A. and N. College, in what was evidently their first corps trip, went into encampment on the Houston Fair 55 Grounds. Ma jor Norris had drilled the students "with the utmost detail. " With so few students enrolled, his class room duties were light, and he could devote much of his time to the military department. Rule CXLVIII stated that "Silence and soldier-like deportment are enjoined on all cadets while on class parade, and while marching to and from their recitation rooms. No cadet shall have his book open in ranks. " Rule CXXIX, "At the hours appointed for breakfast, dinner and supper, the companies will be

appropriation to complete the College, which was drawn in state warrants and sold at market rates netted the College about $36, 000. Galveston ~Dail News, August 29, 1878. 53 Galveston ~Dail News, April 4, 1877. 54 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, May 18, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 55 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, Nay 26, 1877. 285 formed on the company parade grounds by the first sergeants, and will there be united under the senior cadet officer present, who will march the whole to and from the mess hall as prescribed. " With so much enthusiasm and so much practice, it is not too surprising that the Agricultural and Mechanical College Corps of Cadets won the first place for having the best-drilled battalion at the fair. The corps had been divided into four companies marching in single rank; each of the two regular companies had been divided in two and the lieutenants assigned command. The prize was a beautiful Lone Star silk flag, beautifully staffed and 56 mounted. William Trenckmann recalled that as a result of leading the left wing of the battalion into the ditch at the encampment, he was made quartermaster and "could watch the beautiful wheels and the soul-stirring bayonet exercises " 57 and artillery drills in which the Major delighted. Quite naturally, the military feature attracted considerable attention; and as a result, it played a large part in attracting a considerable increase in the number of students at the next session. Since Thomas N. Scott had never formally accepted his

56 M h- R 1 d ~Rl t' f th A~lt 1 d 1 C~ll f th Rt t of 2*, 1676, pp. 26, 26; Norris, "Baccalureate ~sic Address, " Bulletin of the ~Alt 1 odh*h+ f6~Ii of'1, ldd X (July 1, 1924) 6 pp. 13-14. 57 Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. 6 M. , " in Lonca Horn, 1907, p. 114. 286 appointment to the Board made in November, the Governor wrote Scott in May that he should notify him immediately 58 by telegraph in case he wished to accept the appointment.

He also wrote the other Board members to inform them of commencement dates in June. Reminding them of the important business that would be conducted in the Monday Board meeting in President Gathright's office, he announced that the President, faculty, and steward would open their homes to the directors during commencement. In addition, visitors could now stop at the "College Railroad Station" instead of 59 in Bryan. Assembled for its fifth meeting on June 25-27 with Hubbard, Thompson, DeMorse, Davis, Peeler, and Scott present, the Board tendered a vote of thanks to the Houston and Texas Central and to the International and Great Northern Railroad companies "for courtesies during this examination and for gratuitous services and proffers of service to the " officers of the institution upon sundry occasions. Apparently some dispute had arisen concerning the government of the College since the Board authorized the President to decide "promptly" all differences "between Professors as to relative duties and powers, " and his 58 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas M. Scott, Austin, Texas, May 16, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 59 Richard B. Hubbard to Edward B. Pickett and Others, Austin, Texas, May 19, 1877, in . ibid. 287 decision was to be f inal unless the Board reversed his action. The President was held responsible for the "correct working of the internal administration of the institution in its several departments, and as an entirety; giving direction in all cases of ambiguity and doubt as to the branches to be taught, and the several duties to be performed by the Professors and others connected with the College. " In all cases when complaints were made to the president of the Board against any of the professors concerning his conduct as a professor, the Board president was to call a meeting to take appropriate action. The Board president was also required to approve the accounts of the professors for the months of July, August, and September. President Gathright was to assign enough professors to remain at the College during the Summer to care properly for its interests and provide protection to the properties of the institution. Professor Hand was required, as secretary of the Board, to furnish the Board president and the Comp- troller a certified copy of the resolution. The Board reaffirmed its opinion that the three courses of study prescribed by the faculty should be continued 60 in the same departments as established in the

60 d 3 1 ( p. ), 1 R~lt' t tt R~lt 1 ' 1't 1 f tt t R 1 1 ~Cll *f 1', ll. ~Ct lt A ricultural and Mechanical Colle e of Texas, Session of 1876 —7, p. published during the Summer of 1877 lists four courses:3, Agriculture, Mechanics and Engineering, Langu- ages and Literature, and Military Tactics. Possibly the Board did not consider Military Tactics a course. 288 first session. It authorized the faculty to continue the development of curricula and to set requirements that would entitle students to degrees in particular departments; and that in all respects each department shall be considered as of equal dignity and degree; the diplomas issued to the students of the several departments shall entitle the graduates of each to like distinction, cdnsideration, and benefits; provided that nothing herein contained shall be construed to interfere with the general course of study heretofore adopted, entitling the student to the degree of Bachelor of Arts. General Bee's management of the Steward's Hall had not been entirely satisfactory. President Gathright and each of the faculty, in person or through him, were required to report to the Board evaluating the conduct of the Steward's Hall. The President was empowered and required to assume control over this department by prescribing the menu and the method of preparation, and by overseeing service in the dining hall as well as to the sick students under the doctor's care, with the doctor's advice. In an "extraordinary exigency, " he could use money from the contingent fund to provide extra amounts needed by the sick. If the steward or any other College officer refused to carry out the Board's regulations in regard to food and meal service, Gathright was to notify the Board president, who would in turn call a Board meeting. A resolution was adopted that Peeler, Thompson, and DeMorse report at the next meeting on the feasibility of the Board's assumption of the entire operation of the Steward's Hall, and in case 289 such a course were adopted, of having Gathright manage the operation by making purchases and employing competent help. Reports submitted by the Professors of Agriculture and Mathematics, the surgeon, and the steward, had proposed the expenditure of funds when there were none available; consequently, further action was necessarily delayed until the next Board meeting. As soon as there was a sufficient amount in the contingent fund, authorization was made for the purchase of mathematical instruments requested by Morris. In case any other money could be spared from this fund, changes would be made in Hogg's lecture room. Thompson, DeMorse, and Hubbard had been appointed a committee to present a written report concerning any advantages to be gained from a division of the College land, and as a result, General Bee was given the privilege of cultivating all land outside the enclosure. Martin was placed in charge of the grounds inside the enclosure and was to make improvements under Gathright's supervision; he was given control of the unsold wagon and mules and was to cultivate as much land as possible, to landscape the grounds, and to prevent washes. Martin was to secure a laborer, hired by Gath- right and paid board and wages from the contingent fund by the Fiscal Agent, who was to be employed full time in working for the College upon its grounds. In additional business, H. D. Parsons petitioned to lease three acres of College land on the west side of the 290 railroad near the post office building, and Davis was given plenary powers to make lease arrangements on the provision that "the sale of all intoxicating and malt liquors be " forever prohibited. A schedule of payments by students for the coming scholastic year permitted expenses to be 61 paid in four installments. The week's examination preceding commencement activities, held June 24-27, had convinced the Board and visitors that the College had fulfilled the most optimistic hopes for its success and had provided the foundation for higher education in Texas. A special train ran between Bryan and College Station on Sunday and Monday. On Sunday "hundreds, " including the directors, attended the commencement sermon; on Monday the cadets drilled and presented 62 declamations. Of the one hundred and six students who had matriculated during the year, eighty were still 63 present.

61 d 8 1 ( .P. ), 1 Alt' 8 totl A~lt 1 ' — M h 1 C~AA * *f T, 28 81. 62 Galveston Dail News, June 28, 1877. 63„ "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature, Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth Leceis- lature of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 46. In making a defense of the College in August, 1878, President Gathright said the "class numbered 106 at the close of the first session. " President Thomas S. Gathright to Editor Galveston ~Dail News, August 29, 1878. The Olio, 30, stated that the first catalogue showed a "registry of 76 ' " t d t tt d . Th ~dt 1 f th Pt t' ' 8 f A~At 1 d M h 1 ~011 of T, 18787, pp. 810, 1' t t t 1 f 107 t d t~ 291

Governor Hubbard spoke to the Stephen F. Austin Literary Society and asked Texans to patronize Texas educational institutions though "it had not yet become 64 fashionable to do so. " The main address was made by Anderson J. Peeler, of Austin, former Assistant Attorney General and Board member, whose son enrolled in the College during the next session. Reviewing the concept of industrial education and its importance in the world-wide commercial and industrial competition for markets, he called the Norrill Act "one of the most magnificent instances of faith in national unity and destiny shining out from beneath the

includes their names and home towns. Of the students who enrolled the first year, nine were from College Station; five, San Antonio; ten, Navasota; and thirteen from Bryan. No other towns or cities sent more than three students each. One student from Mississippi was the only out-of-state student. The ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1876, pp. xxxvi, 388, listed an attendance of ninety students in the first year, of whom sixty were in the regular course and thirty in a partial course. 64 Governor Hubbard himself was one of the most popular orators of his day. Speaking on behalf of Texas at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia in L876, he became e known as the "'Eagle Orator' of America. '" One newspaper reporter stated, "'He weighed over 400 pounds and could be heard for miles. '" He was "endowed with a melodious and powerful voice, a commanding manner of delivery, an inex- haustible fund of wit and anecdote, with the passionate fire and fluent imagery of a true son of Dixie, and at the same time fully educated in all the fundamentals of political history and science, logical and convincing in his serious in his appeals to the emotions and arguments, irresistible " sentiments of his audiences. DeShields, ~The Sat in Hicih Places, 300-301. Both eloquent and well-bred, Hubbard was five feet nine inches and weighed only about three hundred pounds. Kittrell, Governors Who Have Been, 78. 292

" 65 clouds of national adversity the world has ever seen. Educational institutions were designed to provide the most advanced knowledge on various subjects, and provide a liberal, broadened culture for those who would develop the nation's resources. He then proceeded to outline the rapid growth in recent years of scientific and agricultural institutions, of which the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas was one of the newest. Calling attention to the fact that the annual income of the College had not cost the citizens one cent, he briefly reviewed the financial history of the College. His recommendation that some of the rich and big-hearted citizens might perpetuate their names and fame by adding to the endowment or at least financing education for orphans of the Civil War by sending a boy "here to make a man of himself" apparently fell on deaf ears, for nothing materialized from this suggestion. Peeler also availed himself of the opportunity to emphasize the need to proceed with the mandate of the law of August 14, 1876, providing the creation of a public state-supported college for educating Negro youth of the state since the policy of segregation of the races in education had been adopted in Texas and the Constitution of 1876 had provided for the creation of a college or branch

65 A. J. Peeler had been wounded and captured by Union forces at Gettysburg and imprisoned on Johnson's Island on Lake Erie until just before the end of the Civil War. Hand- book of Texas, 1I, 356-357. 293 university for Negroes. He hoped to see soon such an institution in operation so that the Negro race could be " educated and elevated, "for our interests are inseparable. Additionally, he praised the role played by B. H. Davis in the Constitutional Convention in having succeeded in making the College a branch of the University and in securing the full $40, 000 appropriation to put it in working order. A good beginning had been made with more than a hundred students in attendance, and "splendid discipline" had been maintained. He believed the Agricultural and Mechanical College to be the cheapest in the United States and that the state should work to improve its usefulness and fame so that the College would in turn build up Texas. He noted the convenience of the College to the railroad, telegraphy, and post office as well as its nearness to "the intelligent and refined society" of Bryan. Even though the College "had, strictly speaking, no " agriculture department and no farm or work shops, he thought it would still graduate a hundred men each year who would use their powers of trained observation to study closely subjects pertaining to agriculture. All productive labor had to harmonize with natural law, which could sometimes be learned by observation and sometimes by careful study. He posed the possibility that one of the students trained at the College might discover some useful idea that would benefit the state's agricultural interests many 294 times more than the cost of the federal endowment and state support. Calling attention to the immense size of Texas and its capability of supporting 40, 000, 000 people, as compared with the size of six of the northeastern and the Middle Atlantic states combined, he noted the opportunities offered in Texas by the variety of climate and soil and its adaptability to the production of almost every crop in addition to the sea coast and mineral resources. Texas offered "speedy and profitable utilization of every kind of " knowledge related to agriculture and the mechanic arts. Education of the farmer promised the greatest service to "humanity and universal prosperity. " Pointing out the necessity that Texas not always depend on other areas of the country for manufactured articles, including even axe handles, he declared that educated labor was imperative. The master mechanic or manufacturer educated in the details of his business and able to manage successfully the labor of others was the man who made the highest salary. In addition to educated farmers and mechanics, Peeler thought the state needed "thoroughly educated" geologists, chemists, botanists, foresters, veterinarians, metallurgists, mining engineers, civil engineers, and architects. The Texas " 66 capitol itself was "scarcely habitable. He emphasized

66 A summary of industrial education in land grant colleges made in the 1890's by the Commissioner of Educa- tion said that Peeler' s address had pointed out the training that Texas needed for its own sons and revealed "the comprehension of needs and conception of proper work as 295 the usefulness of military education and the fact that since the United States was not expected to keep standing armies, there was an even greater need to train men who were able immediately to serve in a military capacity in case of either civil disturbances or sudden war. Peeler did not think it probable the University would be established for several years since the last report of the State Treasurer had shown $113, 274. 28 cash on hand in the University Fund, and it would require a long time to convert the University lands into cash. The permanent University Fund had bonds of doubtful validity amounting to $134T472. 26. No appropriations could be made to the University from the general revenue; therefore, funds would have to be accumulated from the sale of land. Hence, the Agricultural and Mechanical College was likely to be the only state institution of higher education for years to come. He noted that Texas youth spent more than a half million dollars going outside the state's borders for education, and thus helped to build up colleges and universities away from home. Peeler did not want to base his appeal on monetary benefits, but to the social and business advantages to be derived from home education and the intended by the act while not opposing literary or classical " education. R~e of the Commissioner of Education for the ort ' t'o ' d I I 1898, A t d ~Id t, Ed tt I I and Fine Arts in the United States, by Isaac Edwards Clarke, 9 I dTA' I tIV, Id t''o I~T'''Etol T 8 oI ET d G. 8. L d 8 t C~ll , 584. 296 desirability of uniting Texas boys through education and not exposing them to a divided allegiance, by their being 67 educated in northern or eastern universities. Such repeated references to the College's taking the place of the University in the state's educational system were sure to provoke the hostility of important political leaders who had worked to establish the University of Texas from the earliest days of the Texas Republic; and from those who had worked so long to establish the University only to see the University Fund and lands squandered in a variety of ways; and from those highly educated immigrants who had come to the state after the Civil War and who knew the benefits of an entire system of public education, including a great university based on classical education with a strong liberal arts component, something that seemed to be neglected and more and more disregarded in the new Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas as it was evolving.

On the fourth and last day of commencement, there were more student declamations, including a repeat performance of a declamation given the previous day, during which the

67 Peeler, Address Delivered b~ Honorable A. J. Peeler ' f A t', 6 f** th Bt t I d M h I 7, A~It — ~CII f T, 2 d 2, 2 26, 1677, pp. 2 21. 297

68 student eclipsed his previous effort. President Gath- right read the conduct roll, which included twenty-one students with fewer than ten demerits; Cadets John C. Crips, Charles A. Burchard, and Charles Rogan had only one demerit apiece in the entire nine months. The cadets were called up in a body; and the officers being separated from the other cadets, each accepted his appointment and promised obedience and the proper conduct of his duties. The President then dismissed them, saying, MGod bless you, boys; I' ve performed this duty at twenty-seven commencements, but never at one where I felt more regret at parting with students. " Professor Martin dismissed the students until the first Monday in October. At noon the Governor,

68 Galveston ~nail News, June 28, 1877. There was also a College rule for this event: "There shall be held on commencement day a public exhibition, at which such candidates for graduation as may have been appointed by the Faculty for that purpose, shall pronounce addresses or exhibit such other literary performances as may have been " t' th 1 g d th . R 1 d ~R 1 of R~lt th Rt t f lff6, d M h 1 ~C11 of 7, Article VI, 9. Another rule stated: "Every student appointed to deliver a public address on any occasion connected with the College, shall present or rehearse his speech to the proper authority for examination, and shall conform to such directions as he may receive as to the matter, manner, style and length of the same. Failure in will subject the offender, if a candidate for gradu- this an ation, to the liability of losing his diploma, and if " undergraduate, to such penalty as the Faculty may inflict, Article VI, Rule 10, ibid. In 1895 a student complained that nothing was more monotonous than commencement and the Morations filled with rhetoric; the Society debates with stately logic and gestures studied carefully before a mir- ror; the long theses, the wisdom of the ages to the author" and as 'dry as the sands of the Sahara' to the audience. Texas Farm and Ranch, XIV (June 22, 1895), p. 16. 298

Board members, and the correspondent of the Galveston ~Dail

News gave thanks for the well-furnished table of President Gathright. As a grand finale to the first year of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, the commencement ball 69 concluded the ceremonies. Apparently, rumors of problems with the Steward's Hall had spread outside the confines of the Board meeting room. The correspondent of the Austin ~Dail Democratic 70 Statesman, reporting on the steward's department in charge of the "old veteran" Hamilton P. Bee, thought it well conducted and that General Bee was "a most fascinating, courtly and agreeable gentleman. " The Steward' s Hall was in perfect order, scrupulously clean, the cooking well done, and the food well served, and the cadets behaved themselves properly at meal times. Since Bee hired the best cooks, he necessarily paid high prices for them, but his department "like all others in the college is under the best government" and also under President Gathright's supervision The reporter concluded that a great benefit resulted when students were content at school. However, William Trenckmann, recalling his experiences at the Agricultural and Mechanical College in its first years, had a slightly different view of the Steward's Hall. During his enrollment at the College neither of the two stewards

69 Galveston ~Dail News, June 28, 1877. 70 July 1, 1877. 299 who were in charge of the Steward's Hall successfully met all the demands " since college boys have always been 'kickers. '" Ness hall rebellions occurred often, and the steward's department frequently received "squibs and innuendos. " He remembered Bee as "the gallant soldier and dignified Southern gentleman" and that students' " appetites "came near bankrupting this generous man, who did not carefully watch his accounts nor his profits. Nrs. Bee, who herself had three sons in the College, made motherly visits to many a poor, lonesome cadet, who was both 71 ill and homesick. Evidently, Governor Hubbard's advice concerning the method of making payment of the professors' salaries was not heeded since he found it necessary to write Professor

Hand on July 4 to enclose a copy of the resolution written by Hand on the order of the Board and "Endorsement of Comptroller. " In each case the account should have been made for the balance due on the salaries for the year 1876-77 without designating months and accounts, as Hubbard hd'ddh', "Yo'll nlbZ~h' tdtoth'y " 72 and suggested that this would be the result.

71 " Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. & M. College, in ~Lon Horn, 1907, p. 116. 72 Richard B. Hubbard to J. T. Hand, Austin, Texas, July 4, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 300

Shortly before commencement the first catalogue of the College was prepared for distribution. However, the catalogues were burned in a fire at Galveston and a circular announcement was printed and distributed on June 12 until 73 The a new edition of the catalogue could be printed. catalogue called attention to the changes in the payment of expenses on a quarterly basis, although full payment " was desirable at entrance "when convenient. No exceptions would be made for payments due on the first of October, December, February, and April; and no one should apply for an exception to the rule. the A plea was made "To the People of Texas" since Agricultural and Mechanical College was the "first earnest practical step" taken by the state to provide the opportunity of a college education for the industrial classes of limited means. Furthermore, people of all classes who sent their sons to the College instead of to an out-of- state institut. ion, would encourage and support state pride with a resulting benefit for Texas youths. The College's future success might enable the Board to reduce the rates in order to place them within easy reach of all but which The were now afforded only to the more wealthy classes. Board believed the College's success had opened the way for

73„ Mechanical College of Texas, "State Agricultural and ' '* —EH" C H~t* A t, 8 f 1877 f, E~l d of f A. d E. ~C11 ~7h o 8 1 tt ~P 301 even the poorest who was capable of obtaining an education 74 and who was ambitious enough to seek it. The faculty acknowledged the liberal support given by the people and their generous confidence. They believed their responsibility to conduct the College as "the head of " any system of education the people may establish, was to encourage and promote intellectual culture. Seeing a need for a change in the College curricula, the faculty had decided on a change since it had become evident that many students were unprepared to take advantage of higher education because the state lacked a genuine system of public education. A continuation of inadequate preparation would further hamper students since a student who was poorly prepared worked under serious difficulties throughout his college course and was at a disadvantage with weaker but well trained students when he went out into the world.

A little thorough knowledge was better than much that was half-learned. The well-prepared boy entered college with confidence, self-reliance, and a strong hope for success. Even after he left college, a carefully, well educated student possessed the self-confidence that enabled him to

74 Charles Rogan wrote years later that he had been orphaned at an early age, but through hard work and ambition had paid his way through Texas A. and M. College and Harvard University and had thereby obtained "scholastic equipment second to none. " Frank W. Johnson, A H~istor of Texas and Texans, ed. and up-dated by Eugene C. Barker and Ernest W. Wz. nkIer, 5 vols. (Chicago, 1914), I, 2558. 302 succeed in business. Consequently, the faculty planned to organize a preparatory academic department and themselves teach all those who were not qualif i& d to do college work. They pointed out that the standard of admission into the lowest class was not high, but that it had to be maintained or there would be no standard at all. They urged teachers to require their pupils to spend a longer time in school and to require higher standards; by following such a course, they would upgrade schools and thereby increase their own prestige and salaries because "what is so essential to the welfare of the student, will redound to the social and pecuniary advantage of the teacher. " They denied that the preparatory academic department was designed to compete with nor to recruit in other schools, and once the need for providing proper preparation had been eliminated, the faculty would happily eliminate the department. All students were encouraged to be present for the opening of the College on October 1, when assignments would be made to quarters and proper classes; in order to avoid confusion, those who were not presently in the corps were urged to report several days early for examination. Affirm- ing that all discipline had been directed toward helping students follow the highest moral rules of behavior and develop "a genuine and dignified manhood, " the faculty pledged itself to encourage the well —being of students in the establishment of well ordered and popular system of higher education. 303

Later, the faculty presented the new edition of the catalogue, reprinted after the destructive fire that had destroyed the first ones, "with more than ordinary satisfaction and with more than ordinary gratitude to Almighty God, . . . for in every change and in every trial, His providence is conspicuous. " The College had begun with only a handful of students and a faculty that were new- comers to the state, although its members had all been endorsed as men of high character. The faculty was described as being all "Southern born and educated. " Previously, the general feeling had prevailed "to some extent, " said the official catalogue, "that a higher latitude and older colleges than are found among us, must furnish

men to inaugurate and prosecute great enterprises for the education of the people. " Even though the beginning had been small, those in charge had been optimistic, and the 75 College had been blessed with a steady growth. The several advertisements of the College appearing 76 in the Galveston D~ail News in the Summer and early Fall described the buildings as "elegant" and the "appointments first class. " Students were urged to register early and to be in attendance the first day of October since indica- tions pointed to a large enrollment.

75 ' ~Ct 1o f th St t A~lt 1 6 8 h 1 ' — 36-37. ~C11 * f 7*, S f 1877 8, pp. 7, 38-32, 76 July 17, September 12-16, 1877. 304

CHAPTER IX

THE SECOND YEAR: POPULARITY AND CRITICISM

Just prior to the opening of the Agricultural and Mechanical College's second session, in 1877, the Galveston

~Dail News reported on September 29 that about three hundred student applications had already been received and that extra barracks were to be built to house the large number of students. A notice from the College dated September 30 stated that the College was completely filled, and no more students could be received until the facilities 1 were enlarged. Had there been sufficient room, President Gathright estimated nearly five hundred students would 2 have registered.

Two hundred students were present on the first day of 3 October, when the College began its second session. While the increased attendance was flattering to those in

1 Galveston ~Dail News, October 2, 1877 2 Interview with Thomas M. Scott, in LoncO Horn, 1904, p. 170. 3„"Report of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, " in Journal of the Senate f th 9' t th L~l t of th Rt t of T , A*9. Sess. , 206. Trenckmann thought there were ai least 250 present. Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. and M. College, " in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900). In another statement Trenckmann thought 260 students were present. Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. and M. M in Lonca Horn, 1907, p. 115. Major Morris, forty-seven years later, thought 325 had been present on the first day. Morris, " ' t' "R 1 t ( ] Add, ~ R 11 of th A~lt 1 dM*h' l~~lofl', 3df . , f (3191, 1921), p. 15. 305 charge as being a sign of public acceptance and approval, it brought with it, both within and without the College, the seeds of dissension produced by overcrowding. There was not enough dormitory space, and the Steward's Hall was inadequate for preparing and serving meals to so many students. There were not enough cisterns, and there was a lack of proper sanitary and bathing facilities. Not only was there a shortage of faculty members, but there was no additional housing available for new ones should they be employed. In addition, there was a desperate need for all kinds of equipment. Most important of all, there was no money available to provide any of these things. The legislature, which did not meet throughout Governor Hubbard's entire administration would not meet again until 1879. For a state already heavily in debt from a ruinous war, now saddled with the expenses and debts created by the Radicals during the era of Reconstruction, the expense of the regular session of the legislature in 1875, the heavy additional debt of a Constitutional Convention, and the legislative special session of 1876, it was unthinkable that Governor Hubbard would have even considered calling a special session and even more unthinkable that a legislature would provide more money for what many now regarded as the Agricultural and Mechanical College's insatiable appetite. The mass of citizens were more concerned with more pressing economic problems of their own than with 306 those of the College, higher education, or even the public free schools. Many of them still regarded education as a matter of private concern. Furthermore, private colleges and academic institutions were envious of the College's facilities and its endowment, and did not wish to see the College embarking upon preparatory and literary work in competition with them in a time of economic distress. Charges were soon made that the College was not fulfilling the purpose of its creation and should be made to conform. Farmers interested enough to care, and particularly some of the Grange leaders, saw their hopes for a new kind of education dissipating into the establishment of a standard literary college. Even though the Grange had proposed to establish an experimental farm at the College, nothing had been done to implement such a suggestion. Every addition of students meant increased expenses in permanent improvements for the College--housing for students as well as for professors and laborers, additional classroom space, increased dining facilities, all kinds of furnishings, extended and improved sanitary facilities, and a more adequate water supply. The College was five miles away from the nearest community and could depend only on itself for these services. Additionally, few realized that a "practical" education was not cheap and would never be cheap since agricultural equipment and experimentation and the purchase of engineering machinery required a much 307 greater outlay than facilities required by a literary or law department. Moreover, the equipment needed for agricultural and mechanical education was a continuing expense that required a steady outlay of funds to keep up with the explosion of scientific research and new inventions. The reasons for the College's success in attracting a large number of students were the growing academic reputation of the College, the military feature, and the provision that allowed quarterly payments. The Board had not been encouraged at the opening of the College in 1876, but the satisfactory examinations and the rapid and obvious improvement made by students assured additional enrollment for the 4 succeeding session. The Commissioner of Education, in summarizing the status of industrial education in the United States in 1898, reported that the military feature attracted great attention and caused a great influx of students at the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College 5 when there were facilities for only one hundred fifty. William Trenckmann, perhaps with tongue in cheek, thought the "phenomenal increase in attendance could not have been

4 "Report of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, " in Journal of' the Senate of th S t th L ~lt f th St t I T Reg. Sess. , 206. 5 ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1898, 8 t d ~fd t, Ed t' ' th I d t ' I d Fine Arts in the United States, Part IV, Industrial and ' ' ' ' T h I ~T' S h oI f T h I qh d th G. S. L d G t ~C11, 584. 308 due to the handsome gray uniforms and Texas buttons, that we had paraded over the state in vacation, " but to the recognition that a first class college had been estab- 6 lished. President Gathright also confirmed that the reduction of the sum payable upon entrance no doubt had 7 much to do with increasing attendance. Governor Hubbard wrote President Gathright on October 1 to congratulate him and the faculty on the large attendance and to instruct him not to turn anyone away, even if 8 he had to erect temporary barracks. The students were "literally 'as thick as three in a bed, ' " and the "crush and jam" of trying to find bunks for all the students 9 caused problems for the quartermaster. Even the small, dark room that was later used in 1904 for a book store was crowded with two students; and the room used for a business

6 Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. 8 N. College, " in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900). According to the Brazos Pilot in 1884, the College soon gained statewide recognition as a "somewhat expensive and aristocratic military and classical school, " which completely obscured the purpose of its organization. Unidentified newspaper clipping, Brazos Pilot, January 9, 1884], Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, [ Texas A&M University Archives. 7 "Report of Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. N. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legis- lature, in Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth Leceis- lature of the State of Texas, Excra Sess. , 46. 8 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 1, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 9 Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. and M. College, " in LoncO Horn, 1907, p. 115. 309 office in 1904, the President's office, and the hallway between them overflowed with students, Four or more students were crowded into most rooms, and even the tower rooms were assigned to students. Overcrowding increased discomforts already existing. ln many respects conditions were primitive. When winter came, the students had to use their own axes to cut their wood at the wood pile, and to carry it on their backs since "faithful old Dan and his gray 10 mules were not known in those days. " With the increased 11 attendance, a battalion of four companies was organized, and as quartermaster, Trenckmann had to fit "cadets of all sizes and proportions into as many uniforms ordered without 12 measurement. " I 1 tt k d "p' t "G**o* ~ bb d t Gathright on October 8 that he had expected the College to be successful and regretted the lack of room. Posing the question of having to build new houses and employ an adjunct professor, he also cautioned Gathright to "give great attention to the 'Mess Room'--the Stewards Dept. !" The dining room would not hold two hundred fifty students. Hubbard did not want to call the Board unless it was a

10 Interview with Thomas M. Scott in Lonca Horn, 1904, p. 170. ll " Trenckmann, "First Chapter of the A. & M. College, in Battalion, VII (April-May, 1900). 12 Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. and M. College, " in LoncO Horn, 1907, p. 115. 310 necessity and advised Gathright to do the best he could h ~l, d g' 7 1 . t g 1 h pointed out that his home county of Smith had sent eleven boys to the College, two of whom were his relatives; and he requested the President to look after them "They 13 are good boys fresh from Home. ", The faculty realized that all the growth was not healthy. The success of the first year and the "eclat received at the first commencement" as a result of the well —drilled corps under the direction of Major Morris

"attracted many who overlooked the means of individual success. " Some who enrolled found hard work and self-denial, so essential to success in any endeavor, to be too demanding 14 and soon withdrew. To relieve the crowded conditions, President Gathright quickly began the erection of a wooden building of twenty-four rooms in the rear of the Main Building and made plans for the erection of another, each of which would house seventy-two students and included both bedrooms and study rooms. Since there were no funds available, he had to pay the cost of between $6, 000 and $7, 000 out of College revenue derived from students without

13 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 8, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives.

14 ' 1 gt t 1 d 77 h 1 ~Ct f tl ' A~lt ~C11 f 7, 8 f 1877 8, p. 37. 311 15 asking for a legislative appropriation. Since time was required to erect the new barracks, the President made a "covenant" with the students to wait patiently until additional barracks could be constructed and furnished. Until then, there was "considerable discomfort" which produced complaints. "Chronic discontent" soon led some to withdraw, and brought about widespread criticism of the College. However, once the barracks were completed and discipline systematically enforced, a noticeable improvement in class 16 standing, deportment, and general bearing occurred. Inconveniences were numerous. The finished barracks, of necessity, were of the cheapest and frailest construction. Vertical siding was used with board strips covering the joints. The barracks were 84 feet by 34 feet. In ar.' attempt to deaden the sound between the floors, a false floor underneath the second story was covered with three to 17 five inches of sand. There were two large cisterns adjacent to the Main Building, one at each end, and another 15 "Report of the Board of Directors of the Agricul- tural and Mechanical College of Texas to the Legislature, " J* 1 f th 8 o t of th 8' t th ~L' 1 t f the State of Texas, Reg. Sess. 206. 16 At 1 dh h 1 C~tl f th ' t A~lt ~Cll *f 1', 8 f 1877 8, 8. 37. 17 Ibid. , Session of 1880— 81, pp. 26-27. In 1880 the Depart- north barracks was used by the Mechanical Engineering " ment as a shop. At the "slightest shock or vibration, the sand sifted down to damage the machinery and serve as a continual source of annoyance to those operating it. 312 at the Steward's Hall. Others were constructed for the new 18 barracks. There were no water pipes or faucets. Water was carried in buckets from the hand pump on the cistern. Each of the professors' residences had a cistern of moderate size. There was no telephone. Kerosene lamps were used to provide light, and the threat of fire was ever-present. Since the corps was well-disciplined, Major Morris outlined a standard procedure to be followed in case of fire.

Company A was housed in the Main Building; Company B in

the two stories over the Mess Hall; and C and D in the new temporary buildings. Sentinels were on duty twenty-four hours a day, thereby enabling any fire to be detected much sooner than would have ordinarily been the case. In case of a Fire Order, the message was to be spread by the drummer 18 In his report to the Governor in June, 1879, Presi- dent Gathright related that he had found one large cistern of 500 barrels and three smaller ones of between 200-300 barrels when he came to the College. He had built four more, walled and cemented, of 700 barrels each. All had "Report of President been equipped with pumps, pipes, etc. , " Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature. Journal of th S t of th* S' t th ~tl t f th St t f Texas, Extra Sess. , 47. An inventory of College property in 1876-77 showed the Main Building, Steward's Hall of three stories with a four storied residence hall attached, a frame stable and barn, nine underground brick cisterns, a plank fence with cedar posts enclosing the campus of 161 acres, 2, 416 acres of land, and furniture for dormitories, etc. No mention was made of the professors' houses. The ninth cistern listed on the inventory may have already been on the property when it was purchased but not included in President Gathright's report. ~Re ort of the Board of ' I ~ * to f] th Ag 1t 1 d M h 1 ~Coll f Located Near Bryan, Brazos C~ount [ to Governor John Ireland, January, 1883-January, 1885j, p. 56. 313 or word of mouth; certain cadets were assigned to handle the Babcock extinguishers and others to bring the two buckets that always remained in each cadet's room. One night as Major Morris made the rounds with his lantern between study call and Tattoo, he decided to call a fire drill for a practice round. One and a half minutes were required for the cadets to turn out and assemble in front 19 of the Main Building. The only financial resource that President Gathright had available, besides the Endowment Fund for professors' salaries, was the twenty dollar matriculation fee paid by each student; the remainder of the money paid by the 20 student was used for his upkeep at the College. When a student entered the Agricultural and Mechanical College, a designated amount was placed in separate accounts to the credit of the contingent fund: $12 for board, $1. 33 I/3 for laundry, and $. 78 for fuel, all monthly amounts. Since these accounts were kept separately, the balance sheet showed losses or gains on any account. In addition, a separate account was kept for each student. President Gathright kept in his office an approved and receipted voucher for all money spent. He examined and allowed 19 Norris, "Baccalureate [sicj Address, " in Bulletin of tt ~A' lt 1 d lf 3 1 C~ll * f T, 3 d Ser. , X (July 1, 1924), pp. 15-18. 20 President Thomas S. Gathright to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, August 29, 1878. 314 accounts, and drew his warrant on the treasurer, Major

Morris, who gave his check on the bank in Bryan. No money 21 was paid at the College. Governor Hubbard wrote Gathright on October 15 that he received letters daily inquiring about the need for professors or of future plans for making additions to the faculty. He had informed all inquirers that "the Board controlled matters entirely" and would consider the matter at its next meeting and "not before. " Hereafter, he would refer applicants for teaching positions to Gathright for reply. He planned to inquire immediately of the Comptroller, and would inform Gathright as to whether there was enough money from the Endowment Fund to employ professors or tutors. After hearing from Gathright, he would call a Board meeting if sufficient funds were available since he thought the employment of additional help was necessary.

He also informed the President that the contingent fund was to be spent for rooms and barracks and not tutors. Profes- sor Hand would not be required to attend the proposed Board meeting in Austin, since a temporary secretary could be 22 substituted. A few days later Hubbard informed Board 21 "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature, Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth ~L' 1 t of th* St t f 2, E t S . , 49. 22 Richard Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 15, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. The Governor did not feel that it was necessary for Professor Hand, secretary to the Board, to 315 member Wells Thompson that he would soon be compelled to call a meeting of the Board to consider the problems connected with the branch of the A. and N. College for

Negroes as required by law, at which time the College's 23 business could be conducted. Although Louis L. NcInnis was not employed officially until November 17, 1877, it is likely that he began teaching at the College in October since Governor Hubbard, upon receipt of a joint letter from Gathright and Davis, replied that he thought the employment of a tutor subject to Board 24 action a good idea. Governor Hubbard had received attend the Board meeting in Austin, since a temporary secretary could be substituted and some money to the College saved. 23 Richard Hubbard to Wells Thompson, Austin, Texas, October 19, 1877, in ibid. The relationship that Prairie View A. and M. College sustained to the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas was subject to as many varying interpretations by different governors and comp- trollers, as the varying interpretations made of the tangled relationship of the A. and M. College to the University of Texas, Since the state had received federal money to establish the College and the national government had provided that states could establish separate land grant institutions for the segregation of the races, it was necessary to establish a college for Negroes, which was to be placed under the A. and N. Board of Directors. 24 Louis L. NcInnis, then twenty-two years old, was a fellow Mississippian and acquaintance of President Gath- right. He had received an M. A. degree from the University of Mississippi in June, 1876, and had written to Gathright the following September about securing a position in the A. and N. College. President Gathright had replied on September 9 on stationery which he had hand-lettered "State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas" to inform McInnis that the Board would meet on October 1, at which time he would present NcInnis' case for special attention. 316 recommendations from Board member Thompson in favor of Captain James E. Binkley, of Colorado County, then a professor in the Texas Military Institute at Austin under Colonel John G. James; and while he had no desire to hamper " Gathright and Davis' "present temporary action, he would

Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, College Station, Texas, September 9, 1876, Louis L. NcInnis Papers, Texas AsM University Archives. Gathright again wrote Nclnnis on hand-lettered stationery on September 24 to acknowledge receipt of a testimonial. Gathright regretted to inform him that a Board member had informed him there would be no faculty additions before June, 1877. Gathright kept McInnis' application to present to the Board to "see that your claims are considered. " He concluded by saying that he still had hopes of being associated with McInnis. Same to Same, September 24, 1876, in ibid. In February, 1877, Gathright wrote NcInnis and expressed surprise to see the letter was postmarked Texas, although he was gratified. The Board would meet during commencement, when he hoped to see McInnis in person. He would be pleased to hear from McInnis often and urged NcInnis to refer always to Gathright when communicating with the Governor. Same to Same, February 1, 1877, in ibid. President Gathright wrote again in April that he could give no clue as to the Board's action in June since the faculty was adequate to teach the hundred students, almost all preparatory; should there be a change in the fall, more advanced studies and more help would be needed. "I therefore give it as my opinion that the Board will place the duty of securing more help with some person or persons who may be able to judge of and meet a necessity simultaneously in the fall. " Same to Same, April 17, 1877, in ibid. On June 29 Governor Hubbard sent NcInnis' application for a place on the faculty to President Gathright to be filed. Richard Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, June 29, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. President Gathright wrote NcInnis in August that his application had been received and Gathright "interrogated, " but the Board had decided not to add to the faculty until the opening of the session. The Board would meet again October 15, but it was difficult to tell what it would do. He thought an addition to the faculty would be delayed as long as possible. Thomas S. Gathright to L. L. NcInnis, College Station, Texas, August 17, 1877, in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 317 be pleased for Gathright to select Bink] cy. Davis paid a visit to the Governor in Austin to explain the "absolute necessity" of employing a tutor, and Governor Hubbard agreed to take full responsibility for such action with the stipulation that the salary of the "tutor" would not exceed 25 $1, 200 annually. The following week Governor Hubbard wrote Gathright that he had called a Board meeting for November 15 in Austin and would be greatly pleased to have him attend "if 26 consistent with the duties of your office. " Informing the Board members of the called meeting and requesting a reply as to whether they would be present, he referred to 27 the per diem and travel expense allowed them under the law. Replying to a request from T. M. Scott that he be allowed to travel by way of the College from Collin County, the Governor reminded Scott that he was pleased to have him make the visit, but the law clearly defined allowance for per diem and mileage, to be the most direct route from the 28 director' s home to the place of meeting.

25 Richard Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 18, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 26 Same to Same, October 23, 1877, in ibid. 27 Richard Hubbard to F . S. Stockdale and Others, October 23, 1877, in ibid. 28 Richard Hubbard to T. M. Scott, Austin, Texas, October 31, 1877, in ibid. The November Board meeting expenses amounted to ~645. 20, with Scott receiving $131, DeMorse $209. 60, and Pickett $117.60 as the largest 318

The Board of Directors met in Austin on November 15, 17, 18, and 19, with Hubbard, Thompson, DeNorse, Scott, Davis, and Peeler present all four days; Pickett arrived on the 17th. President Gathright also attended. In order to relieve the teaching load of the faculty and secure an extra instructor at no additional cost, the Board decided that the large number of students at the College required the Governor to apply to the President of the United States to detail a commandant to the Agricultural and Mechanical College; and two adjunct professors employed at an annual salary of $900 each were to be paid from the Endowment Fund. Ballots were cast, and James E. Binkley and Louis 29 L. McInnis were appointed to f ill the positions. amounts. These expenses had to be paid from the Endowment Fund. Total expenses of Board meetings for the year were $1, 558. 40. "Report of the Joint Visiting Committee to the Agricultural and Mechanical College, " in Journal of the 3 t* *f tt* S * t tt L~t t f tt* St t f Texas, Reg. Sess. , 154. 29 James E. Binkley, of Columbus, was a graduate of the Texas Military Institute, where he was a distinguished cadet and had received medals for academic excellence. In June, 1875, he graduated in chemistry and mineralogy and was a prize scholar in English as well. In the coming session he would be captain of Company B. Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 12, 1875. As a cadet, Binkley had been a student of Major Norris at T. M. I. , which Morris left in 1876, when he was employed to take charge of the military feature at the A. and N. College. Norris, MBac- 1 t 6 ' ]Add, d ' S 11 t' of tt A~lt 1 dM t I~C11 of 3, ldf*. , 3 (Jlx3, 1924), p. 19. John G. James, President of T. M. I. , Austin, Texas, May 11, 1878, wrote Paul H. Hayne that one of his last year's graduates had been appointed as assistant professor in the Agricultural and Mechanical College and had ordered a copy of Hayne's book "though they have no course 319

The legislative Act of March 9, 1875, regulating the government of the College provided that the Endowment Fund would be used "to pay the directors, officers and professors

" of literature. Daniel M. NcKeithan (ed. ), Selected Letters: John Garland James to Paul Hamilton ~Ha ne and N~ar Middleton ~Ha ne (Austin, 1946), p. 16. Louis L. McInnis had been born in Mississippi in 1855, the son of a Presbyterian minister and grandson of a Presbyterian minister on his maternal side. Graduating from the University of Mississippi in 1875 with a B. S. and B. A. with honors, he was thereafter appointed a tutor in chemistry and natural science for the succeeding year and graduated with an N. A. as well. Two brothers had already preceded him to Texas and were ranching in Llano. From 1876 to 1877 McInnis taught school at Lockhart in Caldwell County. ~Br an ~Dail EacCle, January 16, 1933. Two weeks after the Board meeting, Governor Hubbard responded to a letter from Oscar H. Cooper, who had inquired about a professorship at the A. and M. College of Texas and was told that two tutors had recently been employed, but that a lack of money had prevented the creation of new professorships. Hubbard thought the next legislature would "certainly establish different chairs. " Richard Hubbard to Oscar H. Cooper, Austin, Texas, December 3, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. Oscar H. Cooper played an important role in Texas education until 1930. He was a twenty-five year old native Texan who had graduated from Yale in 1872, and from 1873-79 was President of Henderson Male and Female College. He taught at the Sam Houston Normal Institute in 1880-81. Author of many articles that tried to stimulate an interest in establishing a state university, he was chairman of the committee of the Texas State Teachers Association in 1880 which drew up a proposal urging its establishment. In 1881 he returned to Yale as a tutor, studied at the University of Berlin in 1884-85, was principal of Houston High School in 1886, State Superintendent of Public Instruction from 1886-90, superintendent of Galveston Public Schools from 1891-96, President of Baylor University from 1899-1902, President of Simmons College from 1902-09, conducted Cooper's Boys School at Abilene from 1909-15, head of the Education Department at Simmons in 1919, and part time professor in the University of Texas Education Department in 1928-30. Handbook of Texas, I, 408. He made an address on Texas education at the Semi —Centennial Celebration of the Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1926. Cooper, "Pio- neers in Education in Texas, " Semi-Centennial Celebration of the Agricultural and Mechanica College of Texas, 189-193, 320 of the college"; therefore, as a measure of financial expediency the Board provided that "the hereinafter named officers of the State Agricultural and Mechanical College" receive their salaries from the Endowment Fund: surgeon and steward, $2, 000 each; janitor, $300; first and second assistant janitors, $250 each; and the College architect (carpenter), $600. Their salaries were to be paid monthly beginning October l. In case the "officers" had previously received money or loans from the contingent fund, they were to make refunds. In settling the steward's account for student board, the amount of the steward's salary would be deducted from payments for board; this amount would then become a part of the contingent fund. Apparently, the Board was attempting to find some means of securing a fund that would provide for permanent improvements, which were imperatively needed. Although a resolution was introduced to reduce professors' salaries to $2, 000, beginning in February, 1878, as a result of the increased purchasing power of the dollar, it was not adopted. Doubtless, the Board was concerned for the safety of the students in case of fire, and Davis was authorized to oversee the construction of fire escapes from the Main Building and Steward's Hall "out of the first available funds which can be used for any purpose. " An appropriation of $500, or as much of that amount as needed, was made from the contingent fund. The second priority, also to be 321 financed from the available fund, was the construction of an additional building similar to the wooden barracks that Gathright had recently had constructed, also placed under Davis' oversight. In addition, Davis was authorized and directed to establish a hospital by having a room equipped for such a purpose or to build a new facility. It is surprising that the Board expected such a meager sum to accomplish so much and at the same time pay current expenses and the cost of repairs as well. Davis was also to have two additional cisterns built and enough "sinks" to meet the students' needs. To meet a temporary but pressing problem, the steward was "required to plainly fix up two vacant rooms in the President's building, now occupied by the steward, in the third story" in order that visitors could be provided with board and lodging at a cost not to exceed a dollar a day. Davis was also authorized and directed to lease for not more than ten years, a maximum of ten acres of College land on the west side of the railroad near the station to a suitable person who would provide facilities for visitors to the College, provided that no intoxicating or malt liquor were kept or sold on the premises. Moreover, he could stipulate any other conditions which he thought would promote the College's interests. With the advice and assistance of President Gathright, Professor Martin was directed to hire labor "and without 322 delay" plant an acre of wheat on the grourid that was already broken and to plant the remainder in such other crops as he thought desirable. With the help of one laborer, he was to use the College mules to begin breaking an additional twenty acres to be cultivated in the Bpring so that scholars desiring it may have Practical instruction in agriculture during 1878 and thereafter, and may participate in the work, if they so desire, either by occasional employment of their time, or by regular allotments of small tracts to be cultivated during certain hours of the day, and the product of which, after deducting the cost of seed and value of time of animal employed in culture, shall be theirs, to be disposed of for their benefii and applied to their support at College. In order to get the ground broken, Martin was authorized to contract for ground-breaking which the laborer could not perform, and he was to be assigned one laborer at all times to cultivate forage crops to feed the mules and to improve the grounds. Wheat or any other crop not needed to feed the work stock was to be sold and the proceeds placed in the labor fund. Martin was to keep a current account showing expenditures for seed, labor, and "horse feed"; the value of all products, whether they were sold or used by the College; and the cost of labor spent on making permanent improvements to the College grounds. He was to make no debts without Davis' approval. After he had advertised for bids, Martin was to buy a hundred "choice" evergreens, and a hundred trees to provide shade and beauty for the

campus in front of and behind the Main Building, "availing 323 himself of any opportunity to procure the trees without cost and having all carefully set out without delay. " He was also to landscape places between the front of the main College building and the Steward's house, to the front line of fence, as in his judgement will tend to the permanent improvement of the grounds of a great public institution, intended to form the habits and tastes of the young men of Texas. For this project Martin was to select "choice young native trees" and transplant them. In addition to transacting College business, the Board met with a commission composed of James H. Raymond, Ashbel Smith, and Jabez D. Giddings, representing the University of Texas, to discuss the organization of the Negro agricul- 30 tural and mechanical college.

On December 14 Governor Hubbard wrote Gathright that

Senator Coke had informed him that an army officer was being detailed to the College, and that light arms could be drawn from the Quartermaster of the U. S. Army at any

30 P 1 1 L ~RL t' th ~A' 1 ' p. ), t lt d M h 1 ~CLL *f T, 32-35. Th C 11 g* 5 g running a deficit in 1877 as a result of building the two wooden barracks of twenty-four rooms each, "capable of accommodating 144 students" (three students to a room), which cost about $7, 000; providing furnishings for them; the building of four new cisterns of 700 barrels each; the building of stairways for fire escapes; purchasing additional utensils for the dining department; and building additional bath-houses for the large number of students who o11 d. M f th* A d U' Ath ~Rt ' [of t *f th A~lt 1 d M h LAC*11 of the State of Texas Lto the Legislature] (Galveston, 1881), ' ' ' 1 11 ~P A&M U 't p. 15, L. 1 - Archives. p, 324 31 time on the rcquis i tion of thc President of the College. Apparently, Professor Norris was unh;lppy about tht new addition, since Hubbard later stated that the Board, in applying for the detail in accord with the Morrill Act, did not intend "to displace or supersede Major Morris as commandant. " Hubbard praised Norris for his conscientious and satisfactory efforts to build up the military feature of the college and suggested that Captain George T. Olmstead "be assigned to certain sections pertaining to military science without being made commandant, " an opinion shared 32 by Peeler. Governor Hubbard wrote a few days later and suggested that when Olmstead reported, Gathright should try to discover Olmstead's opinion concerning his duties; and should Gathright think it wise, he could delay making a 33 "definite assignment" until the Board meeting in January. At the same time he wrote to the other Board members that

31 Richard Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, December 14, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 32 Same to same, December 27, 1877, in ibid. President Gathright must have used the best psychology in the situation since Major Norris later stated that "at his suggestion" the request was made to secure the detail of an army officer. With the large enrollment, Norris found it necessary to spend much of his time in the classroom, and he believed that he did not have the time required to devote to the military department. Norris, "Baccalureate [ sic 1 Add, d" ' 9 11 t of tt ~A' lt 1 dd 1 1 C~ll f 9, 3 d 9 . , 2 (3 ly 1, 1924), p. 19. 33 Richard Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, December 27, 1877, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 325 he was calling a meeting of the Board to take place in 34 Austin on January 21, 1878. - The Commissioner of Education stated in his annual report that during 1877 the number of students at the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas rose to 35 two hundred fifty in spite of the fact there was only enough room to accommodate one hundred sixty comfortably. The results of the overcrowding were embarrassment and unhappiness which later led to a decline in numbers. The construction of new buildings during the session made it possible to accommodate two hundred fifty, the maximum number of students who could be admitted until the state provided means to enlarge the number of housing units and the facilities of every department. The Commissioner described the eight departments at the College as being the "customary 'schools' of Southern colleges. " Operations so far, declared the Commissioner, had been limited to academic

34 Richard Hubbard to F. S. Stockdale and Others, Austin, Texas, December 27, 1877, in ibid. 35 ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1877, pp. 247, 539 The 1878 Report made by the A. & M. ofter*SotBoard to the legislature stated that the College had 200 students at the opening of the 1877 semester, 253 on Decem- ber 1, when other students were turned away for lack of room, and 250 still in attendance at commencement time "Report of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and of Texas to the Legislature, " in Journal Mechanical College*f AS' t th~L'1t *f thStt Texas, Reg. Sess. , 206. President Gathright's report to Governor Roberts in May, 1879, stated that 331 students matriculated during the year and 186 were present at the close of the year. "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " in ibid. , Extra Sess. , 46. 326 or preparatory education because of the students' inadequate preparation for higher studies. However, when proper equipment and apparatus became available, "every department contemplated in the organization Lof the Collegej will be equipped and the real work of the college will begin. " So far, there was no indication that the College had a 36 library. It was becoming more obvious that the pressures and vexations resulting from inadequate financing were bearing heavily upon President Gathright. Friends who recalled his generous and fatherly care, commanding respect, admiration, deference, and love regretted "the clouds of adversity in his declining years, which for his work should be the brightest. " 37 At the 1880 Texas State Grange Convention, the education committee, composed of Thomas M. Scott, Harvey Mitchell, and James B. Long, presented a / resume3 of the Agricultural and Mechanical College history and included some of the trying problems that vexed Presi- dent Gathright in the second year of the College:

When the directors (of which the chairman of this committee was a member) assumed the responsibilities of the management, they found many absolute necessities for the comfort, convenience, health, and personal safety of the students required, and not one dollar at their

36 ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1877, pp. 247, 539. 37 G. R. Scott to L. L. McInnis, Houston, Texas, Decem- ' 1 13, 1377, E*f, ~E1 ~E' to f tt 7 A. d M. ~C11 ~th 3 L*tt d ~P, 133. 327

disposal to provide them. The study rooms were overcrowded, the sinks in miserably unhealthy condition, bat& room& were unprovided; in the very middle of the season Lsessiong, the water gave out and had to be supplied from a pond formed in the hollow where the brick for the building had been made. In case of fire, no means had been provided for escape of those occupying the upper rooms, and the Col- lege was over-crowded. All these wants had to be met without funds on hand and without credit. By diverting the contingent fund from the proper use to making permanent improvements, by the greatest economy in every department of the college, by dispensing with the services of a clerk to the board allowed by law, and the members of the board alternating in the discharge of that work, and by the closest attention to all details of the Institute, and these difficulties were overcome and the College was placed upon what was hoped, a prosperous career, but still nothing or but little, was or could be done in advancing the sciences taught, to the practical work of the shop or farm. Another of the cares heaped on President Gathright was the responsibility of the soon-to-be established Negro state college. The Board was deadlocked on appointing an administrator until the Board finally agreed on Gathright's oversight. Only $4, 500 remained from the appropriation, and undertaking new duties added another burden, along with close budgeting, and similar problems to those already 39 existing in the administration of the A. and M. College. In the midst of all these perplexities certain other significant events transpired on the campus--some of joy and some creating additional burdens. Probably the first

38 ~Q' ' 'Z B d, ~H' t f th 1 St t ~G 34. 39 Galveston ~Dail News, January 23, 1878. 328 child to be born at the College was Major Norris' son, born in January, 1878, at the President's House and called "The Little Major. " Another important event also occurred in January when Morris saw General Bee anxiously and hurriedly approaching the Main Building; at the same time, Morris saw a large amount of smoke and flames coming from the chimney of the President's House. The Officer of the Day sounded the Fire Call; whereupon, the corps assembled and marched to the house. As they had practiced so many times, the cadets responsible for the extinguishers went quickly to the roof to perform their duty; a call was made for Company B, which lived in the Steward's Hall, to form a bucket line from the cistern up the stairs, through the halls and the skylight to the roof. The bucket line was doubled, with one line passing the full buckets and the other the empty ones. In five minutes the fire was put out. All this time the other three companies had been standing by in a double rank at rigid attention, solemn and motionless, facing in the opposite direction as they had been instructed according to the Fire Order. General Bee reported that no cadet had "turned his head to the slightest degree, " during the excitement. Soon after this incident, around the first of February, Major Morris turned over to Captain Olmstead, of the artillery, the battalion of which 40 he was "proud. . . and much attached. "

40 Morris, "Baccalureate Address, " Bulletin of ' [ sic] th A~lt 1 dM h A~11 f T, 3 d s X (July 1, 1924), pp. 18-20. 329

The Texas State Grange held its state convention January 8-15, 1878, at the Academy of Music in Bryan with

Master W. W. Lang presiding. The delegates agreed that a

full report of the useful experiments conducted by the Agricultural College should be published regularly in their official organ, the Examiner and Patron, published at Waco. The Convention also adopted a memorial originally presented at the Salado Grange, requesting the next session of the state legislature to establish an experimental 41 farm at the College to meet more fully the needs of farmers, since too much time at the College was being spent 42 43 in studying the classics. The Galveston ~Dail News erroneously reported that the Grange convention had been held at the Agricultural and Mechanical College and that delegates took no per diem because they wanted to practice both retrenchment and economy while showing opposition to the expenditure of money for pleasure by the people' s representatives. The delegates did find time to visit the College. The Texas Railway Company provided a special train to take the delegates to visit the College, where they were welcomed by President Gathright and introduced to the Commandant, Major Morris, who "with the boys in line,

41 ' ~H' t.h ~Q' 9* d, to of I I St t ~G 14-15. 42 Smith, "A. J. Rose, Agrarian Crusader of Texas, " 272. 43 January 10, 13, 15, 1878. 330 made a handsome appearance with arms at a present. " As several of the Grange ' s leading members favored close cooperation between the Grange and the College in order to promote agricultural education, they proposed establishing Bryan as permanent Grange headquarters and the publication there of a "purely agricultural journal. " Resolutions petitioned the directors to open a farm where poor boys could work to pay their college expenses, to provide an experimental farm, and to establish a department of mechanics as well. Shortly thereafter, the Board of Directors met in Austin, January 21-23, 1878, with all members present except B. H. Davis. With so many students seeking admission and in order to maintain as many of them as possible, the Board decided that students would be required to make advance payment of all expenses at the first of each term, "and shall matriculate and be received for no less time. "

A student who wished to withdraw had to offer satisfactory reasons to thc President, and a student who withdrew without consent would not receive an honorable discharge or any refund of the monies he had previously paid the College. All decisions made by the President on these matters were subject to appeal to the Board. Beginning in October, a fee of $1. 50 per semester would be assessed for incidentals and added to the available fund, subject to expenditure by the Board. A resolution was passed concerning 331

the refund of board to students. Heretofore, t. hc Board had directed that on the first of each month the College treasurer pay the board of a student in advance, and in case a student was absent on account of illness or other valid reason recognized by the President, the steward was

required to refund the pro-rata amount of board not used by the student. In such cases involving "students or their parents and the College, " the guiding principle was that a student who was necessarily absent from the College would

pay no board. A student who was discharged by the surgeon because of ill health or any other cause, with the Presi- dent's consent, would be refunded all his payments except matriculation and surgeon's fees. The office of steward was to be abolished on August 15, and the President was to move into the residence originally built for a President's house, and now occupied as a Steward's Hall. The purchase of supplies and the boarding facilities would be directed and controlled by the President. At the same time the Board "cordially extended" its thanks to General Bee for the "efficient and satisfactory manner" of his conduct of the boarding department. The Board stated that it made the changes because of urgent College necessities caused by a lack of both room and money.

Since the Board had requested the detail of an army officer, Captain George T. Olmstead, who had recently 332

arrived at the College, and because Major Morris wanted to see the College make full use of Olmstead's services and to

devote his own time to the Department of Applied Nathema- tics, he had requested the Board that. he be relieved as Commandant. The Board adopted a resolution recognizing the valuable services of Morris in the development of the military feature and thought it right to grant his request. During the spring Major Morris had his last command of the corps. Morris was not to be forgotten by the Corps which

maintained a high regard and respect for him. A former

student, who had been a captain in the corps and had left the College and was living in or near Bryan, was shot and killed while defending his brother, Mwho was attacked with pistols on the street. " The entire corps was greatly depressed and requested the President for permission to bury their former colleague with military honors and Major 44 Morris serving as Commandant for the occasion. In a retrenchment move the Board lowered the salaries of the five professors, effective July 1, to $2, 000 yearly. As a result of the increased buying power of money, it was expected that their purchasing power would remain the same. Moreover, their salaries compared favorably with the salaries of the executive and judicial officers of Texas. In other business, President Gathright was requested to have

44 M Norris, MBaccalureate f sic] Address, in Bulletin Il' f tt A~lb l d M t 1 ~C*ll *f T, 3 d Ser. , X (July 1, 1924', p. 20. 333 a picture made of the College and grounds for publicity purposes at a cost not to exceed $45, and to have additional bathrooms built, at a cost not to exceed $250, so " that the cadets could "take such baths as may be necessary. The Board agreed to invite Jefferson Davis, ex-President of the Confederacy, to deliver the commencement address and ordered a public notice be given that a Professor of English Language and Literature would be employed at the 45 Board meeting in June to begin his duties in October. Soon after the meeting, Governor Hubbard chided President Gathright for the improper manner in which he had handled funds. Peeler had handed him Gathright's letter to the State Treasurer. Gathright, he admonished, should have made the requisition on the Comptroller and had " it approved by "this Governor, who would in turn order out the warrant, which was at the State Treasury "at your order. It is against the rule of any of the Departments to act as agents in transmitting warrants. Again you must receipt for 46 it or have an agent to do so for you. " Later in the month Hubbard sent the records of the Board's official

45 3* 1 ( p. ), L R~ltr' t th R~lt 1 ' d N h 1 ~C33 f 3, 37 —33. Rh 3. 3. tt served as Secretary of the Board. Richard Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, February 28, 1878, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 46 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, February 9, 1878, Richard B Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 334 proceedings and "respectfully" reminded Gathright of his duty to make them known to all parties affected by them as the Board had directed. He closed by expressing hope that Gathright was bearing his "double imposed responsibilities as President of two Colleges" with "success as well as 47 dignity. " At this time, and continuing throughout the rest of Gathright's administration, there developed a barrage of criticism and public debate as to the proper role of the Agricultural and Mechanical College in the state's educational system. At the same time, it appears that Governor Hubbard took very little interest in College affairs, possibly because of greater interest in the coming State Democratic Convention to be held in the Summer. In the meantime, public criticism of the College grew slowly, encouraged and abetted by University and denominational supporters of institutions that. looked upon Texas A. and

M. College' s growth with a jealous eye. The Galveston 48 ~Dail News printed a letter from a college mathematics professor in Henderson calling for the creation of the State University as the thing most needed by the state. Another letter, from a student at Baylor University, soon

47 Same to Same, Austin, Texas, February 28, 1878, in ibid. 48 M. S. Hudgins to Editor, December 23, 1877. 335

49 appeared in the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman and

criticized the A. and M. College. He thought the state needed a system of free common schools, a university at the apex, a good classical and scientific academy in each county, and denominational colleges, which were necessary parts of church organization. The A. and M. College was a "national affair, " and the Board was responsible for explaining the relationship of the name to the curricula taught there. He believed that the State of Virginia had acted wisely in giving the land scrip it had received to an existing institution with the understanding the state was not responsible for further support. Asserting that the A. and M. College had not been created as a result of public demand but of legislative acquiescence, he pointed out that Texas had taken $200, 000 from her Treasury, sold the land, and paid interest on the sale to support the faculty and provide free tuition to those able to pay rather than to indigents. "The question of practical agriculture and

49 Sam H. Dixon to Editor, Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, February 22, 1878. Dixon later played a role in state affairs. He was born in Hays County in 1855 and graduated from Coronal Institute in San Marcos and later from Baylor University in 1878. He was principal of Bremond High School from 1880-82, a committee clerk in the Texas legislature in 1885, journal clerk from 1887-88, chief clerk from 1889-91, and in 1891 was inspector of state peniten- tiaries. Long interested in agricultural affairs, he retired to a farm in Montgomery County in 1895. He belonged to a number of state agricultural associations and personally directed several well-kept farms. In 1906 he became editor of the Texas Farm and Fireside in Houston. Johnson, ~Hto f Y* d T, III, 1548. 336

practical mechanics, i. e. muscle placed behind a plow, and muscle applied to the anvil, the saw, the jack-plane, the screw, and the file, it is understood is adjourned sine die. " Although the writer did not want to agitate the question of

' ' 1'g'o, t' 1 tt g* ~Bt' t H 1d tt f 11 had given the religious affiliation of four of the professors as Methodist, Presbyterian, Episcopal, and Baptist in spite of the fact there were "supposed" to be six. He wondered if the author was trying to induce the four religious groups to send their sons to the College. The Board owed nothing to religious denominations and did not need to select professors based on religious membership to please them, but did have an obligation as a "practical school of agriculture and mechanical arts--intended to prosecute tilling of the soil or wielding or managing of machinery, an institution in no way conflicting with a true State University, the denominational college, nor playing the part of a mere high school for boys. " Further- more, nearly all Texans favored the development of a proper college "with moderate appropriations to carry out its true interest. " 50 While the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman neither approved nor condemned the letter from Dixon, it had discussed matters which "sooner or later had to come to

50 February 22, 1878. 337 the attention of the legislature. " Governor Hubbard had stopped the speculative operators who had been robbing both state and University lands; the time was ripe to build both a "proper capitol" and a State University at the "proper site" of Austin. For the time being the "Bryan ' Agricultural' College" was wisely managed, and once the University "proper" was established the lawful term "'Mechan- " ical and Agricultural'" could be "rigidly enforced. The College was presently performing a greater service without the rigid adherence to the law that created it. The next legislature would provide opportunity to establish the University; Texas did not lack resources, but rather wisdom and a love of state.

An editorial in the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman on March 3, 1878, explained what was meant by an agricultural education. By chance the editor had run across the opinion of E. W. Hilgard, Professor of Agriculture at the University of California, who wrote official agricultural reports not necessarily designed for the public press. His "Manual Labor System of Education" pointed out that although manual training was useful, it was "clearly not that intended by the act of Congress, for the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes. " Experience, as shown by patronage, had also demonstrated that the industrial classes did not really desire this kind of education.

It is not that they may learn how to plow a little better, but to learn why to plow or hoe at all, and when and where to do it to best advantage, 338

that parents are willing to dispense with their sons' services on the home farm. Without an educational judgment, directing the application of general principles under circumstances infinitely varied, a little knowledge and a great deal of local routine habit acquired on a model farm are but too apt to obscure common sense, and to render the possessor eminently unpractical everywhere else. . . . But the period of four years now alloted to the educational course is so short, in view of the mul- tiplicity of subjects of which an educated agriculturist should have a respectable knowledge, that the time for merely mechanical exercise cannot reasonably be spared. It is considered a hardship by the student, since such labor cannot in any manner constitute a recreation from study; nor, if rendered obli- gatory beyond the requirement of illustration of principles, is it conducive to maintaining or creating in the student's mind a preference for agricultural pursuits. When such preference is not the result of habits acquired at home, or of actual bias, enforcement of manual labor is not likely to promote its acquisition. In the matter of religion, the A. and M. College had nothing to hide. Preaching occurred every Sunday in the chapel with various preachers from Bryan in rotation conducting the services. Moreover, prayers were conducted every morning at 7. The College favored no special creed but showed respect for all by its example, and no popular skepticism was held or taught. 51 The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, unwilling to give up the idea of a state university, appealed to some millionaire to help Texas as the Vanderbilts had done in Tennessee. Shortly before commencement, another editorial

51 March 16, 1878. 339 in the Statesman entitled, "The College at Bryan and the University at Austin, " praised the "erudite gentlemen" of the A. and N. faculty and their Southern birth. No other institution had ever won the confidence of the people so quickly nor given parents and guardians "more perfect satisfaction. " All the rooms were occupied, and during the session students had been turned away. Gathright was praised as a skillful manager, and at the same time, the Statesman thought that no state had made more beneficial investment in its agricultural and mechanical college. If the purpose of the law to create a manual labor institution had not been immediately carried out, the creation of a "polytechnic school will be accomplished even in Texas. " The present finances of the College restricted its curriculum to that of any ordinary literary college, but once the College resources were developed and made productive, the College would be able to create a name for itself in the teaching of "agricultural chemistry, practical farming, mechanic arts and civil engineering. " The Statesman also looked forward to the day when there would be 'a Legislature endowed with sufficient grasp of cultured intelligence to create a university worthy of the republic the most massive structure of stone in America even here in the capital. " The question of transferring the Agricultural and Nechanical College, presently serving as a normal school and a literary institution, would provoke needless discussion. The change 340 would require "many years" since it "cannot occur until physical facilities collected here will be of such value to the student youths of the commonwealth that their residence in Bryan will not be profitable. " The editor concluded by asking voters to send the wisest men to the next legislature since great wisdom would be required in providing for the University and reforming the "defects in the State Consti- tution. " The fact that the College had been rather widely criticized in the state press, that many Texans disapproved of the military image projected by the College, and that finances remained a problem were probably reasons for denying the students a second corps trip to Houston. Presi- dent Gathright found it necessary to secure the backing of Governor Hubbard, who replied to a letter on May 27 that he had already "in such a letter as you indicated--kindly but clearly declined" to permit the students to take arms from the College and he requested Gathright to ask "'Capt. '" 52 Morris Bates to show it to him. The corps was "agitating" to secure permission to attend the state encampment where they had won first place in the previous year for being the best drilled group. Governor Hubbard refused to give permission, but told the cadets, if possible, he would

52 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, June 1, 1878, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 341

53 order thorn to Austin while the legislature was in session. Of the three hundred thirty-one students matriculated during the year, one hundred eighty —six were still present 54 at the end of the session, and attendance throughout the 55 session had averaged two hundred forty. Examinations, beginning on June 10 and ending June 21, included such subjects as "Introductory French, Introductory German, Horace, Natural History, Memorabilia, Caesar, Beginning Latin, " 56 Chemistry, Grammar, History, and Surveying. The only

53 Morris Bates to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, January 8, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 54 "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' message to the Legislature, Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth ~L' 1 t of th St t f f, E t S . , 66. 55 Galveston D~ail News, June 25, 1878. The ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1878, pp. 253- 256, 550, 553, lists 75 students in the preparatory department and 248 in the regular course. Of the latter, 124 were in the first year, 62 in the second year, 50 in the third year, and 12 in the fourth year; 200 were listed as taking a partial course, and 27 were regarded as graduate students. A full course of study was five years. The Commissioner had no information about the College library, the society libraries contained 300 volumes. The but ' ~Ct 1 f th St t* A~lt 1 d M h 1 C~LL of Texas, Session of 1877-8, p. 40, states those who had given books to the College since October, 1877, included E. H. Cushing, of Houston, 70 volumes; Mrs. J. C. Gillespie, Congressman Roger Mills, agricultural of Bryan, 50 volumes; ' pot; 6* to 6 S. M y, f h 1 d~Gl 1 ~Surve of the Northwest; and Mrs. Henderson Hardy, of Millican, a copy of Josephus' history. 56„"Appointment to Examination Committee, June 8, 1878, Louis L. McInnis, Secretary, " Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 342 graduates of the session were B. A. Rogers in Latin and German, and William A. Trenckmann in German. The junior 57 class was to be organized at the next session.

On the Saturday before commencement Governor Hubbard, 58 Colonel Peeler, Hardaway H. Dinwiddie, and Colonel Louis L. DuPre, a newSpaperman, and a Galveston ~Dail News reporter left Austin for the College. The reporter thought Dinwiddie was "perhaps on the ~ui vive for any vacancy in " the faculty that might by some possibility ensue.

A special train, charging thirty cents a round trip, made hourly runs between College Station and Bryan for the convenience of visitors to the commencement exercises. On Sunday a Galveston minister delivered the sermon, and the Presbyterian choir furnished music. The professors had asked prominent citizens, politicians, and reporters to dine with them. Monday ceremonies included a dress parade, declamations by fourteen students, and speeches from Governor Hubbard, President Gathright, Pickett, Bonner, DeMorse, and Peeler, whose son was enrolled as a student. In the

57 Galveston ~Dail News, June 25, 1878. 58 Hardaway H. Dinwiddie was born in Virginia in 1844 and graduated from Virginia Military Institute with highest honors in 1867. He had served under General Thomas Jonathan (" Stonewall" ) Jackson (who had been given that sobriquet by General Bernard E. Bee, brother of H. P. Bee), when the governor had ordered the corps of cadets into active service. Coming to Texas in 1869, he was a member of the faculty of the Texas Military Institute both at Bastrop and at Austin. Ibid. , December 21, 1887. In 1873 he was "Professor of Engrneering, Architecture, and Drawing" at the Texas Military Institute, Texas Almanac, 1873, p. 208. 343 afternoon the Governor reviewed the battalion drill. Colonel Pickett's speech noted that with proper encouragement and state support the College would soon have two thousand students each session; at present the most needed appropriation was 8100, 000 for additional buildings. In their speeches the other directors also advocated a liberal state policy, and Colonel Peeler pointed out that Texas had fewer state —supported schools than any other state with as large a population. The Board met all day Monday, according to the reporter, without transacting any important business. 59 All of the reports commended General Bee's steward- ship, which was to end in August, when Gathright would take direct charge of the boarding facilities. Since Gathright would have his hands full with the duties of being president of two colleges, professor of Mental an» Moral Philosophy, and "pro tern professor of another school, " in addition to his new responsibility of supervising the Steward' s Hall, some of the directors now seemed disposed to reconsider their January decision to abolish the office of steward. Director Peeler had completed his assignment to collate the laws, rules, and regulations pertaining to the College, and these 60 had now been printed.

59 With so many ceremonies to attend on Monday, it is difficult to understand how "the Board met all day Monday. " Perhaps their speeches were short, and they met between the morning and afternoon ceremonies and at night. 60 Galveston ~Dail News, June 25, 1878. 344

Concerned with financial affairs on Tuesday, the directors examined accounts and estimates of expenditures to determine if there were enough funds to employ a badly needed professor. "Most" of the Board thought that Profes- sor Martin would be transferred to the English professorship and Adjunct Professor McInnis assigned to the Agricul- 61 tural Department. Rumors circulated on Monday that the new English professor would be L. M. Lewis, Dinwiddie, or DuPre; fifty candidates were present, and about fifty 62 63 others had applied by letter. General Lewis was 61 Ibid. , June 26, 1878. 62 Ibid. , June 25, 1878. Dr. Oscar H. Cooper was one of those who came to the College in 1878 at the invitation of President Gathright to be a candidate for the English professorship. Under the impression that his appointment needed only Board approval, he found about forty other applicants in the same position. After spending about a day or two with the "fine group of men then in the faculty, " he asked Governor Hubbard to withdraw his name over Hubbard's protests. He was later told that a ballot had already been taken, and "three of the seven or eight" votes favored him. Had he been elected he thought he might have shared the fate of "that brilliant first Faculty, all of whom, excepting Major McInnis, were forcefully invited to retire soon after by the Old Alcalde!" Many years later he returned to the Agricultural and Mechanical College for an hour' s visit with President Lawrence Sullivan Ross. Cooper, MPio- " in Semi —Centennial Celebration neers in Education in Texas, ' *f tt ~A' lt 1 d M D 1 C~ll f 9, 199. 63 Lewis had been on the faculty of Arkansas Female College when he applied to Governor Hubbard by letter on June 3, 1878. Hubbard to L. M. Lewis, Austin, Texas, June 6, 1878, in Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. Lewis was a "fine looking man, elegant and graceful in his manners, an eminent scholar, a distinguished soldier, and an eloquent preacher. " James R. Cole, Seven Decades of LN~ ' 'd 1'f , Dt D S. Cof*, ~S 1 1 ' Ad & M. ~t~ t to f T* A. ~CLL (C 11 9 St t 1955), p. 46. The Galveston ~Dail News, June 27, 1878, reported that Lewrs was "of Galveston. " 345 elected head of the Department of English Language and Literature on Wednesday, the last day of the Board meeting. An educator for nearly twenty-five years, he had presented outstanding testimonials and was distinguished for his ability. Since many of the other candidates also had out- 64 standing testimonials, the choice had been difficult. By the time the Board adjourned, the members had attended all the College exercises, including the commencement ball on June 26, personally investigated the College management, and were pleased with the results. The large number of visitors in attendance at the commencement exercises were pleased with the obvious improvement of the students. Like the faculty, they thought that a thousand boys would be on parade at the next commencement if legislative funds could be secured. It was almost certain that half that number would apply; unfortunately, however, limited facilities would hold enrollment to the level of two hundred fifty. The crowds had already left, "abandoning

Bryan to its summer dullness. A more cultivated, hospitable community, " it was said, "is not to be found in Texas, and it is the verdict of all who have been here that socially, as in all other respects, no spot in the State 65 is better suited for the home of a great university.

64 Galveston ~Dail News, June 27, 1878. 65 Ibid. , June 27, 1878. 346

Shortly before the commencement ceremonies began at 66 College Station, the Austin Statesman called attention to an article in the Waco Examiner suggesting that the Board seriously consider the general concern that many had as to whether or not the College was fulfilling the purposes for which it was created. The Examiner complained that the military feature overshadowed the other departments, and that various sources were genuinely concerned about the lack of a practical education in agriculture. However, the Statesman believed such desires would "have to be postponed untij after the military fervor of Governor Hubbard " dies out or until the horny fisted Lang is made Governor. 67 The Galveston ~Dail News thought the state was not obligated to support the College since it had complied with the terms of the Norrill Act. As a result of its "generous investment, " the state had met the federal government more than half way, and it was now up to the people of Texas to determine the success of the College. The large patronage demanding a great state college appeared to decide in the affirmative. At each succeeding meeting the Board had reduced expenses and dropped officers and employees in order to provide funds to pay additional professors and

66 ~Ãeekl Examiner and Patron (Waco), quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 23, 1878. The artiee quoted in the Statesman did not appear in the Examiner until June 28; either the editor of the Examiner sent the article to Austin in advance of his own publication of it, or it was a reprint. 67 June 25, 1878. 347 instructors. The editor believed the Board might have gone too far in view of the present state of the economy, and that the annual interest would require a considerable supplement and that it would be difficult "to convince legislators that this supplement should not come from the beneficiaries of the college, " rather than from the State Treasury. Reviewing the problems of overcrowding, the lack of sanitary facilities, and the lack of water, the correspondent thought the College had managed wisely in solving these problems by using the matriculation fees, amounting to $5, 000, without asking for a state appropriation. During the session President Gathright had made the decision to disband the students rather than give them water from the tank, but even this difficulty had been solved by a rainfall. The health of the students had been good, with only one student being in the hospital during the past four weeks. The College needed a good library, a chapel, and a chemical laboratory; and, according to President Gathright, $100, 000 should be appropriated to build additional barracks and dormitories. Over five hundred students had applied during the recently completed session, and with 68 adequate accommodations, even more would apply.

68 Galveston ~Dail News, June 25, 1878. Additional housing accommodations would entail escalating expenses for housing College personnel, as well as the provision of other permanent improvements and constant repairs. Apparently, those in charge believed large numbers of students would create continual and favorable public pressure for a sufficient legislative appropriation or were 348

The College catalogue for the coming session included the course work of the newly created Departm nt of: nglish Language and Literature, which would require three years to complete. The following changes were made within departments: President Gathright was Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy only; Professor Hand now was chairman of the Department of Ancient Languages only; Professor Banks became chairman of the Department of Modern Languages only.

A new title was given to the Department of Applied Mathe- matics--the Department of Natural and Experimental Philo- sophy and Engineering, and a course in natural philosophy was substituted for mechanics in the junior year. Profes- sor Binkley was named Assistant Commandant. The faculty believed that in spite of the difficulties, the College had triumphed and that it was "more pleasant " to consider our good fortune than our ill fortune. For the coming session, a limit of two hundred fifty students had been set. Student ability had increased through "steady and accurate practice, " and discipline had been administered with "rigorous impartiality, tempered with wise discretion. " They thought it difficult to find a group of young men who were more congenial or showed more consideration. The faculty's accomplishments came as the result of willing to risk the consequences of making continual requests of the legislatures, of which up until this time none had understood that a great deal of money was necessary to set up and operate departments of technical education. 349 the sympathy and aid of the people; they wanted to be "worthy" of the trust. Only the academic department had been fully developed, but with sufficient funds all departments could be equipped and fully developed. As ir. the previous catalogue, the faculty drew attention to the serious lack of preparation on the part of most of the students. A listing of students and their home towns showed that cities and towns which sent five or more students to the A. and M. College were Bryan, twenty-four; Navasota, nineteen; Galveston, eighteen; Waco, thirteen; Austin and Caldwell, eleven each; Brenham and Houston, ten each; Calvert and College Station, nine each; San Marcos and Columbus, eight each; San Antonio and Bastrop, seven each; and Hempstead, Brazoria, Tyler, Fort Worth, Washinq- 69 ton, and Millican, five each. Advertisements of the Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege appeared in the state press throughout the Summer and called attention to the limited enrollment of two hundred fifty students to be accepted next session and with the provisions made for comfortable quarters as well as for study time. The Steward's Hall was placed under the oversight of Bernard Sbisa, former owner of the Tremont Hotel 70 in Galveston.

69 ' ~Ct 1 * f tt dt t 4 lt 1 6 74 t. , . 1 ~C11 f 8* f 18778, PP. 63, 16, 31, 34. 38-40. 8, 70 Galveston D~ail News, July 3, August 7-11, 14-17. September 3 —5, 8, 1878. Bernard Sbisa was thirty —four years 350

General Bee's dismissal led to widespread criticism of the Board action and was primarily directed at Gathright; in fact, Gathright later stated that the dismissal, which gave "of fense" to Bee' s friends kept up "irritation in the public mind, and even in the college. " Since the Bee family was well-known and respected throughout the state, it was natural that the state press would show an 71 interest in his dismissal. The Austin Statesman noted the Board's resolution of thanks to Bee for his "efficient and satisfactory" conduct of this department and that the " change had been caused solely by "pressing necessities. The Journal of Commerce belligerently inquired about "the 'true inwardness' which seems to control the management of age. Born in Austria and his wife in Spain, Sbisa had owned the Great Southern Hotel in Galveston before a fire on June 11, 1877, left him and his wife homeless. Through- out his forty-one years of service at the A. and M, College, only one meal, breakfast on the morning the Steward's Hall burned, required the students to wait on service. United States, Bureau of the Census Records, 1880, Brazos County, p. 19; and Reveille (College Station), I (January 5, 1919). Professor Robert Smith said in the 1904 LoncO Horn, p. 171, that Sbisa was "known by more students and professors of the College than any other man who has ever been connected with the institution. " For the first three years of his employment, Sbisa lived in a small room on the third floor of the President's House, later named Gathright Hall, and h' f 'ly ty*d'By. BE, ALLAH' t f th 1' A. & H. C~ll *, B. 71 "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature, in Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth ~Ll t f th Bt t of f, E t 1 . , 46-41. 351

" of this State institution. Why had Bee been appointed at all if the office were a "mere sinecure, " and if not, why had a capable public steward been removed to make a place for Sbisa? The paper demanded an explanation from Presi- dent Gathright concerning Bee, an old Texan and Mexican 72 war veteran, who had apparently done his job well. On July 25 President Gathright wrote to McInnis that he had not spoken to Bee, then absent, since McInnis had left (soon after commencement), nor did he know where Bee would 73 go. Professor Martin was going to move to his farm near

72 Journal of Commerce, quoted in Austin ~Dail Democra- tic Statesman, July 16, 1878. 73 Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, College Station, Texas, July 25, 1878, in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. General Bee's services as steward officially ended on June 26, 1878. "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature, in Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth Legislature of the Et t f E t S . , ES. S*, t t J y meetang, f,the Board had set August 15 as the date for abolishing the steward's office. Sometime in 1878 General Bee applied to Governor-elect Oran M. Roberts for the position of Secretary of State, H. P. Bee to O. M. Roberts, n. p. , n. d. , in O. M. Roberts Letters, 1878, University of Texas Archives. In 1879 Bee was editor of the San Antonio Herald. Galveston D~ail News, March 11, 1879. In 188 5 following tt*tE f tt c ' ' f st t' t, J History, General Bee was appointed to the position and was confirmed even though the GalvestonI, ~Dail News thought he lacked enough support. Ibid. , January 1 and April 1, 1885. In 1879 a son of General Bee was "still in the services" of the A. and M. College and had been given an appointment to had been "connected with all that West Point; the Bee name " is honorable in the history of Texas, Austin ~Dail Demo- cratic Statesman, September 1, 1879. In the faculty schism and student strike that occurred in 1908 Carlos Bee, son of H. P. Bee and a student at the College its first year, was the lawyer representing faculty members who opposed President Henry H. Harrington, son-in-law of Governor L. S. 352 the College, and Professors Hand, Hogg, and Banks were at 74 the College.

An editorial entitled "The Texas A. and M. College-- 75 Its Successes and Its Peril" in the Galveston ~Dail News

2o . 0 1 y, R~t f th A~lt 1 d M* h 1 College of Texas, 68. 74 One of the reasons for Bee ' s removal was to provide housing for faculty members. For the first time since the opening of College, each married professor was able to have his own house. Major Morris mistakenly said there were six houses "down the line" (instead of five); he thought five houses had been built and occupied (in order nearest the Main Building) by Hogg, Martin, Banks, Hand, and Gathright. He said a sixth house was built later for Gathright at the end. Hand then moved to the former Gathright house, and Norris into Hand's house. When Gathright moved into the President's House, an additional residence was then made available to newly elected Professor Lewis. With Martin' s move to his farm near the College, two residences thus became available--one for Morris and one for Lewis. Major Morris did not move into his residence until December 1, 1878, because of his wife's detainment in Virginia, where she had gone to spend the summer. A yellow fever epidemic in Memphis had delayed her return. Since their marriage in February, 1877, Morris and his wife had lived at the President's House, occupied by Bee. Norris, MBaccalureate h ' t' I Add, ~ ll *f th 1 d ' A~lt M h 1 ~co ll *f 9*, 2 (2 ly 1, 2924), 9. 15. 75 July 4, 1878. The determination of educational standards was a problem that Texas A. and M. College shared with other land grant institutions. From the very beginning the land grant colleges were eager to be full-fledged institutions of collegiate rank; yet, at the same time they recognized a conflicting desire to offer a genuine education to students at whatever level they found them. In 1873 one-fourth of all students in the land grant institutions were in preparatory departments; in 1894 this same figure still held true. ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Year 1873, Ixxxi; and ibid. , 1893-94, I, xxii. In partj. cular, Southern states found the students' lack of a secondary educational background a serious problem. The level of the work required depended upon whether the colleges were training scientists or boys who intended to return to the farm, engineers or boys who intended to 353

perform skilled labor. Most concluded that technical education must be founded upon a liberal education and a knowledge of the principles of science, that the college should not turn out unlettered craftsmen, no matter how skillful, and that manual labor for its own sake was drudgery and not education. In a like consideration, they realized the responsibility they had to those who were seeking information rather than education and gradually evolved programs of education to fill their needs. The colleges carried on an unending struggle to reach the accepted standard of the best educational institutions and gain the confidence of the public; they believed their curricula should not be a confession of weakness, and that institutions which offered degrees of Bachelor of Agriculture and Bachelor of Scientific Agriculture afforded grounds for criticism and unfavorable comparisons. American Agricultural Colleges ' d' d ~ p t St t', ~P* f th ~E' hth A 1 Convention, Bulletin No. 24, p. 49. Those who desired lower standards for the granting of degrees were told that lowered standards would give the industrial classes a black eye by contending that the land grant institutions were not worthy to be associated with other institutions of higher education, that their graduates had less ability to think or lead, and that a scientific education led to less honorable or dignified pursuits. Those who desired too high standards were warned by the Commissioner of Education that in spite of their accomplishments they must not forget they were "colleges for the people, " and while a few of them were found among high class institutions, "the majority must fulfill the purposes" of their founding as expressed by Representative Morrill: "They must be institutions accessible to all, but especially to the sons of toil, " and be coordinated with the common schools of rural districts so that pupils would be prepared to enter college, ~Re ort of the Commissioner of Education for the Years 1883-84, p. clxvi. The Commissioner found it necessary to repeat this admonition in 1890-91, that the "real raison d' etre of their endowment is to make possible the higher industrial education of those whose preparation must necessarily be limited to such instruction as the public school affords. The terms . . . are express and unmistakable. It was to meet the needs of those to whom a course at the average college and university was as impracticable as it was unsatisfactory, that these liberal donations . . . were made, and to them peculiarly should the advantages and benefits of these schools be accessible. " Ibid. , 1890- 91/ Ii 580. 354 noted the success of the College had seen more than expected but at the same time warned, "it is a grave question if there is not great danger lurking in its immediate future. " Texans had sent their sons because hard times led them to try to save large amounts spent on transportation, tuition, and board to out-of-state schools by choosing a nearby, comparatively inexpensive college. Moreover, Texans were taking pride in the growth and promised future development of their state and in case other things were equal, preferred the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College. Success could easily arouse the jealousy of private and denominational institutions and create a powerful opposition. W. W. Lang, Master of the State Grange and political aspirant, was already leading a crusade for re-direction of the College. The College still had great financial needs in case of expansion or "even to maintain its present position. " Funds were needed to purchase the necessary scientific apparatus, laboratory, buildings, and machinery, as well as a library. When the College first opened, President Gathright, "a gentleman of great practical " knowledge as well as a ripe scholar, had been concerned that "the first would be its last session, unless the college should be popularized. " Patronage had increased to the extent that it was safe to take the step of excluding students not prepared to begin college level work. Unless the College maintained its reputation as a college, which 355 was the reason for its present success, it would lose students while local academies and high schools flourished The state was embroiled in politics during the summer of 1878 when the Democratic convention nominated a gubernatorial candidate. President Gathright had declared in

favor of W. W. Lang on June 17, while Dr. Smythe, Board member Davis, the Fiscal Agent, Fowlkes, and Professor Hand had all declared for Hubbard. The Brazos County Democratic Convention met on June 25, the Tuesday of the

A. and M. College commencement ceremonies, and declared for 76 Hubbard. At the convention in Austin after four days and fourteen ballots among Hubbard, Lang, and James W. Throckmorton, an important political figure and Governor of Texas from 1866-1867 until his removal by the Radicals, Lang withdrew as a candidate on the fifth day. Governor Hubbard led nearly every ballot but could not secure the two-thirds 77 vote necessary for gaining the nomination. Thomas J.

76 Galveston ~Dail News, July 16, 1878. President Gathright did not go to the state convention in Austin since he thought it best to stay away, "lest I might do or say something that would be unpleasant to others and unprofi- table to myself. " Thomas S. Gathright to James R. Cole, August 27, 1878, in Cofer, ~Su le- College Station, Texas,' ' ot t* T' t f' AC t to f T A. & M. ~C11 12. 77 The f ight against Hubbard' s nomination "was led by some able men and was very bitter, while the friends of Governor Throckmorton were, as was always the case with them, enthusiastic, faithful and devoted. " Although the two men made no charges against one another, Hubbard's opponents charged that he had injudiciously, if not illegally, borrowed money from a person doing business with 356

78 Devine was put forward as a third candidate to replace Lang and led the twenty-second through the twenty-seventh 79 ballots. Finally, Oran M. Roberts was put forward as a the state. Kittrell, Governors Who Have Been, and Other Public Men of Texas, 78-79. Former Governor Hubbard was advised by many important political leaders in Texas to apply for the presidency of the A. and M. College after L. S. Ross' death in 1898, although he recognized that the Board as appointees of the Governor "naturally" ran "in the same grooves. " While he was not eager for the "'honors of martyrdom, '" and would not beg or plead before the Board, hd 1 dholdb" d'qqlgtf'dt h tht honorable position. " He requested the endorsement of former Governor Roberts. Richard B. Hubbard to O. M. Roberts, n. p. , January 28, 1898, in 0. M. Roberts Papers, University of Texas Archives. He later wrote Roberts he would treasure as a "heirloom" the endorsement Roberts sent. However, he recognized that in a fight among the " "political 'clans' outsiders must necessarily stand aside, although he believed he could fill the office with credit to himself and benefit to the state. Same to Same, February 7, 1898, in ibid. 78 Thomas Devine, born in Nova Scotia in 1820, had gone to Florida in 1835; to Mississippi in 1838, where he read law; attended Transylvania College in Kentucky from 1840-43; and then moved to La Grange, Texas, in 1843. He was city attorney of San Antonio from 1844-51 and was later district judge. As a member of the Secession Conven- tion and of the Committee of Public Safety which took over the state government in 1861, and was one of the three who demanded the surrender of the federal troops and supplies in Texas. He joined the Confederate Army in 1861, but soon was appointed judge of the western district of Texas and sent to Mexico to ease difficulties between Texas and Mexico. After spending four months in Mexico at the conclusion of the Civil War, he returned to Texas and surrendered. He was imprisoned and was the only other Southerner besides Jefferson Davis to be indicted twice for treason. In 1875 Devine was active in railroad promotion. Handbook of Texas, I, 495. 79 Oran M. Roberts was born in South Carolina and moved to Texas in 1841; he served as district attorney, district judge, and in 1857 as Associate Justice of the Texas Supreme Court. Like Devine, an ardent secessionist, he was a leader in the Secession Convention and its president. During the war he was a colonel in the Confederate cavalry. 357 compromise candidate. A young Democrat described him as "tall, gray bearded and gray headed, a notable and to some extent a ludicrous figure a man that everybody laughed at and everybody loved and venerated. " He was a long- winded and often tiresome speaker and held "legalistic small government views which made him popular with most Texas farmers, attorneys, and businessmen. " Because he apparently lacked political ambition, he was the ideal 80 compromise candidate. A committee of thirty-two, including friends of each contestant decided to meet and vote on favorites among leading Texans until a choice was made; Roberts was selected on the fourth ballot. The three original contestants agreed to accept the choice, and the Convention nominated him unanimously, the only man ever to be nominated and elected governor of Texas without his own solicitation or consent. Oran N. Roberts had decided early in life to become a lawyer. One day while he was plowing with a stubborn mule, he threw down the reins and told his mother he was going to

Elected to the United States Senate in 1866, he was refused a seat by the Radicals. From 1866-74 he practiced law at Tyler and Gilmer, where he conducted a law school. In 1874 Governor Coke appointed him Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Texas, to which post he was later elected. Ibid. , 284- 285. The Standard (Clarksville), April 30, 1889, described Roberts as "an honest, artless, outspoken man who did not hesitate to avow his opinion. " He was born in 1815. DeShields, ~The Sat in Hicih Places, 305. 80 Barr, Reconstruction to Reform, 41-43. 358 college to study law. There he learned to express ideas in the simplest and most effective manner. Working tirelessly and with a remarkable ability for details and particulars, he was a logical thinker and a "profound reasoner upon principles and fundamentals--qualities that were extraordinary only because rare. " Usually wearing a Prince Albert coat and almost continuously smoking a corn-cob pipe, he was dark complected, with a keen, thin intellectual face, alert black eyes, a pleasing and humorous expression, 81 and was usually smiling and gracious.

By 1879, Roberts had been in Texas thirty-eight years--twenty-five of which had been spent in public service. Sam Houston had appointed him district attorney, and Governor Henderson had named him district judge without his asking for the offices or without using the influence of friends. He had also been appointed to the Tex)s Supreme Court without his solicitation. Moreover, he had seen some "hard fighting" during the Civil War. He had served four terms as a judge, winning election three times and being appointed once; he was serving as a judge when "there was a big squabble" lasting five or six days between Hubbard's and Throckmorton's forces at the Democratic convention.

Going home after the first day, he was in a good position since he avoided the squabbling and was committed to no one.

81 DeShields, ~The Sat In Hicih Places, 312, 315. 359

He thought he had received from the people all he deserved, and that the people had placed him in various public positions "for some good reason, for something they saw in me, 82 and I thought it right to accept and do the best I could. " President Gathright, wrote McInnis on July 25 of the warm contest in the convention where Hubbard led nearly every ballot "and should, today, be the nominee. I greatly regret his defeat, and think our College has lost its best friend. "„83 Adding to the problems of insufficient finances, press criticism, and apprehension as to what Roberts' policy toward the College would be as the state's governor, Presi- dent Gathright was faced with another unexpected problem-- that of declining enrollment. In the late Spring he had 84 predicted a considerable increase in enrollment; yet, by July 25 there were only a few more than a hundred students enrolled for the coming session, although he hoped 85 for more enrollments in August. College authorities

82 Governor Oran M. Roberts' speech at the Georgetown Agricultural Fair, in Galveston ~Dail News, October 18, 1879. 83 Thomas S. Gathright. to Louis L. McInnis, College Station, Texas, July 25' 1878 Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 84 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, May 14, 1878. 85 Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, College Station, Texas, July 25, 1878, in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 360 expected to enroll at least as many students as in the previous session since a number of more or less permanent improvements had been made to accommodate them. The second of the frame barracks was completed in the Summer, and the other construction projects authorized by the Board--completion of one wooden barracks, a stairway needed as a fire escape; additional cisterns; a bath house with twelve rooms, tubs, and two large sinks; a storeroom and servants quarters at the Steward's Hall, as well as the additional furnishings and equipment that was necessary--had caused a deficit of about $1, 500. An additional $1, 500 deficit arose upon the completion of the second wooden barracks, and with general repair work done during the Summer, much of it connected with the kitchen range at the Steward's Hall. President Gathright had been forced to borrow money from the bank to continue the work. Still another deficit that had been carried over from 1877 was $400 owed on the salary of the architect (head carpenter), who in that year had received 86 only $200 of his salary. Any large decline in student enrollments would seriously hinder the College's ability to pay off the debt. Moreover, the entire country was still suffering a general depression that had begun in 1873; and in 1878

86 "Report of Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legis- lature, in journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth Leceis- 1t f tE hatt:of T~t H~ 361

Texas was suf fering from a drought as well, which caused the depression to hit doubly hard on farmers, of whom thirty- seven percent were recent and indebted immigrants. An East Texan reported that outside of banks, money was extremel r scarce, and interest was "ruinous"; in fact, he did not know of anyone in the area who was making enough to meet 87 his interest. John G. James, President of the Texas Military Institute in Austin, wrote a friend that he hoped the financial situation would improve. He had never seen times so hard, although a good harvest might improve finances. The entire South seemed to have no end of troubles as a result of the Civil War and "its attendant train of evils. " War and Reconstruction had left the South financially prostrated; crops had failed year after year, and the people had been afflicted with yellow fever as well. James thought it "hard for any people to keep heart "„88 under such an accumulation of misfortunes. In spite of the depression, Texas had reportedly doubled its population between 1873 and 1877, had more than doubled production, and had increased taxable values nearly

87 Barr, Reconstruction to Reform, 38-39. 88 John G. James to Paul H. Hayne, Austin, Texas, August 27 and October 6, 1878, in McKeithan (ed. ), Selected Letters: John Garland James to Paul Hamilton ~Ha ne and M~ar Middleton ~Ha ne, 22-24. 362 89 $100, 000, 000. The state had been able to reduce its public debt, excluding that of doubtful validity, from $5, 210, 073. 95 in September, 1876, to $5, 086, 783. 05 in September, 1878. Even though revenues since the adjournment of the Fifteenth Legislature had not been as much as had been anticipated, they had still been sufficient to enable the state to honor her bonds as they fell due, in the period of great financial stringency, shrinking real estate and personal property values, and low prices, especially 90 cotton and other Southern products. According to the Comptroller's report, from 1864 the taxable property of the state had never reached its 1860 value of $294, 000, 000 until 1877, when it reached $319, 000, 000 of rendered and unren- dered values. However, the population, which was four times as large as that of 1860, accounted for the differences in increased expenditures. Two of the reasons given for increased expenses had been the cost of protecting a vast frontier and the establishment of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, "amounting in the last

89 Galveston ~Dail News, December 5, 1879. According to population statistics of the United States, this was a slight exaggeration. Population in 1870 was 818, 579 and 1, 591, 749 in 1880. Wooten (ed. ), Com rehensive ~H' to f 'f, 1, 762. 90 R' H~ f h d B. H hh d, 6 o of 7 t th* 6' t th L~lt, 2' t 6 ', ~214, 1879, (Galveston, 1879), p. 5. 363

91 five years to over $600, 000. W Criticism of the Agricultural and Mechanical College became particularly severe in August. Some of the leading denominational educators were instrumental in calling a meeting of teachers in Mexia on August 6, which later led to the formation of a state teachers' association. Presi- dent Rufus C. Burleson, of Waco University, gave a "quite lengthy" inaugural address and "took severely to task the 'godless influence'" of some colleges and universities. His reference aroused vigorous and indignant responses from President Gathright, who spoke on a question of privilege to certain points in Burleson's address, and from Professor 92 Hogg. William C. Crane, President of Baylor University, 91 Galveston ~Dail News, October 23, 1878. An editorial in the same paper in 1880 said the buildings and apparatus of the A. and M. College had cost the state about $200, 000. The interest on the bonds during the four years of building was funded in 1878 and increased the permanent fund to $209, 000, which yielded about $14, 000 interest annually. The newspaper complained that the College was not organized and had never been conducted under the terms of its endowment; however, the large attendance at its second session seemed to assure success. WBut at this time the press began the task of exposing the imposition in using the available funds of this institution, purporting to be conducted for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts, for the support of a strictly literary institution. " Ibid. , September 1, 1880. However, during the past two years no state money had been expended on the College. 92 W. H. Coleman to Rufus C. Burleson, July 16, 1890, a letter written in response to Burleson's request for data about the convention, in Burleson (comp. ), The Life and W~t' f R f C. B 1, 371 —372. 2 dd before the Texas State Teachers' Convention in Galveston, June 30, 1890, Rufus Burleson said that he gloried in the State University, Agricultural College, and Normal School; but three-fourths, or more likely four-fifths, of the youth of Texas would depend upon denominational colleges, Wand 364 wrote an essay which was read at the convention, entitled, "Who Ought to Supply and Control the Education Needed by the People. " Since the convention was regional and did not include Washington County, it appeared that the essay was written at Burleson's request. The professors from the Agricultural and Mechanical College had been greatly upset at the references to the College in the essay; because of their objection to the publication of the essay as part 93 of the proceedings, it was printed at private expense. For the next few years there would be no delegates from 94 the College at the State Teachers' Convention. Crane stated that state colleges or a university should be aided only through land grants from Congress or state legislatures or from donations from counties and individuals who provided endowments that produced a semi —annual interest. Religious colleges provided the best proper education for both sexes. Complaining that it was unjust to tax the woe be the day when there shall be a conflict, a collision between State institutions and denominational " colleges. They ought to be parts of one perfect whole. Ibid. , 386. 93 R. C. Crane to D. B. Cofer, Swcetwater, Texas, September 2, 1950, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. Crane erroneously reported that those from A. and M. in attendance were Profes- sors Hogg and Smith. 94 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, May 22, 1882, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas AsM University had been represented only Archives. Hand said the College " once--"You remember time, place, and circumstance. 365 people to educate lawyers, doctors, farmers, mechanics, machinists, or engineers, he contended that it was the responsibility of individuals or corporations to provide education for these groups. He directly criticized the Agricultural and Mechanical College by stating that it should depend upon the endowment it had already received from the nation and state, as well as probable future land grants, to undertake the kind of education it was designed to provide, "and which as yet has not commenced. " He proposed that all the colleges of the state and all the county academies should compose the University of Texas, which would be directed by a Board of Regents. Alternate sections of University land should be sold, and the interest from the sale combined with the annual interest on the University Fund, which had been loaned to railroad companies, should be used to construct a building appropriate for a true university. Some of the fund should be distributed to academies and colleges to support their teachers accord- 95 ing to a merit system.

A week following the Teachers' Convention the editor

95 t' ' 771- Ety, TD ~D1 t f Ed T, 773. Denominational colleges, envious of the endowment fund and prospect of additional expenditures from public funds for the A. and M. College, as well as the still accumulating University Fund, were justifiably jealous at a time when their own funds were meager and limited. In 1892 there were eight religious colleges which had more students than A. and M. College, but only Baylor, which spent about two-thirds the A. and M. budget, could compare ' ' f' lly. E t ( d. ), C D ~E' t f Texas, II, 461. 366 96 of the Galveston ~Dail News criticized the entire land grant scheme for education. Although it was a good idea in theory, nothing had more completely failed than agricul-

tural and mechanical colleges in which young men could receive both academic and industrial training while they worked to pay part of the cost of their education. The

colleges had failed from New England to Texas, where the name had been assigned to the academic department of a successful college with no manual labor department. The Negro college had failed completely, and "doubtless, " an appropriation for both colleges would be asked from the legislature. Evidently expecting the colleges to make a profit or pay their own way, the editor pointed to the debts which Northern and Eastern states had created as a result of their land grant colleges. Still, he did not condemn the system since almost all public institutions had spent extravagantly since the Civil War; in addition to more money he thought hard work and retrenchment. were needed as well. With the harsh economic problems and public criticism, one of the few, if not the only, happy occasions for President Gathright during the Summer was the marriage of his daughter to Professor Binkley at the College in late August, in what was probably the first marriage ceremony to

96 August 14, 1878. 367

97 take place on the campus. Once that occasion was behind him, he responded to a letter from James R. Cole, President of North Texas Female College, who had been a member of the Twelfth Legislature. When the A. and M. College was organized in the Summer of 1876, Cole had applied for one 98 of the professorships, and had applied again in June, 99 1878. President Gathright wrote that he felt pretty sure of your election here all the time. Your papers were not submitted however. When the election was postponed, I supposed the matter ended at least one year, and knew no better until the Board had elected a man. The consideration I stated to you would have weighed with the Board if it had been presented, and other things being equal, would have prevailed. President Gathright's account of the Board' s employment procedure indicates that his recommendation was not sought by the Board, who considered the employment of professors as one of their exclusive functions. The President' s lack of a voice in the selection provided a divided authority,

97 Galveston ~Dail News, August 20, 1878. 98 Letters from Thomas J. Brown, Sherman, Texas, July 4, 1876; Andrew J. Dorn, n. p. , n, d. ; Joseph Sayers, n. p. , n. d. ; A. H. Belo, n. p. , n. d. ; A. J. Booty, Carthage, Texas, June 23, 1876; John Hancock, Washington, D. C. , June 17, 1876; and eighteen leading citizens of Whitesboro, Texas, June 7, 1876, all written to the Board of Directors Agricultural and Mechanical College and included in of the ' ' 3 f, ~33 tt 3' tf' Ad 1 to f 3 A. & M. ~C33*, 31-33. 99 T. J. Crooks, to Directors of the A. and M. College of Texas, Sherman, Texas, June 19, 1878 and S. Hare, to Directors of the A. and M. College of Texas, June 21, 1878, included in ibid. , 34. 368

which caused professors to feel some degree of independence from the President's authority; yet, the President answered to the Board for the conduct of the entire College. Con- vinced that the change in payments required of students and the yellow fever panic had kept enrollment down, Gath- right believed the College would have five hundred students if the legislature would equip it, and he urged Cole to "be on the alert" when the College was enlarged. Since all the faculty were Cole's friends, "that will be a very decided point in your favor. " General Lewis had arrived and proven "very affable, " and the President thought he would be an agreeable associate. Gathright thought the "average Texan is very expert in giving advice to School masters" and their profession "a hard one, and adds little to the comfort of life. We must try to get some legislation on the subject that will put us all on a 100 better footing. " President. Gathright also replied to the editor of 101 the Galveston ~Dail News, "The State College: What It

Is and Why It Is Not Yet in Reality As in Name 'Agricultural and Mechanical. '" He had received a large number of inquiries after the "well written, and in the main well conceived" newspaper editorial. He briefly reviewed the 100 Thomas S. Gathright to J. R. Cole, College Station, Texas, August 27, 1878, in ibid. , 9-13. 101 Thomas S. Gathright to Editor, August 27, 1878. 369

brief history of the College and the reasons why on inauguration day it was equipped fairly in the academic department but was without funds; in the second year the "inconsiderable matriculation fee, " which provided a contingent fund to be used in building needed improvements, was the only fund the College had to relieve the overcrowding. The "most current and flippantly used" complaint was that the College had no agriculture or mechanical departments, and he mused whether such a situation was to be wondered at. The Board had no funds to equip the departments. However, "struggling to meet every demand, " the College authorities had planted a thousand apple trees, a number of peach and forest trees, and were trying to make a garden. The College had only two mules, which had to do all the hauling; and since it was located four and a half miles from town, the most ordinary mind will see that our farming operations must be small--not beyond what is sufficient to feed our team. To condemn the faculty or the board of directors for not having a model farm, well equipped, or machine shops in operation, when there is not one dollar on which to begin, is simply unfair. If the state will give the board of directors the same means that similar colleges elsewhere have received, all that is now demanded, and more, will appear. The name of our college, agricultural and mechanical, has reference more to the future than the present. We had means to start the academic department. In that we have grown from six students the first day of our history to two hundred and fifty splendidly drilled gentlemen the last day of our late session.

He pointed out that the faculty, "all men of experience and character, " had increased to ten but cost the state nothing. 370

In response to the charge that another appropriation would "doubtless" be asked of the legislature and that the News had suggested economy, Gathright added, Can any economy surpass that practiced here? To enlarge the advantages of higher instruction in this state and place them in some manner on a plane with those of other and older, yet smaller states, would a call for further appropriations to encourage our splendid beginning be unreasonable? The history of colleges in this country proves that no private parties or corporations and no religious denom- ination, only in exceptional cases, can provide the means for that higher education demanded by the wants of this generation. Texas has made a good beginning, but only a beginning. Should she proceed or should she stop?

He denied that the Agricultural and Mechanical College was antagonistic to any other school or college, and it sought "to be in the affections of the people what it is in law, the college of the state. " In order to make the College "a great blessing to this and succeeding generations, however, requires the fostering care of the state and requires it. now. " Coupled with economic hard times and attacks from religious colleges and the press, criticisms came unavoidably from disgruntled students and parents, one of whom "tackled" Professor Binkley in regard to a faculty decision which had refused his son an honorable discharge. The father told Binkley that he intended doing the College all the harm he could unless the case was reconsidered; Binkley told him that a kindness had been done for both father and son in that the faculty had not dismissed him. Although the two 371

102 had disagreed on the issue, they had not brawled.

102 James Binkley to Louis L. McInnis, September 13, 1878, Louis L. Mclnnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives.

THE STATE AGRICULTURAL AND MECHANICAL COLLEGE OF

TEXAS, 1871-1879: THE PERSONALITIES,

POLITICS, AND UNCERTAINTIES

VOLUME II

A Thesis

Marie Guy Tomlinson

Submitted to the Graduate College of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

May 1976

Major Subject: History TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME I

CHAPTERS Page Introduction: Post Civil-War Conditions in Texas and the Morrill Act, 1862 The Beginning of the Agricultural and Mechanical College 34 III. 1871-1873: A Costly Fiasco 78 IV. The Transition: From Radical to Democratic Control 119

VOLUME II

X. The Third Session: A Time of Uncer tainty 372

XI. A New Direction: A Time of Crisis 423 XII. The Disastrous Imbroglio 472 XIII. The Investigation 524 XIV. The Years that Followed: An Explanation of the November Drama 579

XV. Conclusions 644

BIBLIOGRAPHY 652

VITA 667 372

CHAPTER X

THJ THIRD SL'SSION: A TIME OF VNCERTAINTY

The Agricultural and Mechanical College opened on

October 1, 1878, with no notice being taken by either the Galveston News or Austin Statesman, and by November 1 one 1 hundred eighty students had enrolled. This number increased 2 to two hundred twenty-one by November 22. However, on

October 20 the Galveston News printed Dr. Crane's essay on education given before the Mexia Educational Convention 3 in August. Even though the enrollment was smaller than that of the previous year, Governor Hubbard was "much " g t'f' d t th ~h* 1th d't'o of th Co ll g d thought it better to have two hundred well provided for and "well in hand" than a multitude with no accommoda- 4 tions. In an attempt to eliminate the same serious overcrowding, as the College had experienced in the preceding session, the Board had raised the amount payable on entrance

1 "Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legislature, in Journal of the Senate of the Sixteenth L~l t * of th Et t* of f , E t 5 . , 55. 2 5 gg, 1 d t ' 1 Ed t: ~d' d ~P, 51. 3 Galveston ~Dail News, October 20, 1878. 4 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 15, 1878, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 373 to $130 of the $200 charged for the entire session. With money scarce, enrollment was necessarily limited by raising the fees and asking for a large initial installment. The yellow fever scare also kept some students away. In November 2, 1878, the Galveston ~Dail News reported an incident that, if not calculated to bring general criticism, was sure to bring it anyway. A small sum of money had been stolen from a student at the College, and he and two friends induced another student who was seventeen or eighteen and suspected of the deed to go with them for a walk. A short distance past the College grounds one drew a pistol, put it to the suspect's head, and told him he must confess. When the suspect maintained his innocence, they tied a rope around his neck and hanged him to a tree. After waiting a moment, they lowered him and again asked him to confess; upon his refusal, he was hanged a second and longer time and appeared dead when let down. One of the three "young ruffians" ran away, but. the other two remained until the suspect regained consciousness; however, they threatened the victim until he promised never to speak of the event. Afterwards, the abused youth went straight to

President Gathright, who called a meeting of the faculty.

The three who had made the assault were expelled and were sent home. Washington County authorities, learning of the incident, took steps to arrest the participants; the student who had made the accusation of theft and participated in the assault was arrested at the Hempstead depot, taken back 374 to aryan, and placed in jail. The other two had not yet been arrested, declared the News. In reply to the story of the "'lynching'" incident

President Gathright replied, "No young man has been hung here at all. " Although it was true a rope had been tied around a student's neck, he had not been hurt nor harmed,

Gathright declared. Two of those accused in the News story were only witnesses and were still in the College. The student who had tied the rope on the other student, he continued, had been arrested by Gathright's order and placed in the guard room until the President called a meeting of the faculty, upon whose decision the student was dismissed. President Gathright then escorted him to the north-bound train, then almost due. He had not been arrested nor gone south, was not in jail and had not been in jail. Gathright had not written to vindicate his or the faculty's action but in the interest of students, "than whom there is not a more orderly collection of students of the same number in the United States. " It was rare that a college president had opportunity to explain discipline to the people, Gathright declared, since "the board of directors represent the people. " The story in the News is an occasion, however, when I can not feel that I am true to one student and say nothing. The young man who very foolishly, and without any thought of inflicting harm, as he affirmed, tied a rope around the neck of a newly arrived youth, found not one student in the corps to sympathize with him or to apologize for the act. The victim was young and timid, but 375

could not be intimidated or frightened into confessing an act of which he is as innocent as I am. 5 Previously, attacks upon the College had come from outside, but in November, Professor Hogg published a pamphlet concerning a plan of industrial education and the A. and M. College in particular, which President Gathright doubtless regarded as unnecessary and an attack from within At any rate, Gathright regarded it as something of a challenge and a source of irritation that furthered the incipient dissension within the College that began with Bee's dis- 6 missal. Professor Hogg briefly reviewed the history of industrial education and discussed the different applications made of the Morrill Act by various states. Discussing curricula and methods, he described the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas as to its physical facilities, courses, election of the faculty, selection of officers, and the preparation of students. Hc believed the College should offer the literary course only until the establishment of the University although he denied the object of the Morrill Act was to create manual labor schools. He briefly explained the purposes of the elective system and the experimental farm, the comprehensive

5 Thomas S. Gathright to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, November 6, 1878. 6„"Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " in Governor Roberts' Message to the Legis- 1 J* 1 f th S t* f th S' t th ~L' 1 t, 46. ture of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 376

studies of an agricultural & ducation, the genuine n&&& d of an a&ir i cultural coll& qc in Texas, und i&ro~&os& &i s&&m&, &&&r&— cultural & xpcrimcnts. In &&dditio», h&& affirmed thc i, &c6 that Texas and the College needed a mechanical department which would require a 625, 000 appropriation for building shops, $5, 000 for supplying equipment, and an annual appropriation of $5, 000 for maintaining and improving the department. If it were possible, the College also needed a present enlargement of its literary and scientific instruction as well. Concerning manual labor, Hogg pointed out " that a "frugal and painstaking farmer, who owned his own lands, team, and implements and devoted his full time to farming could barely support himself; and that being the case, it was an impossibility to expect a student to work four hours a day at eight or ten cents per hour to meet his expenses and keep up with his studies. It would be better to work at home and save enough money to attend college rather than to try to do both at the same time.

He pointed out the need of a coordinated system of education in Texas, and believed unqualified students should not be allowed to enter the College. Denying the charge that military tactics was the leading object of the College, he " said it was a means of discipline and "gymnastics. In answer to the objection that too much higher math was

taught, Hogg said the engineer was required to be well- versed in theories since a tremendous outlay of capital was involved in making estimates. The farmer also needed 377 to make calculations. At the end of three years at the College, a student was prepared to go to work immediately or begin a higher course; he would be prepared to take charge of a workshop, a manufacturing interest, or be the chief of a corps of engineers. In a word, the aim of the faculty is to teach each young man in a given time those studies that will render him the best prepared to serve himself and the community in which he may live. It is not claimed, nor is it expected that every one who remains, if for one year only, shall be benefitted, so that the State will be better off even for this short attendance.

He concluded by calling the College an "experimentum in Experiments, " which should be given enough time to win pub- 7 lic approval and failing this, should be abandoned. Governor Hubbard wrote President Gathright on November 25 to ask for an official report of the past and present condition and growth of the Agricultural and Mechanical College as well as that at Prairie View, in order to obtain a complete picture of the College so that he could evaluate 8 in the legislature its present and future needs. Appearing in December, the prospectus of the Texas f' t' C~lt ', tt t t d t p tl' f tt Co ll g announced that it would be published monthly during the

7 d ' t'o ' ' ~ d H gg, l t l Ed : ~C P~ 3-51. On the title page of the pamphlet he placed his identifying mark, which he used on all his business letter- heads throughout the years: "First the Blade, then the Ear; after that the Full Corn in the Ear. " 8 Richard B. Hubbard to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, November 25, 1878, Richard B. Hubbard Papers, Texas State Archives. 378 remainder of the year with a subscription cost of seventy— five cents. To be managed by the two literary societies, editors elected in joint session would make most of the 9 contributions. The paper's columns were open to all students, and contributions were solicited from those not connected with the Ccllege as well. The first issue was presented "through the beneficence of Providence, and with the aid of our beloved President we have duly considered the saying of our worthy ancestor, and are sure that we 'are right, ' and will 'go ahead, ' if we only receive enough encouragement. " The editors saw their duty: It is with many misgivings upon our part that we enter upon a work, so fraught with interest to our College, and to our State, as is our present enterprise, for we are timid 'Texas boys, ' more accustomed to roam upon her prairies, and bathe in her streams than to occupy an editorial chair, and invent ideas for the pleasure and edification of an enlightened public; but with the kind aid of our friends, and of education everywhere, we hope to so conduct the TEXAS COLLEGIAN that it shall be a useful auxiliary to our College and an honor to our State. It will be literary in its character, and its object will br to improve the students in the art of composit. ion, and to cultivate among them a taste for sound and legitimate literature; and also to diffuse information concerning the colleges and universities of the land, and especially those of Texas; thus bringing ourselves into sympathy

9 The editor was Tully A. Fuller, of Paris; the associate editors, David N. Jack, Galveston, and Edgar Nullins, Corsicana; the business manager, Charles Rogan, Giddings; the assistant business manger, Temple Houston, Belton; and the treasurer, Jesse J. Baker, Plantersville. 379

with our home i ns ti tut i ons . .c; wed 1 l, ud t host ~ abro dd, hoping in thi s manner to, d i d i n building up tho interest s of our Col.l & gc, and consequently of the State. Having outlined their responsibilities, the editors printed on the first page an article entitled, "Youth of Texas, do not 'Sow Wild Oats. '" If the College authorities were concerned with problems of inadequate finances and public criticism, the T C~lt ' 1 th t t d t * d with matters that were less weighty. a "long roll" one Saturday night had resulted when some hay in the rear of the barn caught fire, "and our splendid outhouses and stables were in imminent danger"; however, prompt action by Captain Olmstead, who personally commanded the battalion, prevented the fire from spreading. The editor thought the Mess Hall was well conducted since a faculty member visited at every meal and "our polite Steward" had brought "one of the finest cooks in the State" with him to the College. Th ~C11 ' 1 ' t' y h t t. h d students that came as a result of the few students enrolled at the College as well as its isolation. Professor Lewis hosted his senior English class to a "magnificent dinner" on Thanksgiving Day that lasted past midnight. Other entertainment was provided in the form of dances held every Friday night; in order to prevent duels, the dances were strictly private, and no young ladies were permittetd to attend. Still other entertainment was provided by 380 breaking College rules. Thc cdi tor, taking a walk "down the line, " met what he presumed to be five youna ladies, but when he looked back he saw "the gaudy buttons of the A. & N. sparkling and shining in the light which fell from the " guard room windows upon the shoulders of one of the pair. Reconsidering the episode, he thought perhaps the cadet " looked best when clothed with a "multitude of folds. Although Captain lvey was ornamenting the grounds with shade trees which would soon grow '"worthy of the College building, " it is evident. that sufficient funds had never been available to lay out and maintain permanent walks, since notice was given "that any cadet found sticking in the clay to the rear of the College will be reported for loitering, if a private, and reduced to ranks if an officer. "

On a more serious note the editor was concerned with the lack of a College library. When the College was organized, "all" thought that within a few months, or at the most, within the year, the State would make some provision for a library. The Co3 lege was presently no nearer to obtaining a library than the first day of school, a disaster to both the College and student, since books were as fundamental to the development of a college as were bricks and mortar. Some recitations were prepared with great difficulty, but not because of student slothfulness. Frequently, reference was made to works that werc unavailable, and students had to borrow from the professor or do 381 without srncc a professor did not hav& enough copies for a) l. On ot hcr occasions a student who wished to read for pleasure found no books available, although the editors did not "contend that every cadet would spend his whole spare time in reading"; but if there were a library, many of the hours that students now idled away would be better spent and give more satisfaction to parents. Noting the coming legislative session when a new b 1 d 't ' t t 8 d ld b 8, tb ~Cll* p to have the best men elected. The students were sorry to part with the ex-officio members, who were "friends of the College and men of ability. " All the students were "proud " of their Board, and especially of t. heir Governor. The editor thought that since Texas needed to develop its "manhood, " the legislature should appropriate $100, 000 to the College, an amount they would not hesitate to appropriate to the insane and blind institutions. Even the smallest of the other states collected "tribute" from Texas students in their colleges and universities. Adequate planning for the future and state pride idcmandcd a liberal appropriation for thc state's only institution of hiaher 10 learning. 11 Thc Galveston ~Dail News took note of the student

10 8 C~ll ' . 1 (B b, 1878), PP. 1 6. 11December 25, 1878. The News quoted the article abo lt legislative aid, "The sixteenth legislature should give the college $100, 000. There should be no hesitation. Texas 382 article concerning legislative support with the sarcastic comment that the article concerning legislative support for the College looks as though it "came from the pen of some very advanced student. " However, the Austin ~Dail 12 D t' gt t th ght th g ~Co ll excellent monthly and praised at least one of the articles as being "admirable. " The students were not the only ones concerned about the policies of the new legislature and the new state administration as well. As the result of a conversation with resident Board member, Davis, a Bryan citizen wrote Governor- elect Roberts to suggest that he visit the College en route to Austin from Tyler. Davis was somewhat anxious and apprehensive over Roberts' rejection of Davis' request for the Governor —elect to pay a visit to the Agricultural and

Mechanical College on his way to Austin. Although the writer had stated Roberts might not wish to inspect the College before his inauguration, Davis' reply was that Roberts had already visited other public institutions. Moreover, the letter writer thought "this 'ten year old 13 town' is something for the governor to see. " is entitled to have this. They would not hesitate to vote this to the insane and blind--all right. The manhood of the country should be developed. Will the legislature hesitate? We hope not!" 12 December 24, 1878. 13 P. D. Page to O. N. Roberts, Bryan, Texas, December 10, 1878, Oran N. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 383

A letter in the Examiner and Patron (Waco) complained that the State Constitution was being ignored although $200, 000 of the people's money had been appropriated to the College to teach agriculture successfully. The College needed a farm, equipment, and other supplies since farmers who had never worked in the field or with implements were general failures as practical farmers. Mistakes should now be corrected by the Board, which had taken the wrong approach by emphasizing military tactics, twice mentioned in the College catalogue as a requirement of the law, rather than agricultural and mechanical education, which the catalogue had not even hinted at as a requirement. Once the latter two studies were taught, military tactics, including the drill, should be taught in moderation; however, a three year course in military tactics would create a thirst for military fame when students needed training in civil pursuits. Since Texas had been settled by bold and energetic men, its sons, who were "pugnacious" by 14 nature, needed little military training. January, 1879, marked three events which would affect the future of the Agricultural and Mechanical College: (1) the convening of the legislature with new members and the inauguration of a new state administration; (2) the convening of the first state association of teachers; and

14 J. E. Gray, Brenham, Texas, to Editor of the Waco Examiner and Patron, Unidentified newspaper clipping, in A. J. Rose Papers, University of Texas Archives. 384

(3) the convening of the Texas State Grange. Criticism of the College and its administration, primed by religious groups and the press during the Summer, was mounting as a 15 result of a change in state government. The Houston A~e noted the fact that some newspapers were arousing a heated discussion concerning the College; it thought the College "an elephant in a state that could not afford to keep it and could not very well get rid of it. " Only those who had sufficient income without depending on state aid in the form of scholarships could afford to take advantage of state-supported education. Though some of the College's supporters were averse to any discussion, the Galveston ~Dail News thought it was necessary in order to make improvements or changes required by law. Many Grange members were evidently not satisfied with the College's emphasis upon the military feature in preference to the agricultural and mechanical features. Thc College was unfavorably compared with those in Missouri and Virginia, where it was claimed farm income exceeded expenditures at the same time the student qained incalculable knowledge.

15 Louis L. McInnis stated in an interview thirty years later that the traditionally conservative Southern people looked at the College "askance. " Blunders had been unavoid- able, and some had been serious enough to threaten the success of the College. Exaggerated and prejudicial reports were being widely circulated, and "their evil influence" for many years. Interview with Louis L. McInnis, remained Louis L. [~Br an ~Dail ~Ea le and Pilotj, October 7, 1909, McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 385

The Virginia college was cheap, and military training received little attention. The Texas Grange had long been 16 urging the establishment of a farm and work shops. Criticism centered around the course of study; although the name of the College would seem to indicate a dedication to the study of agriculture and mechanics combined with general education in the higher branches, they were almost 17 18 entirely neglected. The Examiner and Patron (Waco) gave a report of a committee appointed to investigate the agriculture department of the State University of Missouri "for the information of the people and legislature of Texas. " Missouri had adopted as its state agricultural college one which had been in operation for thirty years and which had supported an agriculture department part of that time . It had a farm, full faculty, and three hundred ninety-three students, who were taught such practical subjects as pruning, transplanting, propagation, soil classification, manures, gardening, subsoiling, farm machinery, and surveying. Less than a week later the Examiner called attention to the purpose for which the College was created and the Board's failure to comply with the law. It did not claim that teaching a classical course or using military

16 Houston AcCe, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, January 5, 1879. 17 Brenham Banner, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, January 10, 1879. 18 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, January 11, 1879. 386 discipline violated the law; in fact, it rejoiced at their success, but the A. and M. College was designed to teach agriculture and mechanics. "In homely words, the law requires agriculture and the mechanic arts to be seated in the parlor, and the management have crowded them out of 19 the parlor into the kitchen. " The Comanche Chief, repeating the criticism, stated the only trade taught in the mechanical department was 20 "polishing brass buttons. " The Groesbeeck New Era thought the criticism just, and that the "ploughshare has been converted into a sword, and students educated'in the use of fire arms. " The College had failed to provide the poor with an opportunity to obtain a "finished education" at a reasonable cost; instead, the College was filled with students whose parents could well afford to pay for their sons' education in any school and not with students who were "beneficiaries of the state. " Even though the faculty was capable, "this is not the point in question. " The editor was concerned with ascertaining whose responsibility it was to determine whether the College was fulfilling its 21 purpose. The Dallas Commercial compiled a list of the 19 Ibid. , January 16, 1879. 20 The editor of the New Era was Lafayette L. Foster, later to become a prominent political figure and successor to Lawrence Sullivan Ross as President of the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College.

21 Comanche Chief and Groesbeeck New Era, quoted in Galveston D~ail News, January 31, 1879. 387

College graduates with the additional comment that it told its own story since there were no graduates in mechanics and agriculture, although there had been fifty-six graduates in all the academic courses. It concluded the A. and M. College differed little from the academies and colleges scattered in every county of the state, and the editor failed to see how this fact could be harmonized with the purpose of the grant, the name, or the people's expecta- 22 23 tions. The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman noted the plain speaking being done by the state press that the Agricultural and Mechanical College should make its course comply with the federal government grant. Thomas M. Scott, a prominent Granger and member of the Board, defended the curricula and praised the College's 24 success in a letter to the Galveston ~Dail News. The Board's purpose in adopting the elective system was to permit a student with limited means and time to educate himself for a specialty or practical work in less time than ordinarily required to complete the full course. Students had freedom of choice, and those who completed the course received a diploma; diligent students could complete their

Dallas Commercial, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, January 31, 1879. 23 January 11, 1879. 24 I.etter from Belmont Farm (home of T. M. Scott), Collin County, to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, January 14, 1879. 388 courses in less time in an elective system. He believed that a closer reading of the laws regarding the College, a better understanding of the management, and the better distribution and reading of the College catalogue would lead the public to be pleased with the College's success and progress. The first practical step was to offer education to those with limited means. All of the state appropriations had been used to erect and furnish the necessary buildings; the management had been forced to work without enough funds to equip the agricultural and mechanical departments. Texas had appropriated $187, 000; by contrast, Pennsylvania had appropriated $532, 000 and Kentucky,

$250, 000. A sufficient appropriation would permit the College to put practical education into effect immediately. Within a reasonable period of time and by pursuing strict economy, the College, without any further additional funds, could orient, more and more toward providing quality education in agriculture and the mechanical arts. Four days after the publication of Scott' s letter, the 25 Galveston ~Dail News called attention to Professor Hogg s pamphlet on industrial education published in November, " which was in "fair spirit" and "marked by ability. lt found an "air of delightful learning over ull that mollifies the average reader and merely provokes the ' inside' scholar;

25 January 18, 1879; including excerpts from Hogg, I d t ' 1 Ed t'*: ~O' d ~P* 3 f39

' but i t is evi dont that the professor 'means business, and " he addrc sscs himself to it in a manly if oriental styl& .

Hogg had explained the two —fold difficulties of the problem, the interpretation of the Norrill Act and its administration. He suggested that the full intent of the law could be put into effect in two ways: by cutting off the "superfluous chairs, such as moral philosophy, ancient and modern languages, " and by spending the funds for equipment and administration of the practical studies; or, in case the legislature desired to keep the present liberal course, an additional endowment should be provided for "a true and thorough execution of the act. " The advantage of the first course would be greater economy; the second provided a more farsighted policy since the classical and general branches would be discontinued at the College, now the "nucleus of the State university, " once the main university was estab-

lished. He believed the University Fund should not be used to support the College until the main branch was equipped. In answer to the question as to whether the Board had made "legitimate" use of the College funds,

Hogg wrote If on the one hand, such tuition in these branches as may be given from the professor's chair, be received as being tantamount to compliance with the requisition, then are the directors justified and the tumult throughout the state against the curriculum is uncalled for. If, on the other hand, the proper teaching of agriculture and the mechanic arts involves not only theoretical studies, but also practical demonstrations and experiment in the field and workshop, then the directors have blundered in 390

their extemporized course of study. They should have secured the services not only of experts who under the blue sky and amidst the whirl of machinery would be able to expound practically the work of the scientific farmer and of the skilled artisan. The legislature, in its election of the Board of Directors, gave direction to the College. The Galveston

News then concluded that the College was designed first of all to teach agriculture and mechanic arts, and second, "and possibly, " liberal culture. The real issues of contention involved compliance with legislative terms of the grant and Board provisions to fulfill the conditions on which the money had been given. The legislature's only concern had been in selecting a Board, who then became responsible for direction. In general, the directors had been faithful and fair with the exception of "precipitate, if not unauthorized" action in setting priorities in the courses of study. They had ignored the terms of the Norrill Act by establishing a liberal curriculum which drew funds from the establishment of the prescribed branches; and, conscqucntly, "in thc endeavor to compass the maximum of cultivation all at once the cager gentlemen of the directory are in danger of having their entire pabulum dissipated. " It is hardly likely that conditions at the College were improved by Hogg's voice added to the public clamor. The State Grange met in Sherman on January 14, 1879, and was mainly concerned with its dwindling membership; there had been a net loss of nineteen local Grange chapters 391 during the year. Of the 1, 165 Granges holding charters, 915 were delinquent or dormant; 499 had not reported nor paid dues in two years; the 250 remaining had a membership 26 of 9, 660. A committee making a report on the condition of the A. and M. College recommended that the legislature be petitioned to provide an appropriation to initiate the experimental farm since previous appropriations had been used in the construction of classroom, dormitory, and 27 boarding facilities.

A citizen from Washington, Texas, complained to Gover- nor Roberts in a six page letter that even though the A. and M. College was a state institution, it did "nothing but act the autocrat and teach a little book keeping!" He had heard the President received $4, 000 annually. Students wore uniforms and received demerits for every failure to keep them buttoned, even in hot weather. Students had to "wear at all times their little caps. " In Summer they got two up at 4 A. M. and in Winter, 5 A. M. , always an hour or before daylight. They always had to wear a shirt collar and change suits every day before going on dress parade. They could not lie down nor sit down on their beds during the day; in addition there were other "frivolous and

26 " Smith, "A. J. Rose, Agrarian Crusader of Texas, 47. Conditions would not improve during the coming months; by September there were only 122 local Granges and 352 members in good standing. 27 8 ~H' t of th O~l T St t ~G 15-16. d, 392 nonsensical rules, " he said. Three and four boys were crowded into the same room, and they had "to put up with very rough and badly prepared fare. " The faculty's pay was too extravagant for the hard times that pressed upon the people, and he was assured that Roberts would lighten 28 the people's burden so far as was in his power. Apparently, the cadet captain of the corps was unaware of the strong anti-military attitude on the part of some of the people. He wrote Governor-elect Roberts that Gover- nor Hubbard had informed the corps the previous Nay that he would order them to Austin while the legislature was in session, if possible. "Since fate decreed you should be the next governor and president of the board, " the corps appealed to him to order out the two hundred twenty cadets 29 "enrolled and ready for duty. " Oran N. Roberts was inaugurated governor on January 14.

As an "old Texan, " he both knew what he wanted and understood Texas politics well enough to know how to get it. What he wanted as much as retrenchment was the establishment of the University of Texas, which had already been delayed for forty years, first conceived by the Republic of Texas at about the same time that Roberts had moved to Texas.

28 F. G. Roberts to 0. N. Roberts, Washington, Texas, January 9, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, University of Texas Archives. 29 Norris Bates to 0. N. Roberts, College Station, Texas, January 8, 1879, in ibid. 393

30 The Galveston ~Dail News reported that retrenchment was the watchword of both the Senate and House, whose members were "anxious to be on record" concerning public appropriations. In his message to the legislature, outgoing Governor Hubbard also recognized the need for economy. While the state institutions should be fostered, such care "should never involve expenditures beyond our means to pay promptly and with honor. " The development of the state's resources and the proceeds from the sale of more than twenty millions of acres of land of the University and school endowment would provide a common school education for every child in Texas for the entire year, "and without a dollar of taxes " imposed directly upon the taxpayers of Texas. Speaking of the Agricultural and Mechanical College in his farewell address, Governor Hubbard reviewed the small beginning and its present rank, based on enrollment, usefulness, and influence, as one of the best of its type in the United States. Noting some of the financial problems of the College, Hubbard stated that only the interest on the Endowment Fund was available to maintain the College, and it could be used only to pay the teachers. The appropriation of $40, 000 provided by the Constitutional Convention and subsequently made by the Fifteenth Legisla- ture had been made specifically for the purpose of erecting and completing the necessary buildings. Since the interests

30 January 18, 1879. 394 of the agricultural and industrial classes required that the state comply both with the letter and spirit of the law to provide agricultural and mechanical instruction, he concurred in the President's recommendations to provide for this instruction. He called attention to the reduction in the cost of expenses to the students and stated that College expenses were less than three-fourths of similar institutions in other states. He also noted the requirement for providing military instruction. Referring to President Gathright's report which showed that the agricultural department had not received the attention the Board desired and the law required, he pointed out that a beginning had been made, and from the first organization of the 31 College, engineering and mechanics had been taught. The Board of Directors met January 20, 1879, in Austin; ex-officio members Hubbard, Thompson, and Bonner were ending their services, and a resolution concerning the agreeable social relations among all the members was passed. A. J. Peeler was elected president, pro tern. , and T. M. 32 Scott was appointed secretary to the Board. F. S. Stockdale was the only Board member absent; new ex-officio Board members, in addition to Governor Roberts as President

31 M~ f R' t d R. 9 tt d. G * f 7 , to tt 9' t tt ~L' 1 t, R g. 9 . , 7 7 14, 1979, pp. 16, 41-42. 32 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, January 21, 1879. 395 33 of the Board, were Lieutenant Governor Joseph D. Sayers 34 and Speaker of the House John H. Cochran. In a speech made to the Grange in 1880 as a vindication of his governorship, Governor Roberts stated that from the first day he met with the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, he made an effort to have it direct attention more specifically toward a practical education in agriculture and the mechanic arts. He was seconded by some of the directors, and they took "vigorous steps" to make agriculture and the mechanic arts the leading objects of 35 the College.

33Joseph D. Sayers was born in Mississippi in 1841. He came to Texas in 1851, and attended Bastrop Military Institute from 1852-60. He enlisted in the Confederate Army in 1861 and was made a major in 1864. Returning to Bastrop to teach, he studied law and was admitted to the bar. Elected to the Senate of the Thirteenth Legislature, he was chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee from 1875-78, and lieutenant Governor from 1878-79. He was a member of the House of Representatives of the United States Congress from 1885-98, and afterwards was elected governor of Texas. As a member of the House he was instrumental in securing from the federal government the long-delayed payment for Texas Ranger services in frontier protection. Handbook of Texas, II, 576, 34 John H. Cochran, born in Tennessee in 1838, came to Texas in 1843 and attended NcKenzie College, where he taught in 1858-59 to pay his tuition. In 1860 he went, with a detachment of Texas Rangers, to Young County to take the census; enlisting in the Confederate Army in 1861, he was released in June, 1862, because of disabilities. He was a member of the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, Eighteenth, Twenty- Second, and Twenty-Third Legislatures. Ibid. , I, 367. 35 0. N. Roberts, "An Explanation by Governor O. M. Roberts of his First Year's Administration to the Grange Assembled at Their Request, " O. M. Roberts Papers, Uni- versity of Texas Archives. 396

The Board adopted a resolution that once again changed student payments to a quarterly system beginning October 1 with a payment of $95, which was to be followed by payments of $35 on December 1, February 14, and April l. A later resolution provided that the students would be furnished uniforms at actual cost and reduced the first payment to $85. The Board instituted changes designed to bring about economy and reorientation of programs. Also beginning in October the salary of the President would be reduced to $2, 500, the professors' salaries reduced to $1, 800, and assistant professors would receive $1, 000 annually. DeMorse, Pickett, and Scott were appointed a committee to draw up a report of the College's financial condition to be presented to the legislature. Peeler was later added to the committee. The Board's report was to be made "through his excellency the governor" to the legislature with such recommendations as his judgment dictated. At the conclusion of the present College session, the professorships of modern and ancient languages were to be combined in a professor of languages, with a competent professor elected to the chair and assisted by an adjunct professor; "until it shall be found desirable to the interest of the college, there shall be no distinct chair of ancient languages. " It was now expected that the Professor of Agri- culture should be able to instruct in practical field work as well as in theoretical agriculture, 397

and that the duties of said professor shall require him to instruct his scholars as fully as practicable in the nature and composition of soils, and their analyses and relations to special products in the cultivation of fruit and forest trees, and all the other practical matters connected with products of the soil cultivated for profit, and in pursuit of this object he shall, not less than three times per week take his scholars into the grounds in cultivation in the college enclosure and by practical application teach all the elements of husbandry, and have them give such personal attention and practice as will enable them to become practical farmers, with a knowledge of the advantages which scientific research and analysis, tested by practice, have already given to agriculture. Appointment of a professor of languages and a professor of agriculture would be held in June, and announcements of such appointments would be made through the press. President Gathright was required to see that the farm superintendent prepared an additional fifty acres for cultivation in the spring. Any student desiring to pay either part or all of his expenses was to have assigned the size tract that his time would permit him to cultivate. Crops ready for market would be sold under the authority of the Professor of Agriculture and the student credited on the College books with the proceeds, minus the deduction of the customary charges for the use and feed of the College- owned animals. In order to carry out the terms of the preceding resolution, the Professor of Agriculture, with the President's advice, was to secure suitable mules to be used in field work at the best market terms. Either the Professor of Agriculture or the farm superintendent was to instruct the students "in the best mode of feeding, caring for and working said mule to keep him in efficient 36 working condition. " Repeated references had been made ever since its establishment that the Agricultural and Mechanical College serve as the nucleus of the State University, perhaps not made by those with enough influence to be taken seriously, but serious enough to aggravate the University's warmest supporters, impatient of further delay in the establishment of the University. Many, including Roberts, considered such a proposal not only heresy but downright anathema; the College was a usurper, both in the state's affections and in its claim to being a branch of the University of Texas according to the Constitution of 1876. With the increasing popularity of the College in 1877 and the possibility that a part of the University Fund might be used to enlarge and support the College, University supporters began to speak out. At the same time, denominational colleges also felt threatened. Governor Roberts used the jealousy of the religious schools in his attempt to make thc College become what he thought the law intended, a manual labor school.

One such occasion to help the Governor gain a greater voice in educational affairs was provided at a convention of

36,"Report of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas to the Legislature, " in J L of th S t f th S' t th ~L' L t f th State of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 210-211. 399 teachers in Mexia in the summer of 1878. Using all the means at his disposal, Governor Roberts was the most effective politician to hold the governorship since the Civil War, and perhaps the most effective since Texas had become a state. He had a wide acquaintance in Texas politics, the ability to take advantages of circumstances to achieve his goals, as well as the determination to make and carry out decisions. Governor Roberts called for a teachers convention to be held in Austin on January 28, 1879, to help perfect a plan for a state educational system. It was the first time in Texas that a governor had asked teachers to assemble; all previous governors and legislatures had ignored teachers. Roberts was concerned that for half a century a state university had been only a dream, and the system of public education determined upon in 1839 had never been developed. Two weeks after Roberts' nomination for governor, "understanding these things, and that the means of the people were being wasted in a most lavish manner, not as had been originally designed, " he went to Austin in August to make a personal investigation. On the train he heard of a teachers convention in Mexia and wrote Dr. Rufus C. Burleson, of Waco University, to ask the teachers to convene at Austin during the next legislative session to make recommendations to the legislature as to reforms that needed to 400

37 38 be made. The Galveston ~Dail News thought that Texas had the poorest public schools on the entire continent in spite of the fact that millions of acres had been set apart for educational purposes. Meeting for three days, with William C. Crane, President of Baylor University, as president of the convention, the delegates voted to recommend an appropriation to begin a course of practical instruction in agriculture and the mechanic arts at the A. and M. College. Another committee investigated the question of establishing a University of Texas; the majority report favored the New York Plan, whereby the University Fund would be distributed to several private colleges already 39 established. The minority report favored a central

37 Governor Roberts ' Address at Sam Houston Normal Institute, in Galveston ~Dail News, June 17, 1881. 38 January 23, 1879. 39 According to Rufus C. Burleson, the convention recommended that every chartered college and university which had 8100, 000 in cash invested in endowments and facilities was to be a branch of the State University, "provided nothing sectarian in religion or any skepticism shall be taught in connection with any of said branches. " The governing body would be a Board of Regents; the Governor would appoint a chancellor to be confirmed by the Senate; in turn, he would "sacredly and wisely distribute the annual interest of the University Fund to all the branches of the University for the payment of professors according to the actual capital owned and employed by them in education. " This plan would be economical since the state would not have to provide buildings; it would "bind all sections and denominations in love and sympathy and enthusiasm for "'The State University. '" All sectarianism and skepticism would be removed from higher education and culture. The establishment of such a system would arouse the "hopes and stimulate the zeal of all sections and denominations so that in twenty-five years Texas will have facilities for 401 university, and this idea was thought to have the support 40 of most of the delegates. A committee of six, including Crane, Oscar H. Cooper, Milton Cooper, W. C. Rote, T. L. Norwood, and Rufus C. Burleson, was appointed to present the convention' s recommendations to the legislature, among them the recommendation of a $20, 000 appropriation for the A. and N. College to establish a course of practical 41 instruction in agriculture. However, before the commrttee made its recommendat ions on February 12, a bill which was accompanied by a petition from the State Grange, had already been introduced in the House calling for an appropriation of $20, 000 to the College to aid instruction in 42 agriculture and in the related natural sciences. higher education unsurpassed by any State in America, or the world. " In addition, it would end the jealousies and rivalries of various sections and denominational colleges "ruined so many splendidly endowed State Uni- that had " 't . S 1* ( S. ), Th L f d W~t' f Rufus C. Burleson, 376-378. 40 Galveston ~Dail News, January 29-30, 1879. Those who disagreed with Burleson believed that Texas did not need district colleges as feeders but needed a great university. "The people felt grated at the necessary preferment, on account of superior education, of young men and women from other States to fill the higher positions for teaching. in their own schools and colleges, and the success of the detri- superiorly educated persons from other States to " ment of their own less educated sons and daughters. Lane, ~Ht. of th ~U' 't f T, 2g. 41„"Recommendations of the State Teachers ' Convention to the Legislature, " included in Journal of the House of R t t' f th S' t th ~L' 1 t of th St t of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 345. 42 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Six- t th L~lt of th St t of 2, R g. S * . , 122. 402

43 The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman thaught the

"elaborate rcport" of Dr. Burleson, which was supported by Dr. Crane, would use the University Fund to provide "public relief for third-rate denominational colleges" and would provoke even greater rivalry. In a letter, "The University

We Must Have, " the author related the story of Crane and Burleson, the "two lions" of the Baptist Church who were unable to roam peacefully in the same forest until Thomas S. Gathright came roaring into the state, an event that led to a rapid reconciliation between the two. The two would gobble land and "interest" for their "universities" but would crush out Gathright and the A. and M. College since two hundred fifty students at the College represented two hundred fifty assets from their universities, ample reason that Gathright "must be crushed. " However, facts revealed the "absurdity" of the New York plan, and the sooner the foundation was laid for an institution worthy 44 of the name University of Texas, the better.

43 January 31, 1879. 44 Pruis to the Editor, ibid. , February 4, 1879. It is quite likely that Presidents Gathright and Crane had known one another in Mississippi since both had been connected with educational interests there before coming to Texas. Crane had been president of Mississippi Female College from 1851-57, and of Semple Broaddus College in 1859-60. He was a co-founder and President of the Mississippi Historical Association. Coming to Texas, in 1863, at the age of forty- seven, he was President of Baylor University for twenty-two years and through vigorous efforts revived the school following the Civil War. In 1867 he addressed the Texas Legislature to advocate the establishment of the University 403

Not all of thc newspaper concern was unfriendly to 45 thr A. and M. College. The Marshall Herald had interviewed a number of parents whose sons attended the College and were all satisfied; they regarded discipline "not only as unex- ceptionable but, as excellent, " the faculty capable as

shown by students' achievements, and the expenses about half that of colleges outside the state. The Herald wondered what intelligent person would ask for more. The

Galveston ~Dail News, however, noted the Herald's failure to mention the "ostensible objects" of the College, which 46 were agriculture and mechanics. The Fairfield Recorder favored legislative assistance to make the College a first- class state college, but believed money would be "almost thrown away" in trying to create a practical farm worked by

the students since many students went to College to avoid working at home, and it would be fruitless to make them do farm labor while at school. Governor Roberts informed the legislature that when

of Texas. Handbook of Texas, I, 431-432. Rufus C. Burle- son, born in 1823, graduated from a seminary in Kentucky in 1847 and volunteered for missionary work in Texas. In 1851 he became President of Baylor University and in 1861 became head of Waco University, which united with Baylor University in 1886, Ibid. , 250. Crane's son, a graduate of West Point, was Commandant at the Texas A. and M. College from 1882-83. Galveston ~Dail News, December 31, 1893. 45 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, February 2, 1879. 46 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, February 19, 1879. 404 the liberal donation had been made to the University forty years ago, "it could hardly have been anticipated that at this remote period there would be no university in Texas. " Should the policy of selling land in small parcels with low valuations on long credit continue, it would be another twenty years before Texas had a university, "when its founders and most of their children shall have disappeared from the stage of action. " Should the legislature take the steps he recommended, Texas would have a university in a few years. Continuing, he explained the federal law that had created the A. and M. College and the provision in the State Constitution for its direction and support and "in which the pupils were to be supported and taught agriculture and the mechanic arts practically and scientifically, for the purpose of increasing the skilled labor in the country, which seems to be the object mainly contemplated by the convention in making the institution at Bryan a branch of the University of Texas, " which would be located by popular vote. Prior to its designation as a branch in the Constitution, a law for its organization had already been passed March 9, 1875, and assigned the interest on the Endowment Fund to pay directors' expenses and the salaries of officers and professors of the College. As president of the Board, Governor Roberts was requested to communicate to the legislature the resolutions made at the January meeting, along with a report of the history and condition of the College. Their resolutions revealed a "direction 405 more in harmony" with the Constitutional provision for instruction in agriculture and the related sciences, which he believed "is obviously intended to be its sphere of " action in and as part of the University of Texas. He said "certain unquestionable facts . . . should be borne in mind. " Congress could not have intended to donate land to establish agricultural and mechanical colleges to teach literary and scientific education, but rather to educate skilled laborers, as they are taught in Europe, and thereby secure skilled labor at home, instead of importing it from abroad as has always been heretofore done to a very large extent, from the earliest settlement of this continent by Europeans; that those who are highly educated in literature and the sciences generally are seldom found to spend their lives between the plow handles, or in the work shop or otherwise, where such learning is or can be made contributory to the elevation or improvement of labor; that we lack in Texas skilled laborers more than men learned in literature and science that fit them for and induce them to follow the learned professions. Agriculture was and would continue to be the leading interest in Texas, and "mechanic arts should be encouraged to come in aid of it; it is certain that those who will practically follow those pursuits will not graduate in colleges of general learning, for they will not be able to pay their

way there. " Neither would the Negroes be helped by the fund, intended for their benefit as well as for whites, if they had to pay the college expenses of their children. The productivity of Texas would be greatly increased, perhaps doubled, without an increase in either numbers or capital if practical scientific knowledge could be taught those "who do 406 and will follow those pursuits through life. " National wealth and individual prosperity would increase and the "dignity of labor" would be enhanced. In order to enable the Board to further harmonize the direction of the College with the Constitutional provision, "which is equally if not more imperative than a legislative direction prescribed by a law enacted, " Roberts recommended that the law which directed the spending of the interest be repealed and a new law made authorizing the directors to expend it "for the endowment, support and maintainance of the college" according to the Norrill Act and the Texas Constitution. Governor Roberts said he "would cheerfully make other recommendations including appropriations to promote" the College's interests if he did not believe present financial conditions prohibited it. As for the Negro college, whose problems seemed greater than those of Texas A. and N. College, he recommended the college be leased for the year until the Board "could secure pupils to be taught in it. " Governor Roberts assured the legislators he had thorougly examined into the A. and M. College's management and present condition. I must say, on behalf of the directors and faculty, and especially on behalf of its president, that their conduct deserved the highest commendation for the extraordinary efforts successfully made by them with the means at their command, to promote the best interests of the college under, and in pursuance of the law of the Legislature under which it was organized, and has been carried on up to this time. 407

Further in his message, Governor Roberts referred to the College again when comparing the costs for students in the deaf and dumb and blind institutions. He declared it cost $200 annually to maintain each student in these institutions, the same amount as that paid by a student 47 at the A. and M. College. The report of the Board of Directors pointed out that the interest on the Endowment Fund for the past year had amounted to $14, 280, while professors' salaries had required $17, 400; an annual expenditure of $3, 120 in excess of the interest had been required and secured from matriculation fees. Once the reduction in faculty salaries made at the January meeting was put into effect, salaries would require only $13, 500 while the interest would yield the same amount. The Board was pleased with the improvement and development of students, and was assured that with legislative assistance, a great state institution could be built up to foster state pride and patriotism, which had been their hope. No boy in Texas with "good habits" and

47„ "Message from Governor O. M. Roberts to the Legis- lature, " in Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the S' t th ~L' 1 t f th St t f T, R g. S* 262 —265, 284. Clarence Ousley has said in his history of the college that Roberts was a "statesman and a jurist of distinction, whose memory is justly revered in Texas, and it is no reflection upon his intelligence that he failed to understand the comprehensive and profound destiny of technical education; he was a type of the times. " The persistent concept that the land grant system had been designed to train and educate laborers on farms and in shops remained in political circles and in the minds of most of the people fo q t o t' . C 1 y, H~t f th A~At 1 ' d M h 1 ~C11 f T, 53. 408 who could afford the small yearly cost should be rejected and should be provided "any class of education, from the " preparatory to the highest grades known to universities. However, such education could not be achieved without an appropriation for adequate buildings and apparatus and a library, all of which were indispensable and urgently needed. The Board assured the legislature that it was aware of the necessity of teaching agriculture and mechanics as well as providing liberal and practical education of the industrial classes "in the several pursuits and professions of life. " The daily expenses, coupled with the urgent need of barracks and cisterns, had "pressed so closely upon receipts, indeed anticipated them" that only limited improvements had been possible. The College needed more land enclosed, workshops, machinery, farm implements, mules, etc. , to provide systematic and practical instruction in agriculture and mechanics as well as opportunity for those who desired to work to pay their expenses. Admittedly, students had not enrolled in agricultural and mechanical courses, but with attractive facilities the Board had no doubt that students would be attracted. The Board was proud of its accomplishments; it had practiced the closest economy and had twice reduced the professors' salaries. Recognizing "the great work is not half done" and could only be carried out with additional legislative aid, "yet we want it fully understood that the 409 college is self-supporting as it is--more than self-supporting. " Help was needed to provide permanent improvements required by a great educational institution to carry out its mission. The Board pointed out the building of a "substantial plank fence" enclosing 160 acres, the breaking and cultivating of 50 acres, the planting of 1, 000 apple trees, most in good condition, and of ornamental shrubs and trees for landscape purposes. While the Board did not deny failure to carry out the main objects, it hoped its successors would be given adequate means. Had it been able to use the money spent on dormitories for agricultural development, it might have done much more, but without dorms, it would not have had students, and without students no great state institution could be built up. Furthermore, students who had enrolled in the College had not demanded instruction in agriculture and mechanics, even though the Board was aware that in the South the learned professions were overcrowded while its people lacked skill and knowledge in agriculture and mechanics that brought prosperity. In defense of military training, the Board pointed out that it was required and cost the state nothing. A military instructor was provided and paid by the government, which also provided arms. The Commandant also taught a class in math and was valuable in the enforcement of military discipline, "undoubtedly greatly beneficial in inculcating deportment and systematic action through life. " 410

The Board explained the reason for abolishing the office of steward as an economic move to provide additional College housing and savings to increase the available College fund, which had materially increased and was used to pay "now virtually extinguished" debts. Results, financial "and otherwise, " had justified the Board's judgment. The Board concluded by asking a joint committee to investigate carefully the management of the College and to verify the Board's report. The College's facilities needed enlarging; another permanent dormitory building was needed; there was a need for a library, for laboratories, workshops and machinery, and for agricultural facilities, 48 all of which would require a legislative appropriation.

When Governor Roberts took office in 1879 there was a deficiency in the general revenue of the state of $300, 000. The ad valorem tax rate was at the constitutional maximum of fifty cents per $100 evaluation for all purposes: thirty-seven and a half for general and twelve and one-half cents for school purposes. Governor Roberts proposed to reduce expenses $100, 000, issue state bonds for $200, 000, 49 and impose and increase the collection of special taxes.

48 "Report of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College to the Legislature, " in Journal of thS t ftl S' t*th~L'1t f thStt f Texas, Reg. Sess. , 205-208. Speech by Charles A. Culberson, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, April 22, 1896. 411

Nost of the people were in no mood either to increase appropriations or taxes. A Republican paper pointed to the state debt of over $5f000, 000, with no sinking fund, and an annual deficit of $300, 000. It complained that taxes were higher than ever before. "Everything that can be called property is taxed, " which included the workers' tools 50 and crops, "besides an unjust occupation tax. "

A resolution in the Senate on January 30 authorized a committee to visit the College. The education committee substituted another resolution on February 5 to authorize a joint committee of two senators and three representatives

to be appointed by the presiding officers of the two legislative branches to visit the College, carefully examine its condition and management, and "to report whether it is in truth, an agricultural and mechanical college, " as well as

make needed suggestions. Qn February 22, the Senate adopted 51 the latter resolution. In the meantime, the education committee of the House had favorably reported a bill to appropriate 815, 000 to provide machinery and equipment for the agriculture and 52 mechanics departments at the College. A proposal was also made in the House to establish a printing office in

50 San Antonio Freie Presse, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, February 12, 1879. 51 J 1 of th f t of th 1' t th ~L' 1 t f the State of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 157, 188, 348. 52 Galveston ~Dail News, February 15, 1879. 412

53 connection with the College and have state work done there. 54 The Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman seized upon the idea and thought it would be "well enough" to teach printing. If "the press made as much noise about the word 'agricultural' prefixed to 'college, ' as used at Bryan, there woulc be a weekly newspaper, " with editors who knew how to discharge both mechanical and literary duties. On February 27 the House changed the Senate joint resolution to appoint a visiting committee to a concurrent one, which was adopted 55 and committee members appointed. Th T ~f*11 ' p*td th ' 1 f th visiting committee on March 3 when the cadets were awakened "by the beat of the alarming drum" and marched to the depot to meet the committee. Although they were disappointed at finding no visitors on the train, the cadets were invig- orated by the early morning walk. However, soon after study call, the "watchful eye" of the Officer of the Day spotted a carriage nearing the College from the direction of Bryan, and with the "long roll" the corps again turned out in full uniform to welcome the visitors. The "booming of cannon and the roaring of musketry" accompanied the committee from the gate to the Main Building where they were met by the President, The corps was then assembled in

53 Ibid. , February 18, 1879. 54 February 23, 1879. 55 1* 1 f th d t f th d' t th ~L' 1 t of the State of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 401. 413 the chapel and was presented to the committee, which left on the 4 o' clock train after completing its investiga— tion. 56

Originally March 4 had been fixed as the date for the legislature's election of six directors for the College, but on March 4 a resolution postponed the election until March 10, when the visiting committee would have returned and made its report. On March 8 the report stated that after a "thorough" examination, the committee concluded that the College reflected credit upon the state as well as the management and faculty. The committee found one hundred sixty-seven students in attendance. After examining the College's facilities as well as the type and methods of instruction and discipline, the committee concluded that the Board and faculty had tried to make the College what the Morrill Act said it should be and what the Texas law had provided: a college where 'the leading object shall be, without excluding other scientific and classical studies and including military tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanic arts. ' It has been avowedly not the intention of the board of directors to make the college a manual labor school, but to use the practical farming carried on in connection with the college as a field of illustration of those branches of learning related to agriculture in the college. The College was lacking a "greatly needed" chemical laboratory or the scientific equipment necessary to teach

56 T ~C11 ', I (M h, 1879), p. 4. 4l4 scientific principles basic to agricultural and mechanical education. It was "destitute" of reference works in general learning and literature; students were forced to use textbooks and lectures by professors alone. The committee was "satisfied" that military tactics provided good exercise, promoted "order and propriety of conduct, " and protected the diligent student at study time as well. The commit-

tee's "decided opinion" was that students who intended to follow agricultural and mechanical careers also needed the advantages of taking part in debate and literary societies; "to promote proper emulation, " at least two societies should be maintained, and provision should be made for two halls seating from seventy —five to one hundred members "as soon as practicable. " All of the College facilities were good except for the hospital, which needed to be housed separately away from the daily routine and noise. Having observed and visited with faculty and students, the committee gave "unqualified approval" to the Steward's Hall operations. The committee suggested that matriculation fees and the "necessary margin of profits" on students' board could provide a small fund to be used in erecting a hospital building and establishing a nucleus of a library. The committee recommended an appropriation to be made of the interest presently in the University Fund and the interest accruing until the next legislative session in order to enable the Board to remedy the deficiencies the 415

committee had noted. The report was referred to a select committee of the Senate with instructions to report by 57 appropriate bills or otherwise as soon as possible.

New Board members were elected on March 10. E. B. Pickett was re-elected without opposition, as was a new 58 member, George Pfeuffer, of New Braunfels. Incumbent A. J. Peeler won re-election by a sixteen vote margin over his only competitor. Charles DeMorse was renominated, but received only eighteen of the one hundred fourteen votes cast, and Senator H. W. Lyday, one of his two opponents, was elected on the first ballot. Thomas M. Scott had one opponent and was defeated by a vote of seventy-six to 59 thirty-eight on the first ballot by J. K. Dixon. Four

57„ the Legisla- "Report of the Visiting Committee of " ture to the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, Jo 1 of tt S t *f tt* S' t tt L~*' L t of the State of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 382, 459, 509-510, 513. 58 George Pfeuffer had been born in Bavaria in 1830 and immigrated with his family to Texas in 1845. The family lost most of its belongings in a shipwreck. Pfeuffer became a clerk in New Braunfels until 1846, when he was employed by Henry L. Kinney, a land speculator in Corpus Christi, who had plans to establish a new type of government in Nicarauga. Moving back to New Braunfels in 1861, Pfeuffer joined a firm which lost heavily in the war. He then organized a merchandise firm with his brother; he later purchased a sawmill in Northeast Texas and established several lumber yards along the International and Great Northern Railroad. In 1877 he was elected Comal County judge and was elected to the Sixteenth Legislature. Handbook of Texas, II, 371. 59 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, July 25, 1879, called Dixon an "enthusiastic friend" of the College, faculty, and management. 416 legislators were nominated for B. H. Davis' place, who was no longer in the legislature; on the third ballot John W. 60 Durant was elected by a majority of four votes. Some- time later Governor Roberts denied that he had had any influence on the Board's election since those who supported him in an attempt to put the agricultural and mechanical features into effect "were left out and others put in 61 their places. "

On March 12 the special committee appointed to consider the report of the visiting committee recommended that $15, 000 be appropriated to enlarge the agricultural and mechanical facilities, the money to come from the interest on the University Fund; such an appropriation was "eminently proper" since the Texas Constitution had made the College a branch of the University. An amendment, which was lost, reveals the interest some legislators had in retaining as high a degree of scholarship as possible: that the theory of agriculture, involving instruction in the elements and peculiarities of soils, the constituents of plants, the chemical properties, the effect and value of fertilizers in relation to the previous forms of vegetable growth, with such practical illustrations in the laboratory, garden, field and experimental work-shop as may be made without interfering with the prosecution of thorough courses of study, may be more efficiently taught in said College.

60 Journal of the House of Re resentatives of the Six- t th ~L' L t f th St t f f, R g. S 697-702. 61 O. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 5, 1879. 417

The aopropriation bill, passed in the Senate by a vote of twenty-two to one, with four not voting, but was lost in 62 the House on March 21. While the politicians were debating the future of the College, day to day routine was still the main concern of the students. The Governor had written Gathright concerning a student who wanted to enter the College in mid-March. Gathright sent the Sovernor a catalogue and said, although he would like to have students, it was a costly time to enter since an entire uniform would have to be bought at $40. In addition, board would cost $36 for the remainder of the term. President Gathright had asked permission to keep a manuscript sent by Roberts for a longer time in order to examine several points which he had found useful, 63 to which Roberts acquiesced. ' ' fl d't f th I ~C11 pl d th t h

did not understand why students did not make more contributions to the paper since one of the "prime objects" of its establishment was to help students improve their composi- " tion. An article, "Profanity, was written under the nom de ~lume of "Achates. " It proudly summarized the report of

62 I 2 f th 5* t f th 5' t th 5~1 t. of the State of Texas, Reg. Sess. , 567, 657, 673, 1055. 63 O. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, March 17, 1879, O. M Roberts Papers, University of Texas Archives. The manuscript referred to was part of Roberts' description and history of Texas that was later included in ' d h ~H' f 7-325. Hoot ( d. ), to I, II, 418 the visiting committee, which had praised the mess hall as one of the finest in the state. The editor continued, "Only those who were here last year can appreciate the improvement. We have cleanly white waiters, altogether.

We have no accidents. We have biscuit for breakfast, 64 'cush' every day and delicacies that last year were only 'an idle school-boy's dream. '" The editors also thought improvement had been made in the agriculture department. Professor Martin began a class in agriculture on February 14 and conducted it with "marked ability. " Two or three days a week were devoted to classroom lectures, and the remainder of the time was spent in the field where students took notes on how farming operations were conducted. Pleased to see the farm "progressing so well" under the supervision of Charles Wallace, who seemed to be fully competent and the "man that we have been in need of ever since the opening of the College, " the editors noted his use of and familiarity with labor-saving implements and his willingness to answer all questions that students asked as well as his explanations concerning their operation.

' 0 g' g ot, tt ~cll o gl d tt

64 The Battalion, III (June, 1896), stated that all the cadets of '77 knew that Cadet Edward B. Cushing gave rise to the word "cush, " both on account of his name and physical appearance. College slang developed from the start and included such other terms as "pony, fox, goose egg, and g 1 1 ~H' t 1 g A. d M. ~C11 17. g, 419 the arrival of the Calliopean Society' s library and the presentation of a "number of select volumes" by Harper

Brothers. New cadet rifles had also arrived. They were bronzed and much lighter than the old army muskets and would appear at Sunday's inspection. A matter of Mcon- siderable importance" was the proposal that an oratorical contest for a medal at commencement be conducted as an interesting feature since only through such an award could sufficient interest be created in "this most important and neglected branch of Texas education. " Other colleges "of any pretensions" held such a contest. Although the price of the medal would be nominal, the editor believed it should come from some other source, such as one of the "many wealthy citizens of Bryan" or some other part of the state; the two societies were already devoting their " efforts to making additions to their "meager library. Possibly, the Board or faculty might like to help. The

' ' ~C11 h d h f 1 ll g f ll p g of 65 advertising space. fl C~ll ' 1 * d th t 9 f 8 gg one of the vice-presidents of the National Education Asso- ciation, which would convene at Philadelphia in July. Hogg, a very outgoing sort of person who had become very popular with the people of Bryan, wrote Governor Roberts in April concerning a ruling by the Attorney General during Governor

65 9 ~C11 ', I (M h, 1879) 420

Hubbard's administration which held that the College professors were considered state officers and were required to secure the Governor's permission to leave the state, even for visits. In order to comply with this ruling, Hogg requested Roberts' permission to attend conventions of the National Teachers Association and the American Association for the Advancement of Science. As a member of many years, he was "most happy to say or do anything to further the 66 great and pressing cause of Industrial Education. " In a short note Governor Roberts replied that he had no 67 authority to grant such leave, to which Hogg promptly responded to thank him for his "prompt decision" in the requested leave of absence and to express the hope it would "relieve the necessity and inconvenience of corres— 68 pondence hereafter. " The series of communications indicates the good mail service available at College Station, at least from Austin, if the correspondents acted promptly.

Hogg did attend the convention during the summer. Shortly after he found correspondence with Roberts unnecessary and

inconvenient, Hogg wrote newly-elected director George Pfeuffer, stating that their relations to one another and

66 Alex [ander J Hogg to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, April 12, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 67 O. M. Roberts to Alex[anderj Hogg, Austin, Texas, April 15, 1879, in ibid. 68 Alex[anderj Hogg to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, April 17, 1879, in ibid. 421 to the College led him to send Pfeuf fer a copy of his pamphlet, Industrial Education, with a brief explanation of the various chapters. At its last meeting the Board had inaugurated reform, and Hogg's suggestions, "if adhered to" would help achieve the reform. He concluded by saying that he wished to become "better acquainted" with Pfeuffer and requested that he stay with him during com- 69 mencement ceremonies. 70 In mid-March the Mexia Ledceer, whose editor was both an agriculturist and a member of the legislature, stated that the legislature was spending much of its time trying to create a manual labor department for the A. and M.

' ' Co ll g . N t' g th 'r ~c*11 p t th g 71 culture department, the Galveston ~Dail News thought Brazos County did "not appear to have any beggars at the door, " and presumed "everything is lovely and the altitu- dinous goose is elevated" now at the College. The Brazos Pilot 72 called the Galveston editor's attention to the fact that a man from Grimes County sent two of his sons to the

A. and M. College and one to Sewanee University in Tenn- essee, and the two at the College had cost less than the

69 Alex [ander) Hogg to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, May 5, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuf- fer, Texas A&M University Archives. 70 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, March 11, 1879. 71 Galveston ~Dail News, March 25 and April 1, 1879. 72 Quoted in ibid. 422 one at Sewanee. Some of the newspaper editors believed the "ostensible attempt" made by the Board and the legislature to add practical agriculture to the College course " was "throwing tubs to the whale. Stating that the legislature had "stultified itself" by appropriating $15, 000 73 ' ' 1'd to b y g lt 1 pl t, th ~D' f B continued,

But we notice these nice students at the college don't propose to handle implements themselves. Oh no! They will stand off with kid gloves on and learn agriculture by seeing someone else do the work. Bah! If Texas proposes to teach sons the art of farming in this fashion--it had better quit business. A young man who merely looks at a farm that cost thousands of dollars, and where the improved machinery to run it cost $15, 000, will learn precious little useful to him when he gets his mule and settles down to his 40 acres.

73 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, April 23, 1879. 423

CHAPTER XI

A NEW DIRECTION: A TIME OF CRISIS

It is certain that by the time the legislature closed its session at the end of March, Governor Roberts had both a clear understanding of his own intended course of action and the use of Texas politics to attain his objective, as well as the self-assurance and political support he needed 1 to put his plan into effect. First of all, he wanted a "pay as you go" policy since he did not believe it was right to levy on future generations. He wanted to be certain to have enough money derived from taxation to pay the ordinary current expenses without accumulating a deficiency and to prevent Tfeasury warrants from being issued and sold at a discount, as such practice had occurred 2 for many years in the past. He had inherited a state debt of $5, 500, 000, which had arisen mainly during the Repub- lican expansion of government activities under Governor Davis and had been aggravated by a partial taxpayers' strike in 1871, as well as the appropriation in 1874 of large sums

1 Governor Roberts sometime later wrote part of the history of Texas for Dudley Wooten's history of the state, "the first comprehensive outline of the political, legislative, and judicial history of Texas ever written who has seen and known the composed by one personally " greater part of what he has related. Wooten (ed. ), ~Com re- ' h ~H' to f Z, ZI, 325. 2 Ibid. , 237. 424

3 for Texas veterans of the 1836 Revolution. There was " good reason for calling Governor Roberts the "Old Al calde, as he was more popularly known; the term was a Spanish one given to the most important person in the municipality, who 'tt oot o11 d tt p*1't' 1 od 1o g tt ~d, economic affairs of the town and had power to do anything 4 that promoted its welfare. Governor Roberts' support came chiefly from landowning farmers who paid most of the taxes, potential land speculators, opponents of public schools or Negro education, and partisans of private or church schools. In 1879 he vetoed an appropriations bill which would have provided one-fourth of the state ad valorem tax revenue be used to maintain public schools and thereby forced a 5 reduction in the state appropriation. Secondly, Governor Roberts wanted the University of Texas established in his own lifetime, preferably as soon as possible. The idea was not a new one, but as governor he was now in a position to do something about it. He wanted a University which would equal or rival that in any other state, and in particular, a place where Texas could

3 Barr, Reconstruction to Reform, 78. 4 Handbook of Texas, I, 25. As both police and judge, the alcalde had the duty to apprehend and then try those charged, a policy that Governor Roberts would follow towards the A. and N. College in the coming months. 5 Barr, Reconstruction to Re form, 78. 425 educate its own lawyers. Professor Roberts had taught law, agriculture, and scientific bookkeeping at the Gilmer School in his career as a teacher following the Civil War, but he thought more highly of those who followed law than 6 any other calling. As a boy in Alabama, he had lived near a county seat and attended court, where he heard others discuss the merits and status of lawyers; as a result, he "had conceived the idea they were a class of men superior to others who followed other pursuits. " Standing in the way of the University's organization was the Agricultural and Mechanical College, with its complex relationship to the University. Some men of importance had proposed that the College should do the work of the University until finances permitted the establishment of the "first-class University" which had been envisioned for the state. Governor Roberts recognized the College as a distinct threat, or at least a distracting nuisance, since the proposal had been made to appropriate the accruing interest of the University Fund to the College for the next two years, and twenty-two of the twenty-seven senators had approved this expedient in lieu of making an

6 "Announcement for Gilmer School, " November 20, 1867, Q. M. Roberts Papers, University of Texas Archives. Profes- sor Roberts was "Professor of Law, Agriculture, and Scien- tific Bookkeeping"; students taking agriculture would pay 630 extra and were taught by means of lectures on agriculture with accompanying maps. 7 R. S. Walker, "Oran M. Roberts, " in ibid. 426 appropriation from the general revenue. Opposition to a tax-financed appropriation by the legislature was a long- time, ingrained practice, and Texans, with their large land endowment for education, abhorred the idea. With such an appropriation from the University Fund setting a precedent, the continual expansion of the College in supplying facilities for technical education, in such demand throughout the country, as well as its corresponding academic expansion and status as the only state-supported college, would lead to an ever-increasing enrollment. The expenses of providing for costly permanent improvements would be even greater in the College's rural setting. Its needs would continually siphon off the available University Fund as rapidly as it accumulated. Governor Roberts thus realized clearly that the College, as he interpreted the law, had to be drastically restricted to teaching agriculture and mechanics in a manual labor school complex. After completion of his term as governor, Roberts became a law professor at the University of Texas, where he gave an address at the University and "brought up the same charges against " the . . . College . . . time and time again. The College was designed to educate boys "in the theory and practice of agriculture and nothing else" since the Constitution "plainly" stated that it was designed "for instruction in agriculture, the mechanic arts, and the natural sciences connected therewith. " Instead, a College had been organized in which "boys were being taught at the expense of the State 427

Latin, Greek, French and all such stuff as that, when the intention of the thing was to teach them agriculture —-how to farm. " Roberts had been told by many when the College was being organized that it could not be made an agricultural institution; "they intimated to him that boys who went to school are too good to work, but he thought different. " Instead of learning anything about agriculture, students "are being educated for lawyers and doctors, and the old Commoner thought it an outrage and a shame to run " 8 such a sham at the expense of the State. With his course of action determined, Governor

Roberts on May 12 issued a proclamation calling for a special session of the legislature on June 10 to consider, among other things, both the Agricultural and Mechanical College and the University of Texas problems. The University Fund had accumulated almost $500, 000, but the University still had 1, 200, 000 acres of land to sell, and he urged the legislature to provide a more expeditious means for selling University lands in order that in some reasonable time in the future a state university may be established, which has already been deferred forty years, since the donation of fifty leagues of land to it, and may be deferred forty more under the present mode of selling and not selling lands.

8 " Langston, "The Li fe of Colonel R. T. Milner, Rosalind ' 9 tt t 9 t 1 ~Qt 1, XL19 (AP '1, 1941), p. 441. Robert T. Milner was later elected to the legislature and to the presidency of the Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1908 and served until 1913. 428

In addition, he wanted to amend the law which had organized the A. and M. College in order to permit the Board to use the interest on the endowment to pay for other purposes than the salaries of professors and officers and the expenses of the Board so that the College would be made "more conformable to the design of said institution, for the education of skilled labor in agriculture and mechanic arts. " 9 It became quite clear that Governor Roberts was no friend of the Agricultural and Mechanical College as it then existed and that he did not plan to help enlarge the facilities except to the limit of a minimum standard needed for a "manual labor school. " Alarmed, President Gathright wrote the Governor concerning his special call of the legislature and his plan to change the Act of 1875 that

9 Galveston ~Dail News, May 13, 1879. In an article Roberts wrote in 1890, he said his "position remained un- changed that the college had to conform" to the provisions of the Morrill Act and "especially" to the Texas Constitu- tion that made the College a branch of the University and specifically indicated the type of learning to be taught. He thought if "some learned member of the legislature" read the College curriculum and compared it with the academic department of the University, he might decide the legislature had created two universities. 0. M. Roberts, "Texas and Education, " in the Galveston ~Dail News, June 18, 1890. the Eleventh Biennial ~Re ort of the Interestingly enough, ' 9 D~t t 8 Ed t'* 1898, 1 , d*d tt t the mechanical department of the A. and M. College should be transferred to the University of Texas, "where mechanical education and scientific research should fully meet the the duplica- demands of the age. There is no necessity for " tion of this scientific work at the two institutions. Such a combination would be in the interest of science as well as of economy. 429 governed the College and provided the manner in which the endowment interest should be spent. Although he did not want to be antagonistic, Gathright pointed out that the endowment interest was at present an insufficient amount to pay the professors' salaries. Gathright himself was simply the instrument of carrying out the Board's policy; however, he had proposed to Governor Hubbard that an experimental farm be established. Gathright was "well apprised of the fact that prominence should be given to the agricultural feature of instruction, but not more so than to the mechanic arts, and that provision should be made to accomplish that object. " Since the legislature had made ro appropriation, the Governor's proclamation seemed to suggest a change in the course of study and in the faculty, and it was for this reason Gathright had "ventured to inquire. " President Gathright observed that for a trial of twenty-five years, the state's private colleges had evidently failed to meet the public's demand for education since more Texans were educated outside of the state than within. As further evidence, he pointed out that within three years, the Agricultural and Mechanical College had surpassed the private colleges, while at the same time it had received harsh criticisms, "based, not on any knowledge of facts, but upon suggestions of interest" from sectarian colleges. An excellent beginning had been made at the 430

College, and Gathright was "anxious to co-operate with Your Excellency in all your efforts to carry out the objects of the College, to the full measure of legal requirement and reasonable public expectation. " The College was "in a crisis. " "Newspaper squibs" and legislative proceedingS had left the students disturbed, and some had gone so far as to mention going out of state unless College policy was more clearly defined. The faculty felt "insecure" and were "anxious" about the College's future. Gathright concluded by expressing his respect and consideration with wishes for the Governor's good health and happiness and that his administration would develop the state while contributing to Roberts' own "tranquility and to the benefits of mankind. " Gathright referred to Roberts as "your Excellency" no less than five times, 10 either as a mark of awe or of trepidation. Governor Roberts promptly responded in an eight-page letter to explain his views based on the Congressional law and the Texas Constitution, which "construed" that law and were explained in a pamphlet by Peeler. The "express terms" of the Constitution required agricultural and mechanical education taught practically to increase the state's skilled labor. There could be no doubt as to the purpose of the College if the "true spirit" of both documents were applied; 10 Thomas S. Gathright to 0. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, May 17, 1879, in Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. 431 however, there would be differences of opinion as to how that should and could be done. Some held that teaching the natural sciences and general branches of learning with their adaptation to agriculture and the mechanic arts was best; some thought experimental methods should enforce teaching; still others believed a labor school with instruction in the natural sciences directly relating to agriculture and the mechanic arts was best. If the labor school idea were adopted, the state would have to pay students' board and tuition, which was impossible. Governor Roberts thought that requiring every student to enroll in either or both the agricultural and mechanical departments, regardless of the other studies he chose, would cause the College to conform to the title "Agricultural and Mechanical College" and that it would conform to the federal and state law insofar as possible. The agricultural department should include a professor of agricultural sciences, adapting instruction to the practical operations of a farm, a small experimental farm, orchard and garden, all under the care of a good practical farmer with the aid of a few laborers. The mechanical department should be headed by a professor of mechanical science and be equipped properly. The interest on the Endowment Fund should properly be used "for any and everything" to give the College the direction he had outlined since that had been the intention of Congress. He had no objection to the expenditure of any funds remaining for the acquisition of general knowledge or whatever additional 432 funds the legislature might appropriate to make the " College a "high school of learning. Since the Board should have the right to apply the Endowment Fund to support and maintain the College according to the Constitution, Roberts wanted to change the law of March 9, 1875, which 11 had been passed before the Constitution was written and prohibited the Board from applying the endowment interest to both the farming operations through the hiring of laborers, to the purchase of equipment, and to the mechanical work through the purchase of machines and models, which, for the present, were to be procured from some other source, if procured at all. Of the nine professors currently on the College faculty only one could not be found in any other college, and only the word "agriculture" differentiated that one. The Governor had never been able to discover, from any of the students or otherwise, how much practical benefit had been derived from the agriculture professor's instruction. In spite of the fact, as was true in all colleges, that much of what the professors taught could be applied in agriculture and mechanic arts, the College had a specific responsibility to educate skilled labor. Governor Roberts

11 In his letter and in his inaugural address to the legislature, Governor Roberts incorrectly referred to the law as being March, 1877, in spite of the fact that he did correctly place the law as having passed before the Consti- tution of 1876 was adopted. 433 believed that if Gathright could "enter cordially into this new field of educational labor, " he would be the originator of a new type of education to benefit the masses. In conclusion, the Governor wrote that he would be pleased to have Gathright's views before the meeting of the legislature and hoped he had or could devise a plan for "this branch of the State University" so that it would conform to federal and state laws. Should the legislature continue its sessions past commencement, he would not be able to attend and participate in the Board's action, unless it adjourned to meet after the legislative session. Regarding the selection of the new Board of Directors, except for Peeler's re-election, Roberts had known nothing about the election. He had not been consulted, nor had he discussed it; he had no notice of the election and learned about it only after it began or shortly after it began. He concluded by saying he was happy to hear from President Gathright at all times. 12 Expressing relief, President Gathright wasted no time in responding to the Governor's letter; he could not recol- lect having read a letter with greater satisfaction and "fully and heartily" agreed with Roberts concerning College policy, of which Roberts had left no doubt. One point on which he differed, however, was the diversion of the

12 0. N. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, May 21, 1879, O. N. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 434 interest to the expenditures besides those which the law presently provided. Since the College already had a good academic course, which the people needed and demanded, he wanted to add to the present program by equipping the agricultural and mechanical departments through an additional appropriation. While the College had no laboratory, other states such as Illinois and Missouri had recently appropriated $40, 000 and $100, 000, respectively, to build laboratories. Leading land grant colleges in other states received two or three times as much interest from their endowments as Texas did but still received state appropriations for equipment. Although Gathright emphasized the necessity of a farm, he did not believe that any of the presently constituted departments could be denied funds

since many of the sons of farmers wanted a classical education. Until the University was organized, there would be a "positive and persistent demand for this" by all classes. Without a library, a laboratory, and proper equipment, the College could hardly perform its responsibilities. A model, experimental farm was also an imperative necessity. Without means the College had done all that it could do. It needed shops, which were expensive and could be provided in time. Gathright planned to go to Kansas, Illinois, and Michigan during the summer to observe and study their land grant colleges. Pleading with Governor Roberts to visit the College before preparing his message, he wrote, 435

I would not give the results of one day's observation, on your part, for all that can be told you. The clearness with which your Excellency states the relations of things, shows me that you have only to come and see us to take in the entire situation. I believe that your Excellency has the power to do more now than any other man has ever had in Texas. I wish to see, in after times, this College a monument to your Excel- lency. Pardon me for saying you have the wisdom to know what is right and the courage to do what is right. . . . I pray you, come and see us. We would hail your coming, because we trust in your wisdom, discretion, integrity, and courage. Let me hope that you will come. I hope the Board will not meet until you can be with them, and preside and advise. Governor Roberts replied that his purpose in calling the special session of the legislature was to take steps needed "to put all of our State Institutions in an attitude of completeness, with capacity to accomplish, in a reason- " able degree, the objects of their institution, and he was fully aware that the A. and M. College was not in that condition. He wanted to secure the maximum good from a minimum expenditure of funds since he knew the legislature would not make a large appropriation. He wanted a brief, statistical report showing the condition of the College and the requested additions needed for proper efficiency since long and well-reasoned reports were less likely to receive legislative attention. He suggested a list of items that Gathright should include to make the most favorable

13 Thomas S. Gathright to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Thomas Texas, May 24, 1879, Historical Letters File, S. Gathright, Texas A@M University Archives. 436

impression. Again, expressing doubt that he would attend the June Board meeting, he would see Peeler to consult with him before he left Austin as it was unlikely that Sayers 14 would be present as well. In a separate letter the Governor requested Gathright to perform the "gratuitious task" of preparing a report for the Negro school at Prairie 15 View since Roberts was pressed for time. Before the legislative session began, the Hillsboro 16 Bee complained that manual labor could not be combined with literary culture since a student who performed his duty was required to spend his time with textbooks. Most Texas boys learned to use their hands and muscles at home, and what they needed most was mental training. The Austin 17 ~Dail Democratic Statesman praised the prosperity and growth of the College under President Gathright as "one of the things to be wondered at" during the hard times. In his message to the extra session of the legislature, Governor Roberts asked for a change in the manner of selling University lands in order to obtain funds to establish the University of Texas in a "reasonable time" and pointed to the long delay and possibility of even further delay under the present land policy. Concerning the 14 0. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, May 30, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 15 Ibid. 16 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, June 3, 1879. 17 June 8, 1879. 437

Agricultural and Mechanical College, he wanted to amend the law of March, 1875, to allow endowment interest to be spent for other purposes than the payment of salaries to professors, officers, and Board expenses, in order to make the College conform to the law requiring the education of skilled labor. The state had built the College at "considerable expense, " and it was still incomplete in being equipped to fulfill the purposes for which it was created. In presenting President Gathright's report of the College's condition and requirements, the Governor suggested that at least a part of the endowment interest should be devoted specifically to the main objects of the donation, which had been defined in the Texas Constitution as being studies in agriculture, mechanic arts, and related natural sciences. ln that respect the College was "evidently incomplete" and also lacked a library and equipment needed for instruction. Since the state had established and provided for the College to this point, it seemed "proper" to complete it sufficiently for it to fulfill its objects "in a reasonable degree" as economically as possible. He thought it a great hindrance for the College "to be left to drag along in its inefficiency" when only a fraction of the amount required to establish it would complete it "according to the „18 original design. "

18„"Message of Governor 0. M. Roberts to the Legisla- t *, " ' J 1 f th S t of th S' t th ~L' 1 ture of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 5, 8, ll, 13, 19. 438

In his report, Gathright had provided the Governor with a brief overview of College affairs, and reported the changes made by the Board in providing state scholarships

and the schedule of student payments. He also presented the problems that had been created by the large number of students who had overburdened the College in its second year. In spite of the widespread criticism that arose concerning changes in the steward's department, the resulting economy had permitted repairs and enabled the farm to be

kept up with the savings. At present, the College had thirty-five acres in cultivation and had planted wheat, oats, millet, potatoes, and a garden, all under the charge of a superintendent of the farm and grounds with usually three or more laborers on the premises. Five hundred young

trees were on the grounds, although many more had been

planted. A number of young apple trees and a few peach trees had been planted, but a considerable number were killed when a fire swept through the high grass around them during the last winter. The College owned plows and implements of almost every kind needed for a farm, including a fine mower. Gathright described the physical facilities which had been available at the College's opening and those which had been added later without benefit of state appropriation. The seven professors and one adjunct professor would have their salaries reduced after October to $1, 800 annually, with the adjunct to receive $1, 000 and the President, 439

$2, 500 annually. The College architect, in reality nothing more than the College carpenter, was paid his salary of $600 from the Endowment Fund as well. All breakages, blacksmith accounts, furnishings, and repairs to furniture, etc. , amounted to a large sum within a year. ln addition, expenses of printing, postage, advertising, stationery, catalogues, and commencement expenses aggregated about $4, 000 and could be paid by matriculation fees. The College "absolutely" needed a good laboratory; although it had no suitable room, he thought a room in the Nain Build- ing might be adapted. The College needed a library, some additional teams and wagon, some stock, more land enclosed as farm and as pasturage, and a hospital building that was separate from the other buildings. Current expenses of $1, 690 for three janitors and a drummer, three laborers, a hospital steward, and hospital supplies and medicine were covered by payments made by students for board and by the economy practiced in the mess hall. President Gathright recommended that a $20, 000 appropriation would be a good beginning toward solving the problems he had mentioned. There were additional needs such as machinery for the mechanical department, but he was aware all the problems could not be solved at once. As for the past year, there had been two hundred forty-seven students matriculated since October 1, with an average attendance of one hundred seventy-five; at present there were one hundred sixty-four; their behavior and morals had 440 never been better. He thought the smaller enrollment in February was caused by the reasons he had explained as well as "the legislative discussions and newspaper flings, and industriously circulated reports that you were opposed to the college. " Students had sensed a radical policy change in the combination of the ancient and modern language departments at the January Board meeting. He thought General Bee and his "henchmen out of college and in college" had used these things to keep troubles stirred up. Gath- right declared that he had met the "troubles firmly and with a devotion which I never gave to any other cause, never leaving my office at any hour except for repose. " As far as students numbers were concerned, the loss of students had been greater percentage wise in the second year. Explaining the College's keeping of accounts, he pointed out that if the College collected debts owed it, there would be no current deficiency. East year Gathright had been forced to borrow money from the bank to make improvements and repairs, and the College still owed the "architect" 8400 of his $600 salary from the preceding year. Had it not been for these improvements, repairs, and the work on the grounds and farm, the College would be in good financial condition. Contingent funds had provided the only source of revenue for improvements, such as a recently purchased solar compass for linear measurement 441 that permitted taking vertical and horizontal angles. The Commandant was furnished by the federal government, which had also shipped 200 cadet rifles and accoutrements, 1, 000 rounds of ammunition, and two field pieces with carriages and caissons. The freight had cost over $200. There was a battalion of four companies; the military feature was mandatory and helped maintain discipline. The popular complaint against that feature could be dispelled "without detriment to the college. " Moreover, the Comman- dant taught arithmetic and algebra as well. Should the legislature desire, President Gathright offered to report personally. 19 At the same time the legislature was in session, commencement exercises and the annual Board meeting at the College were scheduled. On June 14 a resolution was made to allow the Speaker of the House to appoint a Speaker ~ro tern. while he attended the Board meeting of the "Bryan college, " as the A. and M. College was sometimes familiarly called. On June 17 President Gathright issued an invitation to the legislature to attend the College's third annual commencement on June 25, with ceremonies beginning on Sunday, June 22. Whilst other institutions have different communities and organizations to encourage and foster them, the Agricultural and Mechanical College, the child of the state, looks to the

19„"Report of President Thomas S. Gathright to Governor O. M. Roberts, " included in ibid. , 46-50. 442

Legislature, and to the Legislature alone, for that parental care necessary now in its strug- gles for securing to its strength and matured usefulness, of which its earliest years give so much promise. The legislators did not accept because of the important business before it to be transacted in so limited amount of time; however, a resolution was adopted expressing the hope that Gathright's efforts would be successful, bring honor to the state, and be of permanent benefit to Texas 20 youth. With the closing of school, the professors of the various departments presented their reports to President Gathright. Professor Norris thought that grades and examinations revealed about as much progress as could be expected with the equipment provided. At Professor Hogg's request, he had taught a class in algebra and one in arithmetic, but would be unable to do this in the coming session. Complaining of inadequate equipment, he pointed out that a surveyor's compass was the only tool in the Mechanical Department. Should the "faculty's plan of re- vising studies" be put into effect in the Fall, his department would need enough tools to provide practical instruction; and should the College be successful in securing an appropriation, he suggested equipping the mechanical department for thorough and practical instruction. Professor

20 J L f th S* t f th S' t oth ~L' L t * of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 106, 131. 443

Hand reported one hundred thirty-eight students enrolled in the Department of Ancient Languages: in Latin, sixty- nine collegiate and forty-two preparatory; and in Greek, twenty collegiate and seven preparatory. Nine sections according to different ability levels had daily recitations, three of them were instructed by Professor McInnis "with his usual efficiency and earnestness. " The senior class had finished the course outlined in the catalogue and satisfactorily passed an examination before a committee. Although he had "constantly struggled" to maintain as high a standard as the best colleges of the country, the lack 21 of a library had caused problems. Artillery practice opened commencement exercises on Monday, June 23. At 10 A. N. two students, William Sleeper and William Trenckmann, delivered original speeches and were followed by Charles S. West, one of the original directors, who made an "excellent speech" to the literary societies, In the afternoon a large crowd attended a contest in shooting, for which a "splendid gold medal costing $35" was to be awarded. The two top marksmen, James Wilson and James F. Lanier, each had scores of twenty —four, six points better than their nearest competitor; in the tie- breaking contest Wilson had three and Lanier had zero,

21„ "Reports of Professor R. H. P. Norris and Professor " J. T. Hand to President Thomas S. Gathright, in Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&N University Archives. 444

"the former being the happy man, made happier by a box of cigars, presented by Colonel Knowles, of Texas. " The evening saw a review of the corps by Colonel Peeler, who gave a "sharp talk" complimenting the efforts of its members and praising Captain Olmstead. Three cheers were given for 22 both. A public debate between the two literary societies was held Tuesday night on the question, "Resolved, that Mexico should be annexed to the United States"; the debate had been preceded by the final addresses of the two society presidents, Richard H. Boren, of the Austin, on "TEXAS, " and Charles Rogan, of the Calliopean, on "What Man owes to 23 himself and to his Country. "

On commencement day, June 25, two cadets presented original speeches before the main address given by Colonel Thomas M. Jack, of Galveston. The faculty recommended graduates in the various departments, and the Board approved 24 them. According to the Galveston ~Dail News, there were

22 Galveston ~Dail News, June 25, 1879. 23„ "Programme of the Third Annual Celebration of the Austin and Calliopean Literary Societies, " in Cofer, ~Earl ~H' t of th 2 A. od N. ~Coll* ~th h L tt d ~pa ers, 87-88 24 June 26, 1879. William A. F. Trenckmann graduated in more departments than any other student: German, French, Spanish, mental and moral science, English literature, and natural sciences and agriculture. The News also lists the names of each of the other graduates. Dean Charles Friley, speaking at the Semi-Centennial Celebration of the College, reported that in 1879 there were seven graduates in English, three in moral philosophy, one in Greek, three in Latin, four in math, one in Spanish, two in engineering, and none in the school of agriculture. Friley, "The A. and M. College of Texas, Past, Present, and Future, " in Semi- 445 nineteen graduates in German, three in French, and five in Spanish from the Department of Modern Languages; six in mental and moral science from President Gathright's department; eight in English literature from Professor Lewis' department; and eight in Latin and five in Greek from the Department of Ancient Languages; three in the Department of Pure Mathematics; and three in the Department of Natural Sciences and Agriculture. The gold medal for marksmanship

was awarded, and six certificates for proficiency in dril-

ling given. A "magnificent portrait of Stephen F. Austin"

was presented to the Austin Literary Society by Colonel

Jack on behalf of Guy M. Bryan of Austin. After some appropriate remarks, President Gathright announced that the present faculty would remain intact for the next session and was "received by the cadets with rounds of hearty applause. " As usual, commencement activities closed with a commencement ball. In Houston on the following evening a reception at Bachelor' s Hall was given to the "Cadets" 25 by the MEx-Cadetsd who lived in Houston. Governor Roberts wrote A. J. Peel; r, before Peeler

' ' t' th ~A' 1 d M h 1 C t 1 C 1 h f lt 'd ~021 of 71. P f M 1 ot P t 2, "unanimous Gathright that three students had the approval of the faculty" to graduate in the Department of Natural Science and Agriculture. Louis L. McInnis to President Thomas S. Gathright, June 25, 1879, Louis L. YcInnis Papers Texas A&M University Archives. 25 Cofer, Second Five Administrators of Texas A. a M. ~C*11, 1990— 1905 (Co ll 0 ft t' 1954), p 22. 446 left Austin to attend the Board meeting, that he had just received a letter from Lieutenant Governor Sayers suggesting that immediately after the Board adjourned its meeting at the College, it should come to Austin. Neither Sayers nor Speaker Cochran could attend the Board meeting at the College, and Governor Roberts' executive duties prevented his attendance. The Governor thought the Board's presence in Austin would have a good effect on the legislature, in behalf of the College even if the Board had to meet again after the legislature had completed its action and ad-

journed. He wanted Peeler to convey to the Board his deep interest in the College and his desire to be with them; since it was impossible for him to attend, he wanted them to do what they thought best as to adjourning to Austin or adjourning to meet in Bryan at a future date after the 26 legislature had completed its work. Apparently, Governor

26 O. M. Roberts to A. J. Peeler, Austin, Texas, June 23, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. If anyone doubted that Governor Roberts was a formidable personal or political foe, he had only to read a letter that he wrote on the same day to George Goldthwaite concerning a pardon. "As to myself, all this sort of excitement amounts to nothing. It does not even make me mad with those engaged in it. I have been used, from my youth up to the present times, to stemming currents, even storms of prejudice and passion in the public mind. I have stopped mutinies in camp. Often, very often, I have been afterwards thanked by those whom I opposed for my course in the exercise of a calm determined will of my own. It will be so again. The people of Texas have long, very long, employed me voluntarily in their public service in various positions, for what is in me, for what I do, and will do, and not for what other people want me to do. The people are entitled to what they bargained for, and they shall have it as long as I hold public position at their hands. And whenever it does not suit them for me thus to act, or they so 447

Roberts was more concerned with securing action that he desired than saving Board expenses to be paid from an already pitifully small interest received from the Endow- ment Fund and badly needed for faculty salaries.

The Board met on Tuesday, June 24, at 9 A. M. , in President Gathright's office with all members present except the ex-officio directors. A. J. Peeler was elected to serve as chairman and George Pfeuffer as secretary; also present by invitation were B. H. Davis and C. S. West, members of the first Board. Reports were presented from the President, faculty members, and officers. Pfeuffer was appointed chairman of the committee to examine into financial affairs and "all other matters, " and Pickett was appointed chairman of the committee to examine the manage— 27 ment, departments, and condition of the buildings. The misunderstand my action as to get tired of me, I have a very pleasant little home in the suburbs of Tyler, that I like to live at very much, and attend to my own little affairs, being those of a very poor man, very easily managed without trouble to myself, and with little annoyance to others and at the same time with plenty to do, that would be entirely agreeable to myself. " O. M. Roberts to George Goldthwaite, Austin, Texas, June 23, 1879, in ibid. 27 Galveston ~Dail News, June 2', 1879. President Gathright had reported to Governor Roberts that the College would have no current deficiency if it collected what was owed it, and had it not been necessary to borrow to make permanent improvements, the College would be in good financial condition. By June, 1880, when College finances were in "critical condition, " an auditing committee examined the College books from its establishment. The 1879 Board report had shown the College free of debt and $14 on hand; however, at the August, 1879, Board meeting Director Durant said he had "heard it whispered" that the real debt was $25; at the November Board meeting, he had found this to be 448

true from official sources; and in 1880, it was reported to be $50 instead of $25. He regretted "that a man may have a stain upon his memory, or a stain upon his family if this but whether or not it be true must shall be found true," be ascertained. The Board would conduct a thorough " investigation and "vindicate that man's memory if possible. Pfeuffer explained that the June, 1879, examination reported only on matters as they were shown on the treasurer's accounts and books, which did not show the College' s outstanding liabilities. The committee had then checked the exhibited to them as to amounts paid out and amount vouchers any- on hand, but Pfeuffer had been as much "astonished as " one. " Durant stated, "Whoever it hurts, let it hurt, since his own character as a member of the Board was in- " and he wanted volved. The debt was presently $50 or $60 " out of this thing with a clean shirt tail, where- "to get com- upon Pfeuffer moved that Durant be appointed to the mittee. In a later session (still June, 1880), Governor Roberts inquired as to whether the committee had determined the amount of the deficiency; he had heard rumors that it was $5, 000, and Pfeuffer replied that it would amount to $4, 000, although all the accounts were not in. That amount could be paid if the College had the expected number of students in the 1880-81 session. Governor Roberts stated that the papers would print that the College was $5, 000 in debt, "and if the finance committee or anybody else can " explain or qualify that statement, I want them to do it. President James replied that the deficiency was the result of the statement that included all the liabilities but not the assets. Over $1, 000 was due from cadets "and others, soon be paid, though some of it will and much of it will " probably not be paid at all. Assets on the books amounted to $500. Roberts inquired of James if the deficiency were less than $6, 000, and James thought it less than $2, 500. Roberts wanted more information from the finance committee, specifically as to evidence of fraud; and each of the members explained they had found no evidence. Pfeuffer said the errors wer small, everyday mistakes. Debts had inevitably increased with the decline in student numbers and would be cleared up with a reasonable number of students during the next session. Galveston D~ail News, June 24, 1880. The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 27, 1880, reported that when the finance committee discovered the between receipts and expenditures amounted to difference Governor $3, 000-$5, 000, "the development of this fact " threw Roberts into a perfect fit of consternation. Peeler informed Roberts no fraud was involved but a matter of bookkeeping in which private accounts were not posted up to date, The Board adjourned to meet July 28 in Austin with each Board member to have a copy of President James' report, the professors' reports, and all financial reports printed. 449

Board adjourned to meet in Austin on June 27, where Lyday, 28 Dixon, and Pfeuffer all stayed at the Avenue Hotel. The Board decided to abolish the office of adjunct professor filled by James E. Binkley, who was Gathright's son-in- 29 law. The resolution that had been passed in the January

Galveston ~Dail News, June 24, 1880, The Austin ~Dail Demo- cratic Statesman, June 27, 1879, thought that "unless the balance sheets are clean then, the 0. A. 's consternation will have settled down to an ugly point, and somebody will hear something 'drap. '" The "pay as you go" policy would also apply to the A. and M. College. Governor Roberts reported to the legislature in 1881 that the directors had found what appeared to be a favorable balance since they supposed the books included all the liabilities and had not been told otherwise. They afterwards found that many of the claims which made up the deficiency had never been presented or entered on the books. "There was no criminal or extravagant waste, the improvements referred to causing the deficiency being of far greater value than $5, 000 and are th*g d t p kof th* 1 . ~M~A D' ~A' 1t 1 th ~Rt f th ~hd P f t ) of th ZR h 1 ~CLL f th gt t f f ~t* th ~L Iaturej, 1881, p. 16. Following these revelations, the Board adopted a new system of book-keeping. 28 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 27, 1879. 29 President Gathright had written Governor Roberts on February 19 that he had a young man who wanted to rent the property belonging to the Negro college for $65 and would work as much land as he could and care for the property. Gathright had not agreed to the proposal since the young man was his son-in-law. Thomas S. Gathright to 0. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, February 19, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. Professor Binkley apparently did not enjoy as good a relationship with the students as Professor McInnis, who received a note on hand- lettered stationery April 7: Prof McInnis: We resp'y request that you do not take offense at any of the practical jokes or Devilment that occurs in and around your room.

We respect you as highly as we do any member of the Faculty, but we are sorry to say it is the 450

Board meeting to combine the professor ships of ancient and modern languages was repealed since both were "to the very great advantage of the institution. " The agricultural feature was discussed and referred to a committee with action to be taken the next day. Dixon's proposal that the standard of admission be raised was also referred to committee for action on the next day. The finance committee had closely examined the books and found that President Gathright had practiced great economy. Under his special supervision the boarding department had cost $4, 000 less than under the previous system, "while the style of living „30 has been vastly improved. " The Austin Statesman reported that the College was to have a five acre vegetable garden, including Irish and sweet potatoes, three acres in cotton and three in corn. The remaining nineteen acres of the thirty in cultivation would be planted in small grain. Two acres would be used for horticulture, and a landscape 31 gardener would plat the campus area. Meanwhile, the legislature had also been discussing

sentiment of the school that Prof. Binkley has a very poor reputation Yours respectfully,

Note in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 30 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 28, 1879. 31 Ibid. , June 29, 1879. 451

College affairs. Early in the session a bill was presented in the Senate to permit the Endowment Fund interest of the College to be apportioned by authorizing half be spent for teachers' salaries and half to promote the agricultural features. While the commencement activities were progressing at College Station on Tuesday morning with the firing of cannon and small arms, the legislature had already taken a few shots of its own at the College. In debate on the Senate bill to appropriate S7, 500 for the College to buy laboratory apparatus, library materials, and agricultural implements, one senator said that he would oppose spending public money on such "humbugs, " since all "such colleges had been failures. " The students paid for all they received, and the Endowment Fund should be ample to support the institution. He doubted that the students "would ever go between the plow handles or handle hoes. " However, another senator asserted that the College's enemies wanted to remove the literary department; he objected since he thought literary studies should be encouraged as the main feature "instead " 32 of making an institution of labor only. A bill was introduced in the House that would require all the property of the A. and N. College to be sold to anyone agreeing to establish a first-class university there. The Galveston

~Dail News also noted that it was "now plain sailing for the governor" in the called session. On the evening the

32 Galveston ~Dail News, June 24, 1879. 452 directors of the "Bryan College" were to sp=ak to the 33 legislature, a heavy rainstorm had interfered.

On June 30 Governor Roberts recommended that the College be given the use of duplicate specimens in the state's geological collection which could be spared without harm to the collection and which would be useful at the College. The House passed the bill authorizing the transfer and also agreed to a Senate amendment to include copies of all public documents published for distribution and the equipment of 34 the "old geological survey. " In an evening session on June 30 the House Committee on Education reported unfavorably on a bill providing for the reorganization of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, which would change the law regarding the uses to 35 which the endowment interest could be applied. However, the Senate Committee on Education reported favorably on the passage of a bill to amend the law concerning the expenditure of the Endowment Fund interest on July 1; "through some accident" their original bill had been misplaced even though " had been "carefully considered, but another was now it 36 presented with "substantially" the same provisions.

33 Ibid. , June 29, 1879. 34 S' J 1 f th S t f th t** th L~lt f the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 224-225, 346-347, 352-353. 35 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, July 1, 1879. 36 Ibid. , July 2, 1879; Journal of the Senate of the S' t th~L' 1t f th Stt f 1, St S 222. 453

President Gathright wrote Professor McInnis from Austin that one of the senators and a friend of the College was not hopeful about the passage of the $7, 500 appropriation for the College from the University Fund and rather doubted its passage. "The difficulties in the way of the College are great, " Gathright wrote McInnis, "and if overcome, it " occurs to me that the hand of Providence must interpose. The severe drouth was expected to affect crops, and, consequently, reduce student attendance. Gathright believed that all legislative action in the Summer forbode evil and he had never felt so depressed about the future of the College as he presently did. The new arrangement of conducting the farm was a burden the College could not 37 bear without the aid of an appropriation.

On July 3 the Senate spent a good part of the morning considering the bill relating to the government of the College. The author of the bill made a long speech, and Senator Alexander W. Terrell gave "one of his famous speeches" and concluded quite humorously and elegantly. A motion was made to postpone discussion on the bill until the next day, and after a great deal of parliamentary maneuvering, it was laid on the table. An "unfriendly" senator proposed an amendment to appropriate $7, 500 each year from the University Fund and place it under the Board's

37 Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Austin, Texas, July 2, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 454 control provided that such interest "shall not be construed to be in addition to such amount as may be appropriated by " any other act of the Sixteenth Legislature. Since the Endowment Fund interest would have to be formally appropriated by the legislature, this amendment would mean no additional funds for the College. Senator Leonidas J. Storey introduced an amendment to appropriate $7, 500 annually to the College from the interest on the University Fund for the years ending August 31, 1879, and August 31, 1880, in order to further the College program of instruction; it was not to be construed as being in addition to any other 38 amount the legislature might appropriate. Though the amount of the appropriation was small, Senator Storey secured its insertion in the appropriation bill as a precedent 39 which he had intended it to be. The amendment was adopted and the bill passed with twenty-two in favor, two against, and five abstaining. Another amendment provided that the Board should "as soon as practicable" make provision for instruction in which the theory of agricultural and mechanics would include a study of soils and plants, chemical properties, effect and value of fertilizers, "together with such practical illustrations in the laboratory, garden,

38 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, July 4, 1879; S' J L f th S t f th t th ~L' L t f th State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 262, 267. 39 Interview with Louis L. McInnis in the ~Br an ~Dail Eacale and Pilot, October 7, 1909, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University. Archives. 455 field and experimental workshop, as may be made without interfering with the prosecution of thorough courses of " study that may be efficiently taught in said college. It 40 was adopted with twenty-four in favor and five abstentions. In the House a resolution was adopted on July 3 to ask the President and Board of the Agriculture and Mechanical College to speak to the legislature on the following 41 night. Meanwhile, the House debated the bill providing $7, 500 for each legislative year from the University Fund to provide a laboratory, library, and agricultural implements for the College. One amendment of fered the substitu- tion of $100, 000 annually to "buy guano for nourishing the flowers and shrubs in the Capitol Square" but was ruled 42 out of order. Another representative did not want any interference with professors' salaries. Another explained that the salaries were paid from interest on the federally donated Endowment Fund, which was different from the Uni- versity Fund. Since the Constitution had made the College a branch of the University of Texas, both its own Endow- ment Fund and the University Fund could be used, though the legislature had to make the appropriation of both. Still another wanted to give the College a fair trial, but if it could not be made a success, the time had

40 ' J L of tt f* t f tt* J' t tt ~L* L t of the State of Texas, Extra Sess. , 268. 41 Galveston ~Dail News, July 4, 1879. 42 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, July 4, 1879. 456

43 come to interfere. George P. Finlay spoke at some length that the appropriation would be spent on "the pampered sons of fortune. " Continuing his harangue, Finlay exclaimed, Talk about working the boys! Why a member tells me a detail of boys is made to curry the mules every morning. First, a mule never needs currying; and secondly, a boy of any sense will never incur the danger. Since they turned off General Bee I hear they have a French restauranteur, and the boys have in the style fricaseed I sic I chicken latest every mornzng, and there are some $4000 left for the professors. They have a farm overseer at $600 a year, and a large market basket will hold all the vegetables they make in a year. They have two mules covered with linen dusters and pantalets, and it takes segn boys to undress the mules every night.

Another member jokingly spoke of the College's military atmosphere; another made a lengthy speech opposing the appropriation from the University Fund but questioned 43 George P. Finlay had been born in Mississippi in 1829, graduated from college there, then studied law privately and graduated from Louisville University in 1852. He had taught school in Mississippi for one year before moving to Texas in 1853, where he edited the Lavaca Receis- ter, 1853-54. He voted for secession and served as judge advocate on the staff of General John B. Magruder during the Civil War. Following the war, he served in the state Senate in 1872; in 1873 he moved to Galveston and served as city attorney. He represented Galveston in the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Twenty-third Legislatures. He helped organize Galveston' s public schools and was on the school board there from 1881-87. Handbook of Texas, I, 599. His own son was later a student at the College. 44 Bureau of the Census Records, 1880, Brazos County, A. W. Potts, Enumerator, p. 19, shows that the head cook, the second cook, and one waiter had been born in France; the baker had been born in England; and two waiters had been born in the Southern states. 457

Finlay's solicitousness for the University Fund since he had voted to gi. ve $6, 000 of it to create a Negro normal school at the last session. Another argued the extravagance of the College and compared it with his own. One wondered why the College cost students more than other colleges in the state since it received aid from both the federal and state governments. Elias Mayes, the Negro representing Brazos County, corrected Finlay's information about mules and vegetables. "If the white people have a quality school it is none of my business. If the state gave this money to that school, give it to them. Are you always going out of Texas when you want an educated man?"

He thought it made no difference if the College did help the rich men's sons if it was good for Texas. Another representative said that he was initially not a friend of the College, but since the state had made such a large investment, it should go further in its support. Even though Finlay "may flounder around to splatter cold water" on the agricultural feature, the representative believed the people were determined that the aq:rcultural department would be tended to. Texas farmers needed the knowledge of science in their work in order to be placed on the same footing as farmers in other states. Continuing, he said

"I stand up as one of them with as much dignity and pride of profession as the gentleman in his profession. When the gentleman undertakes any derision to break down this 458

" College he reckons without his host. The last speaker of the day before adjournment at 4 thought Finlay's humorous speech was a good-humored attempt to end an irritating discussion and believed his remarks had been facetiously made to restore good feeling. He explained the necessity of a laboratory in the teaching of chemistry which was 45 necessary to scientific agriculture. The Austin ~Dail 46 Democratic Statesman reported that President Gathright "was infinitely amused by the lugubrious speech" made by Representative Finlay, who with his amusing perception of the ridiculous " should make the president of the college, whose usefulness he would impair, laugh in spite of himself " was the highest triumph of Mr. Finlay's art. Consideration of the College appropriation resumed in the evening session; it was adopted without further debate. Elias Mayes was the

45 Galvest on ~Dail News, July 5, 1879. 46July 5, 1S79. Robert T. Milner, President of the Tex- as Agricultural and Mechanical College from 1908-13, himself a former legislator, stated in an interview concerning appropriations and education that when consideration was given the early provision for education in the Texas Republic, "it is surprising to see the marked illiberality and indeed picayunishness of the legislatures of Texas toward her educational institutions. " For a thirty year period there had not been an appropriation for the University of Texas or the Agricultural and Mechanical College that had not been made without a "battle with a lot of two by four politicians" who opposed such legislation. He thought the reason was difficult to understand since early Texans had left an educational plan and land trust; in contrast, many modern day legislators were in "perpetual antagonism to every appropriation proposed for an educational institution. " Unidentified newspaper clipping, [ Houston Chronicle, , Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 459 only Republican in the House who voted for the appropriation and was commended by another representative because " he "had held himself above the party and voted righteously.

An editorial in the Austin ~Dail Democratic States- 47 man on July 6 thought that President Gathright's speech to the legislature on July 4 "had revolutionized opinions in that body, " and had he spoken before the vote on the appropriations bill, he could have as easily secured $20, 000 as the $7, 500 given for a laboratory, scientific equipment, and a library. He had made a plea for education in Texas equal to the ambition of its youth; and as Texas grew in wealth and population to match its size, facilities were needed for the provision of higher education. That which the family could not provide in the way of training fell to the state in order to develop loyalty to the state.

The House had been "ungenerous" in not appropriating a large enough amount to make the Texas A. and M. College equal with similar colleges throughout the country. The editor continued, Every anti —free school member of the two houses, devoted as these men are to the purpose of properly and wisely diffusing learning and good morals, would give as liberally to this college of the people as they would deny a farthing to a system of free schools which corrupts the father and degrades the son, making both mendi- cants and inculcating practical communism. But this Agricultural and Mechanical College does that for the youths of Texas, when they are old enough to leave home, which private individual

47 Ibid. , July 6, 1879. 460

effort cannot accomplish, and this institution should be enabled to extend its facilities for the education of young men like colleges of other States. Texas is the richest of States, and should be in this behalf most generous in promoting the highest order of intelligence. It is only unfortunate that Mr. Gathright, the accomplished President of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, has not spoken before it was too late to effect the good purpose sought to be accomplished. 48 Two days later the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman responded to George Finlay's charge that the A. and M. College was a school for the aristocracy of the state and needed little help from the legislature. The editor thought students' parents would be "infinitely amazed" to find they were aristocrats. A "rough old farmer" living near Hearne had once opposed "brass buttons and military toggery" in a public school; however, he had observed boys "rough, ugly and vulgar in manners, words and bearing" go "down the roads toward Bryan" and come back "quiet, dignified, well conducted young men. " He had concluded that military discipline had advantages. While the editor did not know how much military discipline contributed to the conduct of students "taken from farms and villages in " Texas, where they have been wholly ungoverned, he knew that President Gathright, "amiable and kindly has been known for twenty-five years past as the best organizer and disciplinarian who has managed young men anywhere in the South. " However, the editor did not know whether

48 July 9, 1879. 461

Gathright could make a success of a manual labor or partly literary institution until large and well-drilled junior and senior classes were created to help guide the undisciplined and untutored farm boys. The editor thought most of the farmers could afford to send their sons to the "Bryan College" since state and federal assistance helped Gathright keep expenses low. He suggested that the Col- lege might still further reduce its costs when those so much in favor of public schools increased their liberality to the College, which would send out great numbers of teachers. Castigating Finlay for leaving the impression that the College was a breeding place of aristocracy, he asked if Finlay were himself a "genuine aristocrat, and is he not proud of the fact?" In his closing speech to the legislature, Governor Roberts praised the members who

by your action, practically established the great principle, the greatest in any government, that the ordinary expenses must be brought within the ordinary revenues, from year to year, so as to prevent an increase in public debt, and that no object of expense, however cherished, shall be exempt from diminution if it should be necessary to preserve that principle in p -actice. 'To pay as you go' has come up to the capitol, in no uncertain sound of commendation of that principle from all parts of the state . . . o . making it permanently the leading vital principle in our state government in its present and future administration. 4

49 "Message of Governor O. M. Roberts to the Legisla- " J o 1 f th S o t f th S t* th L~lt t, Texas, Extra Sess. , 351-352. The legisla- of the State of " ture had passed the "Fifty Cent Act. Unappropriated West 462

The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman 50 surmised that the defeat of a public school system would mean that few young men would be prepared for even the "modest curriculum" of the A. and M. College. Governor Roberts, it said, had inaugurated practical reform, and as a result, state expenditures had come to a "dead halt" in recognition of the dangers of the past in regard to reckless and wasteful spending. Bondholders had also encouraged moderation. Newspaper discussion of the College's affairs continued. The Galveston ~Dail News, upon receipt of a copy of the College catalogue, commented that the course was about the average collegiate one and that the management and progress which had been made were both good and satisfactory. Texas could rejoice in the College as a literary and scientific institution since most of the other land grant colleges had made slow progress in the practical education of scientific farmers and mechanics. The "Address to the Public" at the close of the catalogue related nearly

Texas lands and scrap lands in the older counties were to provide revenue to build a new state capitol, help pay the public debt, and increase the permanent school fund. Fif- ty cents per acre was set as the minimum price; however, even at this low price only $6, 000 worth of land was sold in 1880. Cattlemen and speculators took greater advantage of the bargain in 1881-82. Curtis Bishop, Lots of Land (Austin, 1949), PP. 229, 291. With the passage o+ the Fi ty Cent Act about fifty —two West Texas counties were opened to settlement, and 3, 201, 283 acres of land sold for $1, 600, 641, 55. The act was repealed in 1883 because of frauds connected with speculation. Handbook of Texas, I, 598. July 10, 1879. 463 all that was included in agriculture and mechanics; it announced the courses of study available, the first of which was for farmers or business men; the second for the mechanic, engineer, or architect; and the third for students in one of the learned professions or literature. The Board intended to develop the agricultural and mechanical features as soon as possible. Experiments had been undertaken in the planting of some grains during the past session, but a Spring drouth had stopped the development of the small grain program. Four hundred trees had been 51 planted; a garden cultivated; and composts made. The 52 News reported the Examiner believed the Board's plans " a "step in the right direction, but only a step. Never- theless, one short step forward was better than the long backward steps taken by most such institutions since they were "warmed into existence under the patronage of the general government. " The State Gazette, a steadfast friend of the College, complained that the State already

had too many lawyers, doctors, and preachers for its own welfare. The state needed a good polytechnic system of education to teach the sciences as applied to mechanical

51 1 f tt Gt t 1 d 8 8 1 ~Ct 8~it' d 8+1 t 8 'ly 8 ~dll f 9, 1878-9, q t * July 4, 1879. 52 Waco Examiner and Patron and State Gazette, quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, July 23, 1879. 464 occupations; it thought the College had lost sight of its original object. The College catalogue issued shortly after commencement listed Louis McInnis as Adjunct Professor of Ancient Languages and English; in another change Dr. Smythe was given the additional title of Professor of Anatomy, Physi- ology and Hygiene; President Gathright was again to teach bookkeeping as the course had been described in the first catalogue; and Professor Hogg was Professor of Mathematics, with the word "Pure" deleted. Professor Morris was given the title Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and Engineering. During the past session most students came from towns and cities throughout the heavily settled areas of Texas: sixteen were from Bryan, twelve from Galveston, eleven from Navasota, and ten from Waco. The catalogue sought to explain the position of the Administration and the situation that confronted the Col- lege. College authorities had sought "to damage no school, assigned by word or deed" but had gone quietly about their task, fulfilling the desires and aspirations of the people of Texas. Despite the fact that the harsh criticism of in those who wanted to prostrate the College had resulted a special legislative investigating committee being sent to the College in the Spring, the committee's report was all the "College could have asked, and all the country could have expected. " Even though the Agricultural and 465

Mechanical College was quite young, it had the largest academic class of any other Southern college except one. Universities, of course, had more students.

We do not complain at the fiery ordeal through which we are passing, and have passed. We feel that it is proper to suffer that we may be strong. We know the press of the State will ultimately do us justice; and will commend where it now condemns. The magnificent destiny that awaits this College is full recompense for all to be suffered in its accomplishment. Its sons, strong in the instructions received in its halls, and in affection and gratitude, will soon appear among the rulers to vindicate the good name of the College and to secure the favor and fostering care of our fellow citizens. Until the time that the College was fairly represented, the administration requested the people to secure first-hand information upon which to base their judgments. Different courses, it was explained, had been provided

for those who desired to follow different goals.

No matter how humble the calling, the more knowledge one has, the more cheerfully and successfully he will engage in its duties and discharge its obligations. It requires considerable powers of thought and comprison to enable a man to extract a proper measure of contentment from any occupation. A good education, therefore, is necessary in every department of human employ. That education alone can be called good, which makes a man master of himself and every situation.

One false rumor, still being diligently circulated by

those who wished to damage the College was that the College was supported by taxation. Absolutely no state support had been given; and there were no funds to put the agricultural and mechanical features into effect, although the administra- 466 tion had tried to give them as much prominence as possible. The College farm had been supplied with implements, and the faculty hoped soon to have a model experimental farm in operation. Although comparisons were odious, Texas was probably the only state that had never made an annual appropriation to maintain an institution for higher education. In spite of a lack of support as well as opposition from many quarters, the College had attained and held a high position. Only the combination of careful management and close economy had enabled the College to acquire an additional $10, 000 worth of buildings. Its supporters were confident the state would aid and equip it and "cherish it warmly, and make it correspond in capacity and appointments with the imperial area of Texas and the just expectations of mankind. " In order to achieve its highest potential for good, its critics needed to "cease to carp, and learn to assist. " Texas students spent over a half million dollars annually for education in other states, and such emigration would continue until Texas developed an educa- 3 tional system that encouraged state pride.

On July 7 President Gathright wrote George Pfeuffer that he had received his note concerning the agriculture " department and "in pursuance of those resolutions, had discharged Wallace as farm superintendent and made

53 C~tl* f th At t A~lt 1 6 8 h 1 ~C11 f 7, 1878-9, pp. [6J, 18-16, 35-37 467

54 Professor Nartin custodian of the farm implements. A few days later Gathright wrote NcInnis that things were at a "status quo. " The drouth that had begun in the Spring was continuing and hurting the prospects for a large attendance; however, Gathright was optimistic about his Austin visit bringing good results. He was pleased that Captain Storey had a good opinion of him, and he stated that he had received an apologetic letter from Colonel Finlay. Gathright also told McInnis that he had dreamed of snakes and was melan- choly. 55 Governor Roberts informed Gathright that the state appropriation did not state how the money was to be apportioned, but he understood the Board would control it. The Board had informally agreed for Roberts to take care of providing for its apportionment, for which he would call a meeting once the meeting site had been determined. The Governor wanted a general list of the most urgently needed items not to esceed $7, 500. In addition, the geological

54 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuf fer, College Station, Texas, July 7, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&N University Archives. 55 Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, College Texas, July 15, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Station, — the art Texas A&M University Archives. "Oneire Criticism, dreams, is a relic of the most remote ages, of interpreting moral or which has subsisted through all the changes that " revolutions have operated in the world. According physical snakes to the most common interpretation, one who dreams of will have close friends that will prove to be his bitterest th * f t' . Ch 1 M k y, ~Po 1 Delusions and the Nadness of Crowds (New York, 1932), pp. 29 3-29 4. 468 specimens appropriated to the College would have to be selected with the Board's cooperation sometime before the 56 College opened. President Gathright responded on the same day that he received Roberts' letter; however, it was almost two weeks before he heard from Roberts again since the Governor had visited Houston and Galveston in the meantime, and his correspondence had accumulated. Considering the long-delayed state appropriation and the urgent need to apply it before the next session, President Gathright must have been distressed with the coolness, detachment, and told you so" tone of the letter. Gathright had written Roberts that he could not attempt to keep up with the expenses of the agriculture department and at the same time pay the College debt and current expenses; to which Roberts had responded, "If this is a matter that I as President of the board should be informed about in reference to the practical operations of the college, I will be pleased if you will write to me more specifically, as I am " not sure that I fully understand it. He reminded Gathright that he had personally recommended part of the Endowment Fund interest be used to conduct the agricultural and mechanical departments, but the legislature had not changed the law. He thought the Board "must have supposed" that the College' s profits to some extent would support the

56 0. M. Roberts to Thomas S, Gathright, Austin, Texas, July 19, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 469 agriculture department since none of the interest of the

Endowment Fund could be used to aid that department except to pay salaries of the Professor of Agriculture and the farm superintendent, who was an of ficer of the College. According to his interpretation, mules could not be purchased or fed or laborers hired from the Endowment Fund interest. He concluded,

Now do I understand that you cannot, out of the for tui- proceeds of the money's f sic j received tion and other things (wFiich I believe is called your contingent fund) pay for these expenses of mules, laborers, etc. on the farm? If so that is the very difficulty that I apprehended and was the reason of my recommendations to the legLislature] and so stated to the board of d. at both of their meetings here in Austin. With this statement I will be pleased to hear from you again. Gathright was at a great disadvantage. In Roberts, he had a formidable antagonist and one who was well known, influential, and powerful, who had the personal qualifications of public support, wily political leadership and savvy, and perseverence, added to wide public support. It was an old-hand at Texas politics and education pitted against a relative newcomer to Texas, already facing criticism of the press and religious educators and the problems of inadequate financing for the demands of a new type education. Governor Roberts remained undaunted in his opinion that the College should be made a manual labor

57 Same to Same, Austin, Texas, July 31, 1879, in ibid. 470

encoun- school in spite of the legislative setback he had tered in attempting to change the law governing the purposes had eighteen for which the Endowment Fund could be spent. He of re-election; more months in office and was almost certain time and knew how in addition, he had already waited a long though to wait longer for whatever it was he wanted. Even appropri- his plan to spare the University Fund from being not ated to the A. and N. College had failed, Roberts was in the deterred from his goal of keeping the Fund intact organization future so that he could provide for the early and ready to of the University. He was both competent of whatever options devise a new strategy to take advantage destructive and presented themselves. In addition to the unremitting financial pressures on President Gathright, " encouraged newspaper criticism, as a "thorn in the flesh, of additional criticism and magnified problems instead have been over- providing solutions. All these things might College among the come or endured, but trouble within the the faculty apparently left President Gathright without objec- extra energy, the spirit, and carefully calculated the College. tivity that was needed to solve the problems at the personali- Perhaps the problem was insoluble because of previous leadership ties of the men involved and their own isolation roles before coming to the College. Perhaps the cultural influ- of the College away from other social and more ences caused conflicting personalities to become 471 pronounced and edgy. Perhaps jealousy and envy motivated professors who coveted the office of President. Perhaps the diverse relationship among the Board members, the President, and the faculty led to difficulties. In some instances, President Gathright had responsibility to the Board, but no authority within the College. In such a relationship, when the Board and President of the College were in general accord, or, at least accommodating and the Board was willing to delegate the needed authority in the chain of command, no real problems developed. But when the faculty as individuals dealt directly with the Board, the President's position was undermined and weakened, and dissidents were encouraged to become even more dissident. Such a state of affairs led inevitably to a strong Board president with power to directly control policy and to make administrative decisions, thereby undermining the President of the College. 472

CHAPTER XII

THE DISASTROUS IMBROGLIO

During the Summer things were in a ferment at the College although the general public and newspapers were not aware of this until the explosion surfaced in October. President Gathright's report presented to the legislature during the called session stated that General Bee's dismissal had served to keep up "irritation in the public " mind, and even in the college, and in mid-Summer former Adjunct Professor Binkley wrote McInnis to learn whether matters remained "as usual among the members of the faculty?" 1 According to Dr. Smythe the developing Crisp-Hogg affair "opened the fountain of ill-feeling that lay " 2 smouldering underneath the surface. Professor Alexander Education Hogg attended the convention of the National Association, of which he was vice president, in Philadel- phia in late July and proposed that Congress be asked to endow land grant colleges in each state for women. The 3 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, called his proposal both wise and just. A leader of those opposing coeducation

1 James E. Binkley to Louis L. McInnis, Columbus, Texas, July 17, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 2 Galveston ~Dail News, November 21, 1879. 3 August 8, 1879. 473 in Texas, Professor Hogg had earlier proposed a tentative solution to the problem of providing a state-supported institution of higher learning in Texas for women. A college was proposed to be established at Austin with the assistance of a public spirited gentleman of Austin, who offered to donate $5, 000 for this purpose. Since Governor Roberts was a good friend of education, Hogg belieVed he would endorse the movement and ask the legislature to pass laws to complete the organization of such a college.

Further, Hogg proposed that the women's college might be 4 associated with the proposed state university. Hogg had previously published a pamphlet oresenting a plan for a system of technical education and the role of the A. and M. College, as well as proposing a plan for its improvement so that it would more nearly conform to the purpose for which it had been created. The Austin ~Dail Statesman5 later commented that Probably the beginning of the disgraceful end of the Gathright administration was in the fact that a professor, against whom the president

4 Wreathy Aiken, Education of Women in Texas (San Antonio, 1957), pp. 63-64. 5 "Industrial Educa- March 15, 1881. Hogg's address, " tion of the Head, the Heart, and the Hand, proposed a curricula for the land grant colleges that would include instruction in living languages; math, drawing, physics, chemistry, natural history--all to be practically applied- as well as history, social sciences and music. National ' d' Ed t A * t', Add * d J f f ~Po * 1879, pp. 74-80. Hogg was elected secretary of the Associ- ation for the coming year. Ibid. , 223. 474

most exercised his wrath, had dared to publicly announce that he disfavored the sub- version of purposes for which federal and state governments advanced money, that this institution might be established. The intensity of the bitterness that developed among the faculty spilled over into the student body. President Gathright did not try to disguise his dislike for Hogg although he was on fairly good terms with some of the faculty. He disliked criticism and especially resented Hogg's advice and criticms; he thought Hogg was Mtoo " mouthy, too heady, and . . . talked too much at his back. John C. Crisp, of Columbus, had been the second student to register at the College in 1876 and had received no 7 demerits during the time he had attended college. During the summer of 1879 Cadet Crisp remained at the College to study German and boarded with President Gathright. Realizing that the Board would meet in August, Crisp

6 ''thP'kyL. '0 ly, ~H' t lt ' D, —50. of th* A~It 1 od M h+ I ~tll of I, 19 7 John C. Crisp to Board of Directors, Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, College Station, Texas, Novem- ber 21, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. At the Board meeting on June 27, 1877, held during the commencement ceremonies, Cadet Crisp figured in some action, which was not disclosed, when the Board ratified Gathright's action in his case. Also, at the same Board meeting, a resolution was made that all complaints made to the Board President against any professor concerning his fitness for his position would require the President to call a meeting of the Board to take t' P I toth thh9. ' (oP), Lilt' 'I 29 —29. A ~Alt d M h I ~C11 of I', cording to the Galveston ~Dail News, June 28, 1877, Crisp was one of the three students to receive only one demerit during the nine months' session. 475 presented a paper to the President and stated that he had a duty to perform in preferring charges against a professor. Since it was vacation time and Crisp was a citizen rather than a student, Gathright refused to endorse the charges. Crips told him that other students had wanted to get up a petition in protest of Hogg during the session that had just ended but had been told it was against the rules; Gathright advised Crisp not to make charges against

Hogg while he was out of the state. Until Crisp appeared before Gathright with his charges to be endorsed, Gath- 8 right denied knowing anything of them. However, Professor Banks recalled that the President had told him sometime during the past session that Crisp had complained of Hogg's offering to "bribe him" by permitting him to determine his own class standing if he made out Hogg's 1 11. A *d' gtoth Rl" dolt'o 4th* h ~Coll, A t lgl'll, g t'o ll, t d* t h* tho ght had been wronged by another, or by an officer, was to complain to the President, whose duty it was to investigate the complaint and take proper action for redress. Should the student complaining be refused redress, he could appeal to the Board to investigate and make a decision. Banks thought if Crisp had been refused redress in the session just past, he should have appealed to the Board in June.

8 Galveston ~Dail News, November 20, 1879. 476

Had Crisp previously given any indication of his intention to make his attack, Hogg would probably have remained at the College to answer charges preferred against him. In order to gain evidence to support his charges against Hogg, Crisp used post cards in corresponding with other students most likely to disapprove of Hogg; and several students wrote Mrs. Hogg to let her know what was going on. Presi- dent Gathright told Professor Lewis what Crisp was doing, and, according to Banks, Lewis asked Gathright to stop Crisp. However, Gathright replied that he could not stop Crisp since he was a citizen of the state, over twenty-one years of age, and had the right. Lewis informed Gethright that by failing to stop Crisp, Gathright was approving and supporting Crisp's actions since he had permitted Crisp to 9 remain at the College and share his home. Although the College's need for equipment, especially in the direction of "practical" education demanded by Governor Roberts, was urgent, the Governor did not call a Board meeting until August 26, which would hardly allow the faculty time to make use of the desperately required 10 equipment and apparatus until the following Spring. In the meantime, Mrs. Hogg, informed by a student that Crisp was planning to make charges against Hogg in an attempt to

9 Ibid. , November 23, 1879. 10 O. M. Roberts to J. D. Sayers and Other Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, Austin, Texas, August 5, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 477 have him dismissed from the faculty, made an unsuccessful appeal to President Gathright to stop Crisp. As time for the Board meeting neared, she was apprehensive that Hogg would not return in time and that he might be disgraced him to and removed without a hearing; she therefore wired return. Receiving no answer prior to the Sunday preceding the Board meeting, she asked Banks to take her to Bryan to consult with a lawyer, M. W. NcCraw, who was to defend NcCraw was not at Hogg should he not return in time. Since home, Banks agreed to return to see him Monday morning; the however, Hogg himself returned on Monday. Banks, in meantime, informed McCraw as to the purpose of Nrs. Hogg's visit. 11 time Even though Governor Roberts himself had set the for the Board meeting, contrary to the expectations of the other Board members, who were all present, he did not appear, Roberts received telegrams concerning his absence from both Sayers, who demanded an immediate answer, and in session Peeler, who stated that the Board would continue 12 until Roberts arrived. However, Governor Roberts never arrived. Significantly, since he had been Governor,

11 Galveston D~ail News, November 23, 1879. 12 Joseph D. Sayers and A. J. Peeler to O. N. Roberts, College Station, Texas, August 26, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 478

Roberts had never visited the College nor attended a 13 Board meeting there. The Board conducted the business that had accumulated since June. According to a Board resolution, President Gathright later sent Sayers an itemized estimate, beginning in October, of the College's necessary operating expenses, which included: a janitor to keep the buildings and grounds and keep fires in the lecture rooms, and a drummer and bugler for the corps, $800; a hospital steward and nurse, $250; medicines and supplies, $200; postage, $100; stationery, $50; advertising on order of the Board, $200; printing catalogues, $250; printing official forms, $50; repairs and replacement, $1, 000; commencement expenses, including music, $200. All of these expenses had been paid from the contingent fund. Last year, for the first time, contracts for making uniforms had been favorable enough to leave a small profit, as had the management of the Steward's Hall. In the coming year the clothing allowance was $10 less; yet the material would cost five percent more. If Gathright did not have to pay the expenses of operating the 13 Costly Board meetings were eating away at the Endow- ment Fund. Board expenses in 1876 had been $633; in 1877, $1, 558. 40; in 1878, $504. 80. By the time the Board completed the current meeting, expenses for 1879 would amount to $1, 833. 00. Journal of the Senate of the Seventeenth S 154. S ~L* 1 t f tt St 1 f 1', 5 S. . , of the Board listed mileage greater than that in the official table published by the Comptroller's Office. Governor Hub- bard had cautioned Gathright in 1878 that as few Board meetings as possible were a stringency necessary to conserve funds. 479 farm from the contingent fund, he could pay the expenses he had listed as well as the College debt, which had existed since June, 1878, and had been slowly reduced since that time. He would be pleased to have the Board evaluate both the necessity and wisdom of his expenditures. The stubs showed the numbers of the vouchers, and in addition he had the vouchers of the Expense Account. Stating that he had neglected his own private affairs because he had spent so much time managing College finances, he would be pleased to have the Board "see where every dollar has gone and when " 14 and what the mistakes are. Should the Board think a reduction of expenses was necessary, he would follow their desires, and even though "the pruning knife" reached him, he would gracefully accept Board action as that "of intel- " ligent and conscientious gentlemen. The average attendance of 1878-79 had been one hundred seventy —five students; however, a heavy enrollment loss had occurred at the end of the first term as the result of newspaper and legislative agitation and he thought the drought would cause a smaller attendance during the coming session. In spite of these problems, he believed the management and success of the

14 The financial affairs received a thorough going over in the Summer of 1880 and are explained in an "Extract from Minutes of the Board of Directors, August 2, 1888, " ' M~ tt ~R* t f tt 8o 8' A~1 d M D 1 8*11~ f of t of tt A~lt Texas Governor O. M. Robe~rts, pp. 15-16 the State of I to 480

College had been pleasing and exceeded his expectations 15 with the amount of available funds. The Board met on August 26 with all members present except Governor Roberts, who, although he received telegrams from Sayers and Peeler insisting on his presence, sent them a telegram that he would be unable to attend but would meet with the Board at Hempstead. On the first day the Board spent a considerable amount of time discussing College finances. Since three Board meetings in one year had already drawn heavily from the interest on the Endowment Fund, the

Fund would be insufficient to pay the salaries and wages of College employees in the coming session. On the following day the faculty members, who had been invited to appear before the Board, received an explanation of the Board' s decision concerning the payment of their salaries for the coming year and fully agreed to accept the Board's decision. They would receive their salaries from the Endow- ment Fund in nine payments, with the President to receive $2, 300; the professors, $1, 500 each; and the adjunct professor and superintendent of the farm, $800 each, in all amounting to $12, 900 to be paid from the interest on the

Endowment Fund. Before any other amounts were spent from the contingent fund. $500 was to be spent on seed, fertilizer, forage, etc. for the farm. Before any officers and 15 Thomas S. Gathright to J. D. Sayers, College Station, Texas, August 27, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 481 employees received therr pay, the College debts wr. re to be paid. The balance of the contingent fund would be used to pay the surgeon $8 per student per session, not to exceed $1, 500, and other College employees, including the hospital steward, janitors, musicians, and the laborers. Out of the balance, should there be any remaining, the President would receive $200, each of the professors, $300, and the adjunct professor, $200. A pro-rata distribution of the contingent fund would be made, and all those who agreed to teach in the coming session did so with the "distinct understanding" that should the fund be insufficient, they should not have nor make a claim against the College because of the deficiency. All those who received their salaries in full from the fund were to be paid before any partial payment was made from it. Professor Morris was to receive $200 from the contingent fund for his service as treasurer and was to keep an account of receipts and expenditures on a monthly basis that would "plainly" show the state of College finances. President Gathright was instructed to strictly enforce the rules that required student payments upon entrance and at other stated times during the session. In addition, he was to furnish the Board an estimate of the probable expenses of the College for the coming session. The Board adopted committee recommendations for the manner in which the legislative appropriation made in June was to be expended. The $7, 500 was to be drawn by 482 the President and turned over to the Fiscal Agent; it was to be expended by the various professors with the approval of the President. In other business the Board adopted a resolution that a proposal be made to the legislature that the terms of Board members be extended to six years, with members being divided into three classes so that one-third of the Board was elected every two years. It also agreed to a resolution that $500, "if available, " would be spent to gain public support; Peeler, Cochran, and Pickett were to write an address "To the People of Texas, " and 3, 000 copies were to be printed and distributed under Peeler's oversight. The Board also discussed the possibility of establishing a dairy farm as well as securing facilities to provide 16 housing for visitors to the College.

The Board apportioned the $7, 500 appropriation from the University Fund made at the called session of the

16 Informal Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, August 26-28, 1879, in Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. Although no mention was made of Cadet Crisp's appearance before the Board, there was a document, "J. C. C. 42, " that had no name nor address but was on stationery from the "Office of Horace T. Burke, Bookseller and Stationer, With the late E. H. Cushing the Past Ten Years: 'If you are really in Earnest I will state that nothing would give me more pleasure than to comply with your request. Besides helping even though it be little, a friend whom I appreciate and respect the more I think of him, I would be ~lad and proud to assist or be instrumental in ridding the college of a man whom I think totally unfit for and beneath the position he holds. '" 483 legislature for the following purposes= agricultural implements, $1, 000; library, $1, 550; a cabinet for natural philosophy, $4, 950, further broken down to provide natural philosophy, $1, 500; engineering, $500; chemical department and fitting up a suitable room, $2, 500; surgeon and professor of anatomy, $450. An additional $7, 500 appropriated for the year ending February 28, 1881, was to be distributed as follows: agriculture department, $3, 000; mechanical 17 department, $4, 000; library, $500. The College community was probably more concerned with the Board's handling of the Crisp-Hogg affair than the apportioning of the newly secured funds. John C Crisp, who was over twenty-one years of age, appeared before the Board to make his charges against Professor Hogg. In the preamble to his charges, he acknowledged that he was prompted by love for his fellow students and the College and had carefully weighed the serious but disagreeable duty that conscience demanded and was making the charges with the Board's consent. Acting of his own accord, he disclaimed personal animosity toward Professor Hogg; had the issue been a personal one, he would have held Hogg responsible and settled his own difficulties "without resorting to any such measure as this. " He charged that Professor Hogg was incompetent in communicating knowledge, a bad disciplinarian,

17 th of th 5o d f M~ ~Rt ' D' A~ 1 d M h 1 ~Coll. f th t of th A~lt Bt t *f 8 [to G * o D. M. R~b* t, 1881, D. 15. 484 and had permitted Crisp to grade his own papers At a subsequent hearing, Professor Morris, although he never approved Crisp's actions, substantially agreed with Crisp.

Morris thought Hogg a good mathematician who could not impart knowledge to him and "certainly not to Crisp. " He also thought that Hogg was improper in offering to give Crisp a higher grade for making out some class reports for him. The Board, however, did not investigate the charges nor make any decision. According to Professor Banks, the Board did not regard Crisp's charges of enough importance for Professor Hogg to be required to answer them. No record was kept of them, and Hogg was formally re-employed. In announcing the Board's decision, Peeler advised Crisp to drop the matter until the next Board meeting. In what turned out to be a serious mistake in judgment, Crisp wrote out his charges and filed them along with a private letter 18 to the Governor. Had President Gathright been Crisp's mentor as some charged, the error was even more serious on his part. Having a first-hand acquaintance with Governor Roberts and being aware of his plans for the College, as well as the very formal relationship existing between the two men, President Gathright should have discouraged a direct assault upon any faculty member. Later events proved that he should have waited in the same way that Governor Roberts knew how to wait, if he indeed had any responsibility

18 Galveston ~Dail News, November 19 and 23, 1879. 485 in the matter. Perhaps he overestimated his strength with the other Board members, or perhaps his own strength had 19 been all used up. Professors Martin, Lewis, Hogg, Morris, and Banks prepared and signed a paper for the Board at the August 20 meeting; the paper deplored the covert attack of Crisp which made the entire faculty liable to the same "irregular annoyance. " The professors wondered whether it was permissible for a student to remain at the College during the 19 Gathright was subject to attacks of the liver, and for the past five or six years had a tendency toward paraly- sis, the symptoms appearing in connection with the bilious attacks. Mrs. Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Henderson, Texas, May 31, 1880, and Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Henderson, Texas, April 16, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 20 Lewis also drew up a letter to the Board making whether a student could remain at the College inquiry as to disgruntled during the Summer "and correspond with other" students in order to undermine a professor. He asked Professor Morris to sign it before asking the President for his signature, and when Lewis went to Gathright's room, he "found him furious. " Offering to resign in Lewis' favor," Gathright fumed, "You must have known what you were doing." Morris disapproved of Crisp's charges as "underhanded, and believe that Lewis was discourteous to President he did not a Gathright in making a protest of Gathright's permitting" student "to drum up charges against professors, especially since Crisp had used postal cards for his correspondence. before the Board adjourned, and Lewis wrote his letter just pre- a difference of opinion with Morris stopped him from senting it to the Board before its adjournment. However, Lewis had shown it to Pickett, who advised against its presentation as an attack upon a student without properly presenting his case. At the time, the directors were waiting for the train to Hempstead, and Pickett advised the charges were a matter for faculty decision Lewis that "there must and not for Board action. Pickett told him" that be harmony in the college at all hazards. Galveston D~ail News, November 21, 1879. Whether this was the same paper that the other professors endorsed, or one in addition, is not made clear. 486

Summer and be allowed to conduct such an attack and also whether good order and discipline could be maintained in the coming session under such circumstances. They requested the communication to be spread on the Board records and that a Board resolution be drawn to express its views. stated that he signed for the future as he was Hogg 21 "willing and ready to answer" for the present. Professor

Hogg took it to Gathright, who refused to sign it or give it to the Board since he thought their action "discourteous, disrespectful and impertinent, " although Gathright offered to appear with Hogg personally before the Board to discuss 22 the issue. Shortly after the Board meeting, Professor Hogg learned that Crisp had renewed his correspondence and was and now accusing Hogg of attacking Crisp's moral character of attempting to have Crisp dismissed from the College.

Upon hearing of the renewed attacks, Hogg conferred with were Norris, who advised him to ask Crisp if the report true and offered to accompany Hogg. Crisp affirmed that he had received his information from a reliable source which he declined to name and stated that he intended to

21 R. H. P. Morris, L. N. Lewis, W. A. Banks, C. P. B. Martin, and Alexander Hogg to Honorable Board of Directors, College Station, Texas, August 28, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives, 22 Thomas S. Gathright to 0. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, October 20, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 487 continue his writing. Continuing to deny the charges, Hogg was advised by Morris to go to President Gathright and appeal to him. The President informed Morris and Hogg that Crisp was a citizen and had been granted permission by the Board to stay at the College "as long as he behaved himself. " As a citizen and not as a student, Crisp had the right to his correspondence; and while Gathright could not stop him, he would advise him to stop using postal cards, which Hogg considered indecent treatment. According to Banks, Hogg then went to Crisp the second time to ask him to desist his attacks, and Crisp allegedly replied, "Help yourself if you can. " Crisp later sent word to

Hogg that he would stop writing on postal cards upon President Gathright's request. A few days before the College opened, Crisp vowed to fight Hogg until he got him out of the College. Banks had heard that Crisp had informed the Board he would not return to College as a 23 student until Hogg was dismissed. Professor Hogg later declared that he had not tried to find out the Board's decision in the matter of Crisp's charges against him presented at the August meeting since he thought a professor should try to adjust his own dif— ficulties with his colleagues and believed every member 24 should try to settle a faculty dispute. He also denied

23 Galveston ~Dail News, November 23, 1879. 24 Ibid. , November 21, 1879. 488 charging President Gathright with influencing Crisp to make his charges to the Board. The renewed attacks by Crisp on postal cards, "now stacked up in showcases" throughout the state, pleaded with other students: "Hogg is trying to get me out; will you see a fellow student thus treated?" Hogg then requested Dr. Smythe's help. Dr. Smythe told Hogg he had "backed and backed" until his attackers thought he 25 lacked moral courage. In an explanation of his own course of action after the Board meeting, Crisp reported hearing of threats against him by some of the faculty members who had said he should not be permitted to enroll at the College, or should " be reduced to ranks, and should "never darken their doors. Professor and Mrs. Hogg stated that they had evidence to ruin Crisp, who then took steps in his own defense. Having little money, he had bought postal cards to write his fellow students for testimonials. He had given them a few of the facts and reasons for his criticism of Hogg, and requested that they write their opinions of both Hogg and himself. He had written some private letters to present facts in more detail; in addition, he had "filed the replies with the governor" since he would appeal if he were dis- 26 mi ssed. After Crisp's appearance at the Board meeting,

25 Ibid. , November 20, 1879. 26 Ibid. , November 23, 1879. 489

I resident Gathright thought those who had signed the paper showed him every sign of disrespect. Information soon reached him that certain faculty members held him rcspon- 27 sible for the instigation of the charges against Hogg. In a letter to George Pfeuffer on September 10 concerning expenditures from the legislative appropriation, President Gathright acknowledged receiving estimates from Morris and Martin. In addition, he informed Pfeuffer that the same difficulties were persisting which Pfeuffer had wisely perceived and which Gathright felt sure he would 28 "have the justice and courage to correct. " Three days later he again wrote Pfeuffer in a private and confidential report in answer to Pfeuffer's inquiry concerning Professor

Hogg and enclosed a note from one of the trustees of the Alabama land grant college in regard to Hogg's dismissal from that institution. He complained that since Cadet Crisp had made his charges, Hogg's "continuance in the faculty is out of the question. " Gathright explained that he considered the paper gotten up by Hogg and signed by all faculty members except Adjunct Professor McInnis and Professor Hand, disrespectful to the Board, and that he had so informed Hogg and refused to sign it. Since that time

27 Thomas S. Gathright to 0. M. Roberts, College Sta- tion, Texas, October 20, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 28 Thomas S. Gathright to George P feuf fer, College Station, Texas, September 10, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. 490

Hogg had made every effort to ruin Crisp and unite the faculty behind himself by trying to create the impression that the President had led Crisp to attack Hogg, an allega- tion which Gathright denied. His own policy was to make no reply but to work for the College and to "bear all things to promote harmony, but unless this man changes his course, 29 he will ruin the college. " Writing on the 30th to send another letter from an official of the Alabama A. and N. College, Gathright felt he would be forced to use it before very long since "the most cowardly and outrageous persecution of me and my family has been going on ever since you left. " Professor Hogg himself was trying to operate in the background and also through his family, his wife and daughters aged about fifteen, eleven, and seven 30 years. However, when Captain Olmstead brought Hogg a message from Pfeuffer, Hogg "fawned like a spaniel when he met Crisp, " whom Hogg, aided by Banks and Norris, had done everything he could to crush. Without Gathright's permission, Crisp would not be allowed to register for the coming session. Gathright thought these faculty members needed a 31 little "reconstructing. "

29 Same to Same, September 13, 1879, in ibid. 30 Bureau of the Census Records, Brazos County, 1880, J. W. Johnson, Enumerator, p. 33. 31 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Sta- tion Texas, September 30, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. 491

While the College troubles had been ballooning, Captain Olmstead and Adjunct Professor McInnis had gone on a trip 32 to the Texas plains. Captain Olmstead, covering some "very rough road in parts, " had returned by way of New Braunfels, where he visited Pfeuffer. Disheartened at learning of the events that had occurred at the College and of the distrust that prevailed, he asked, "When will it be 33 over? Why are these things thus?" Although the imbroglio that had so preoccupied the faculty was reaching full blown proportions, there was a semblance of business as usual with the opening of a new session on October l. On Pfeuffer's recommendation, Presi- dent Gathright had employed a new farm superintendent, who 34 was doing first rate. In spite of the legislative appropriation made in the early Summer, no additional equipment had been provided and the agricultural and

32 Austin D~ail Democratic Statesman, September 20, 1879. 33 George T. Olmstead to Louis L. McInnis, New Braun- fels, Texas, September 24, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 34 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, September 30, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. The former farm superintendent who had been released by the Board noted the new title given his successor, "Superin- tendent of the College Grounds. " Complaining that he had been dismissed without any charges being made against him, he declared that he believed himself competent to conduct the work and demanded a hearing. W. P. Ivey to Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, College Station, Texas, June 27, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, in ibid. 492 mechanical departments still lacked basic equipment. The new farm superintendent, Emil Kellner, had arrived at the College on July 11 and immediately set to work with the laborers in an attempt to save some fodder and hay. He found that only a small area of the College land had been cultivated, no corn crop harvested, and "the place overrun with weeds. " During the Fall, according to a Board resolution made in August, he sowed about seventy acres in wheat, 35 rye, barley, and oats.

35 P th A 1 ~Ro t f th P * 'd t f th A~l- ' t 1 d M h 1 C~ll f f* ~tG * D. M. Rhh* 'th D* t, P 41. 1 P't of K 11- tg A~frost at Christmastime killed nearly all of ner s ~ff~rt~ the grain. Kellner was able to harvest about five and a half acres of badly rusted oats; but the badly rusted rye was plowed under and the land sown to millet. He planted potatoes before Christmas because the seed potatoes which he had received from Philadelphia had the dry rot; however, a frost on March 13 damaged them to such an extent that he harvested only two barrels of small potatoes, eaten at the mess hall. He planted the rest of the potatoes on February 9, the common day for planting potatoes in Texas; but most of them rotted in the ground, and he was able to save only seven or eight barrels. Twenty bushels of onions rotted in the ground because of an "immense amount of rain" followed by heat. Since the substratum of clay did not allow the rainfall to penetrate deeply, he recommended the laying of drains. However, in spite of these difficulties, he had been successful in supplying the mess hall with an abundance of vegetables. Insofar as possible he complied with the Board's instructions. He broke and reclaimed land which had never been cultivated and cultivated all the land within the enclosure that was fit. In one interesting experiment, he planted one and a fourth acres in tick weed or beggarlice, a native plant, which was claimed to be a fertilizer and food for stock. He found 543 apple trees alive of the 1000 previously planted and replanted the orchard: 458 peach trees; 6 plum trees; 50 dwarf pear trees; 33 grape vines of American varieties; 200 Black Spanish grape vines; and 16 fig trees. In addition, he planted 6 weeping willows, 6 Lombardy poplars, specimen 493

Cadet Crisp was one of the students registered by president Gathright in October, although he had reportedly said he would not return if Hogg remained. Commandant Olmstead wrote Pfeuffer that he hoped the Crisp-Hogg feud would soon wear out; on account of the affair several students had failed to return to the College. He had given

Hogg, who intended to reply, a message from Pfeuffer, when he returned to the College in September. Dlmstead was assigning Pfeuffer's son, presently enrolled 'in the College, as a corporal in "A" Company to be commanded by Crisp and 36 quartered in the Nain Building. Soon after the College opened, the faculty was called together to confirm the Commandant's nominations for the corps of cadets. Since Crisp had been captain of "B" Company in the preceding session, he was nominated by Commandant Olmstead to the hedges of California privet, English privet, China arbor- vitaes, and other shrubs. He planted 82 hackberries, of which only a third grew because of improper handling. In the course of his work he came to various conclusions: the soil at the College farm was the poorest in Texas; the apple trees had been improperly pruned, although he did not know whether they were proper Southern varieties; an earth augur was needed to bore holes in the soil in the planting of trees so that the tap root could more easily penetrate the soil; experiments needed to be made using various kinds of fertilizers; and he was a believer in both deep plowing and in the summer fallow of land planted to oats or potatoes, "as every particles of manure which the soil rain brings " cannot absorb if it is lying caked and hard. Ibid. , 41- 43. 36 George Olmstead to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, October 3, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&N University Archives. 494

position of senior captain of the corps as captain of "A"

Company. When the nomination was made, Hogg rose to make a personal objection and explanation, but was ordered by Gathright in a "very angry, insulting, and preemptory manner" to take his seat. Gathright later recalled that

Hogg was the only faculty member who had tried to explain

his vote. Had Hogg been permitted to speak, according to Banks, he would have proposed that Crisp cease making attacks on him until the Board made its decision in the matter, and the faculty itself allow Gathright himself to confirm Crisp's nomination. According to Professor Hand, who had not been involved in the affair up until this time, Gathright showed a "slight temper" when he called Hogg to order and repeated his contention that Crisp's charges

against Hogg were made as a citizen and his actions could not be discussed in the matter as a cadet. Hand personally had not tried to bring about harmony although he had tried on other occasions; his "honest conviction" was that the trouble was not in the vote at the faculty meeting but in the slow accumulation of conflicts. The vote itself was only a "spark, " which merely ignited the bitter feelings. Feelings also ran high in the student body; Hand's own son 37 was a student and had been difficult to control.

Professor Hogg recalled that after Gathright ordered him to sit down, Hand moved to make Crisp a captain, and

37 Galveston D~ail News, November 20, 1879. 495

Gathright seconded the motion, although this was the first time that the President had ever claimed to vote. It was also the first faculty meeting that Dr. Smythe had ever been summoned to attend. Voting first, he did not know how the others would vote. As Professor of Anatomy, he had never had any classes until recently; while he had tried to do so earlier, there had been no chance "to fit in" 38 his classes. Professor Banks thought that the permission given Crisp to register under the circumstances introduced an element of strife and discord. Giving Crisp the highest office in the corps would give him "greater power for evil" and completely destroy Hogg's usefulness. Since

Crisp had said he would not return with Hogg in the faculty, Banks believed he should have stayed away and should not have been matriculated. Professor Norris was "indignant" at Gathright's refusal to hear Hogg in the faculty meeting and voted against the nomination. Although Gathright had ruled that no explanation could be made of a vote, Morris thought such a ruling was a bad mistake but voted wrthout stating the reason for his vote in order to avoid further unpleasantness. When the vote was taken on the Crisp nomination, five of the faculty voted to deny Crisp the commission, and four approved granting it. However, the vote did not resolve the issue; the conflict became

38 Ibid. , November 21, 1879. 496 increasingly bitter and eventually spread in ever-widening circles outside the College. After the meeting, President Gathright protested that he would take the matter to the Board since he believed the law of precedent entitled Crisp to the office. Soon after the faculty meeting, Professors Morris and Lewis received letters from Peeler requesting that they do all within their power to avoid a 39 called meeting of the Board. Cadet Crisp thought precedence as practiced in all military organizations entitled him to the rank of captain, but he remained in the College and performed the duties of a private. He believed that the faculty's "very unjust action" was the result of personal animosity since he was not accused of violating any College law and was not given a hearing. Furthermore, he believed if he had violated any law, he was answerable to the Board and not the faculty as his case had been presented there first. He believed the Board was "wise and just" in making provision for students to complain during the session, but as a citizen during vacation, he had more rights and was not under the College

39 Ibid. , November 20 and 23, 1879. Cadet Crisp had 9' ' ' f h t 8* g t th ' of 187677. C~tlo th St t A~lt 1 d M* h 1 ~Coll f T 8 'o f1876-7, p. 8 8 t*h *h 8 od 8*g t ' L' 1877-78 I t 8 6 6 8' t t t o8 Co. D, much number of students who probably because of the larger ' ' oil d. ~Ct 1o f th St t A lt 1 d M h 1 ~C11 of S* f 1877 —8, p. 77 . 1 th 1878-79 T, ' '* h c of co ~cT. o of th st t pt ' 9 9 s. A~it 1 d M h 1 ~C11 f T, 1878 9, P. 18. 497

rules. Besides, the Board had given him "express permis-

sion" to come before them. He believed the faculty had attacked him in order to "degrade and outrage [ him] with impunity, " although he had done nothing to them, and he disclaimed their right to assume the Board's jurisdiction. The office for which Crisp had been nominated was not

filled, and the vacancy led to continuous agitation. As former Commandant, Norris explained the role of senior captain in the corps. At the beginning of each annual session all students occupied the same position, and a cadet could not claim an office because of an office he had previously held in the preceding session. Offices were to be filled by students who would administer discipline wisely in the faculty's opinion and judgment, and the faculty based its decision on Crisp's conduct in the previous session and during vacation. Senior captain was a "peculiar" office. As an officer just below the Commandant, he was responsible for corps discipline, and in his bearing and conduct he was at all times an example to other students to abide by regulations and conduct themselves with "dignity and propriety. " Morris thought Crisp was in the wrong; he had ignored the Board action, maintained a hostile attitude toward Hogg, and openly said he

would continue his attacks until Hogg was dismissed or Crisp "utterly defeated. " Under these circumstances, Morris believed the Crisp appointment would be detrimental 498 to discipline and good order besides causing "irreparable injury" to Hogg's influence and usefulness; it would be tantamount to saying that Hogg was not fit and the Board not wise in retaining him. He thought all complaints should be made at the proper time and in the proper manner. Had Crisp been given the office, he would continue to agitate and injure the College. Morris believed the acceptance of the faculty's vote would prevent all trouble and discord 40 since a protest or appeal was permissible. President Gathright wrote Pfeuffer on October 15 that, accustomed to the role of administrator, he had been in charge of a school as large as the A. s M. College for twenty-three years and was Grand Master of Masons in Mississippi for three years but had had more trouble with the faculty at the Texas A. and M. College than all the " "boys and men I have known besides. Professor Martin had not yet submitted a list of implements needed for the agriculture department, and no apparatus had arrived. Gathright had sent "Old Nan Martin" to Austin for the state donations of geological specimens made by the legislature in July, but he had not reported to Gathright even though he had been back for four days. Martin had drawn on Gathright for $20 while he was in Austin, and Gathright had returned the claim unpaid since he had received no itemized statement of his expenses. The Governor had "wined and

40 Galveston ~Dail News, November 23, 1879. 499

dined" Martin in Austin; but without being disrespectful, Gathright wanted to know how long "you gentlemen are I ] going to maintain such a farce?" Then, having second thoughts, the President asked pardon lest his remark be interpreted as being disrespectful. President Gathright was concerned that he had not received the letters he had sent Pfeuffer from correspondents at the Alabama A. and M. College; since he had not heard, he feared they were lost. He had the certified transcript of the Board of the Alabama College concerning

Hogg's dismissal and thought the time might come when he would submit the whole matter to the Board. He also explained the action taken in faculty meeting and thought it unjust because of Crisp's exceptional record. Governor Roberts had paid no attention to the President's appeal, and Gathright concluded, ominously, "Of course, I must 41 interpret that but one way. " Expressing his regrets at not having been at the August Board meeting, Governor Roberts wrote a four-page reply to Crisp that he had learned from the Board members at Hempstead, where he met with the Board immediately after its meeting at the College, of Crisp's charges, which had been deferred until the next Board meeting. Although the

41 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, October 15, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 500 directors appeared to regret the matter, no reflections had been cast on Crisp for his action, nor the right he had as any other citizen to prefer the charges. The directors had appreciated his "firmness and manly conduct. " Unable to pass judgment on the Board's action since he was absent, the Governor had hoped that the matter would rest until the next Board meeting, "which as then expected would be at the end of the session. " Upon receiving the package Crisp had sent him and looking through "the album and such other papers as I examined, " he thought Crisp's purpose in "sending all those papers" was to give him an idea of Crisp's reputation and standing, of which Roberts was already satisfied. Sup- posing that Crisp wanted to keep the testimonials and not leave them in the executive files, Roberts took advantage of the favorable opportunity to send Crisp the package by Professor Martin. Roberts did not think the package was subject to Martin's inspection since it was tied up, and "if he is a gentleman, which I have a right to take him to be as a professor in the College, " Roberts would be "slow to believe that he would do such a thing" as to examine the contents. Still another reason why Roberts returned the papers was that the Board had no clerk, and most of the Board papers were loosely piled on a desk in his office, and he thought Crisp should keep them until he could make the proper presentation. Roberts had been pressed for time during Martin's visit, so much so that he could scarcely 501 give Martin attention; he thought that sending the package by Martin was the same as having a father take a package to his son. "When I said to him that I had no time to read all those papers, I could, if I had thought it necessary, to have added that I could take time to read lengthy documents or numerous papers only when the time approaches for action on them. " While it had not occurred to the Governor that Crisp would consider him disrespectful, he conceded that his action was informal, but he had a right to suppose that Martin and Crisp enjoyed friendly relations as professor and student, and because of Martin's age, an even fatherly relationship. The Governor received no indication otherwise from Martin. He was now giving the matters at the College his "anxious attention" and had corresponded with some of the Board. He was certain Crisp would be heard respectfully "whenever they meet, " and had Crisp been unjustly mistreated, he would receive redress. In a postscript the Governor wrote that he had received a letter from Crisp's father demanding an investigation. Roberts intended to write him "that I shall take steps to have the matter settled if possible in a way to produce no injury to any one or to the school, and if that can't be done, then I shall submit it to the members of the Board of the A. and M. 42 College as what next to be done. "

42 0. M. Roberts to John C. Crisp, Austin, Texas, October 16, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 502

It is surprising that the Galveston ~Dail News either knew nothing about all these affairs or. chose not tn print them, for the entire College was in a froth which had spilled over into Bryan as well. However, statewide newspaper criticism and comment about the College continued much as it always had. The ~Jas er Clarion praised the agricultural and mechanical college in Mississippi as being the only one in the nation to carry out fully the intentions of Congress. Students were required to work in the shop or on the farm; board and tuition were free, and clothes did not cost over $30 annually; the college was self-sustaining; and it was expected that students would come "to love the " labors of the farm. By contrast, it pointed out the expensive cost of the Texas College with no courses in agriculture and mechanics. The A. and M. College of Texas should be called a high school and the land given back to the federal government. The Waco Examiner and Patron compared the Texas and Missouri colleges. In Missouri able and enthusiastic professors were "so little ashamed of labor that they do not blush when caught with a spade or hoe. " Students made numerous evaluations of experiments. Even though the soils and climate of Texas and Missouri were quite different, the Examiner intended to publish the results of the experiments of the Missouri college since they provided the best way for the farmers of Texas to receive some of the benefits which Congress had provided on 503 43 their behalf. In a speech at the Georgetown Agricultural Fair, in mid-October, Governor Roberts declared that when the time came that the great factories and great cities "shall control and overshadow with their great power the agricultural interests, then our liberties will be gone. " Agri-

culture was needed to build up a high civilization. Texas was doing something, and he was doing something as Governor

to achieve this. Texas' first college, established by the people of Texas and paid for with their own money, was an agricultural and mechanical college designed to teach the science of agriculture. Even though some said there was no science in agriculture, he thought agriculture to be one of the broadest fields of science. It is to teach us how to compete in times like this with the drouth and to overcome it, it is to teach how to overcome the great rains that drown the crops; it is to teach you how to improve your stock, to build your farm houses for your ladies for their greatest comfort and convenience, and the first endowment of any institution of learning by the state was for such an agricultural college as would teach this science. And I take to myself that I have helped initiate the movement to give that college the direction towards its proper purpose. In addition, Governor Roberts used the occasion to denounce in scathing terms the Radical Reconstruction and point out that he had taken part in all of Texas' important political movements though not. as a politician. Though he was aware

43 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, October 10, 1879. 504 of the political conditions, he had been unf amiliar with details, and upon becoming governor had set about to 44 mas ter them.

On October 19 on the streets of Bryan, President

Gathright had been charged by attorney M. W. McCraw, a Republican, "publicly and loudly, " with encouraging Crisp to attack Hogg. Claiming to have received his information from Banks and Morris, McCraw charged other "grievous things not necessary to mention, " including the fact that two-thirds of the Bryan business men were against Gathright. President Gathright concluded that McCraw was creating hostility toward the College and intended to work against 45 Gathright publicly, and that the charges made wildly in the presence of Adjunct Professor Mclnnis were both "annoying and damaging. " McCraw told them his inf ormation 46 had come from Banks, Morris, and Lewis. Shortly after the attack upon Gathright, Dr. Smythe carried a personal letter from Gathright to McCraw as well as a reply from McCraw to Gathright. Although Smythe opposed the idea of Gathright sending a letter to McCraw, he thought that the delivering 47 of one called for a rebuttal by the other. President

44 Speech made by Governor O. M. Roberts at the George- town Agricultural Fair, in Galveston Dai~l News, October 18, 1879. Few doubted his mastery. 45 Thomas S. Gathright to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, October 20, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 46 Galveston ~Dail News, November 20, 1879. 47 Ibid. , November 21, 1879. 505

Gathright wrote to deny the charges which stained his "heretofore unblemished" character. As was to be expected, the different professors were affected by the McCraw incident in various ways. Hand thought the remarks made on Bryan's streets reflected on the President's veracity and honesty and made the trouble even more dangerous to the 48 College. Banks told Hand, in regard to the McCraw attack, that Hand could give Banks' disavowal to the Presi- dent since he was "particular as to forms in matters of that sort, " and he would not say what he could not prove. Lewis stated that Gathright said those who echoed McCraw's charges would have to leave, or he would. At this time Lewis stopped holding chapel services since he thought the President had no confidence in Lewis' religious professions.

Lewis denied that he was plotting to become President. He regretted the charges, which he later wanted to withdraw, but the President, desirous of an investigation, would not listen. Gathright had written the school in Arkansas where Lewis previously taught, and although Lewis did not know the reason, he assumed that Gathright would use the information in case of a "falling out. " Morris thought that McCraw was in an unenviable position and that the College trouble had been "aggravated by the gabble" of Bryan citizens. 49

48 Ibid. , November 20, 1879. 49 McCraw was a leading Republican lawyer with much influence in the party. Alex Anderson to E. M. Pease, n. p. , 506

Following Governor Roberts' earlier instructions in

Nay for the preparation of his report for the Governor,

/ Gathright wrote a concise, nine-point resume of the Crisp-

Hogg affair and the resulting repercussions. The first point concerned Crisp's charges; the second, Hogg' s letter signed by Martin, Lewis, Morris, and Banks, which Gathright refused to take to the Board; third, the disrespect shown him; fourth, the public attack made by NcCraw and the charges made against him; fifth, the hard work he had done in his office in the College's interests instead of visiting

February 7, 1879, Edmund J. Davis Papers, Texas State Ar- chives. At the same time that NcCraw was involved in the College squabble, he was also involved in a notorious scandal that surfaced in the Spring of 1880 and captured statewide attention. In late October, 1879, wanting "to get rid of Bryan and its talk, " the wife of former Board member B. H. Davis and her neighbor, McCraw, concocted a complicated drowning ruse at Galveston. It appeared coincidental that Mrs. Davis, her sister, and NcCraw, along with the Brazos County sheriff, happened to ride the same train to Galves- ton. Nrs. Davis and &cCraw, in spite of. the fact that the beacn was closed and much to th dismay or her sister, went for a 9 P. M. swim. Reported drowned, Nrs, Davis had actually left to lead a new life in Hew York. McCraw had offices in New York as well as in Bryan. An intensive "earch was conducted for the body, which, contrary to daily expectations, did not wash up on the shore. Mrs. Davis left her husband "a household desolate that had been the pride of one whose relations had been those of a man of solid worth and unimpeachable character. " memorial services were held in Bryan several days later although her body was not found. In Nay, Mrs. Davis, homesick for her family, sent NcCraw to effect a reconciliation or at the very least let her gain custody of her daughter, although Nrs. Davis refused to live in Bryan. The Davises were reconciled and moved to El Paso, where Davis had a brother who was Collector of Customs. Divorced by his wife, NcCraw went to Dakota, where he became wealthy. In June, 1889, he and his wife were remarried; in November, 1889, the family moved to San Antonio, where NcCraw died the following month. Galveston ~Dail News, October 24 25, 1879; Nay 28 —30, 1880; and December 20, 188 9. 507 in Bryan; sixth, the request that the Governor "institute an investigation of the facts in the matter, and act accordingly"; seventh, the charge that Alexander Hogg "is unfitted by reasons of some fatal peculiarities, fc r an instructor of youth, and that is the reputation given him

by his previous associates, in a College faculty, from which he was removed"; eighth, the inefficiency of profes-

sor Martin, who was "for several other reasons disqualified for the position he holds in this College, and that the department over which he presides will never meet just expectation or a decent success, during his administration of its affairs"; and ninth, "public duty and official integrity" demanded that he write this information "to your Excellence, and, in the name of all that is upright, 50 honorable and proper, to urge action thereon. "

On the same day that Gathright wrote to the Governor, Roberts wrote Crisp's father and related the circumstances which led him to return Crisp's papers by Martin. Meeting with the directors at Hempstead directly after Crisp had presented his charges, Roberts recalled that the Board spoke of Crisp in the highest terms. After hearing Crisp's charges, the Board consulted; however, since many of those needed to substantiate the charges were absent and since its time was limited because its real purpose was 50 Thomas S. Gathright to O. M. Roberts, College Sta- tion, Texas, October 20, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 508 to organize the Negro college, the Board decided to postpone further consideration until the next Board meeting when all those with evidence to present would be on hand with enough time for the Board to attend to the matter. The Board considered Crisp's action a "manly" decision that would demand their attention at a regular Board meeting when it would be proper for him to present his charges to the Board. As to sending the charges to Roberts, the Governor said he was only another member of the Board when it was not in session, "except that I can call a session of the Board at great expense to the School Fund, and which should not be done unless upon some great emergency of vital importance to the College. " He had kept Crisp's charges and letter and was taking steps "to see what can and what 51 must be done to have these difficulties settled. " President Gathright wrote Pfeuffer about McCraw's public attack and cited Banks and Morris as McCraw's infor- mants. Asking Pfeuffer's help in securing an investigation, Gathright concluded, "I have borne all I can bear and have „52 demanded an investigation. " On the same day Governor Roberts sent Gathright a telegram that he had been ill but was presently preparing a letter for him and the other

51 O. M. Roberts to D. H. Crisp, Austin, Texas, Octo- ber 20, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 52 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, October 21, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas ASM University Archives. 509 53 faculty members. Governor Roberts' letter addressed to "the members of the Faculty of the Agricultural and Mechanical College" assured them that except for an illness which prevented his "spending a day at your College on [his] return from Huntsville eight days ago, " he would have written sooner. He had received letters from President Gathright, Crisp, one of the directors, and two friends of the College, who live "at a distance. " In addition, he had conferred with A. J. Peeler, who had additional information from different sources. All indicated a great antagonism existing in the faculty, "which is spreading, like a partisan struggle broadcast over the country to the injury of the institution under your charge. " Regardless of whether it was the real reason for the struggle, the point of disagreement centered on Crisp's charges against Hogg at the last Board meeting and the faculty's failure to approve Crisp's nomination as captain of the corps. Roberts, "debarred from the pleasure of meeting with the Board . . . when the charges were presented, " had seen the members immediately afterward. Since they were unable to fully investigate the charges at that meeting, they believed their postponement had kept the matter in "abeyance" until the next Board meeting, when a fuller consideration would be given, "and that in the

53 O. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 21, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 510 meantime the school would go on harmoniously as it had done before. " As President of the Board, he had been appealed to for some remedy. He reminded them "collectively and individually" that the College was "not expected to be under the direct controll I sic] of Directors" widely scattered throughout the state. The usual regular sessions of the Board required a large amount of "the small funds 54 devoted by the state to the institution. " Once the Board had chosen a president and a faculty along with other officers and passed the necessary resolutions to provide direction, it assumed the faculty would take responsibility to conduct College affairs through the session, acting in harmony and each contributing in his own department "and by a conciliatory cooperation in the management of the school when their actions as a Faculty may be required. " He hoped and trusted they would excuse his appeal that they make "one serious and earnest effort" to achieve harmony as it existed in the last session and as the Board understood they left it at their last meeting, "upon the basis of at least respectful cooperation until the end of the present session. " He would be pleased to hear that harmony had been restored.

54 Funds to pay expenses for the Board meetings did not come from the state but from interest on the Endow- ment Fund. The state had provided no funds since the final organization of the College in the Summer of 1876 until the appropriation from the University Fund in the Summer of 1879, which was used to provide equipment and a library. 511

If however you fail and it cannot be done so as to be satisfactory for the time at least during the present session, I shall be pleased to receive as soon as practicable a letter from each of you, containing your views freely spoken, so that I may make them the basis of a consultation by letter with the Directors and get their advice as to what next shall be done. In conclusion I would say that the business of the Board of Directors is to organize the school, s from time to time as they meet, to keep it organized, and that of the faculty to manage the school organized by them from session to session. Admittedly, President Gathright did not read Governor Roberts' letter to the faculty since he had received another

letter from the Governor containing charges against him

"which debarred [Gathright ~ from reading his letter to the faculty. " Instead, Gathright consulted an old friend, Judge James D. Thomas, and hurriedly decided to go to Austin to ask Roberts, who granted his request, to relieve him of the duty of reading the letter. While Gathright was in Austin attempting to settle the College troubles, he appointed McInnis President pro tern. , and he reported Hogg 56 was the only professor to hand in his weekly report. According to Professor Hogg, the differences could have been

55 Same to Same, Austin, Texas, October 21, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. The Galveston ~Dail News, November 20, 1879, stated that "it was generally agreed that Roberts' letter to the faculty in which he offered them an opportunity to compromise their troubles without the Board's intervention was worded in such a way to leave all onus on the faculty in case they could not come to terms among themselves. " Some of the observers said it was a "case of persons having made their own beds only to lie in them. " 56 Galveston D~ail News, November 20, 1879. 512 settled until the President went to see the Governor. Hogg had asked Hand to go with him to see Gathright to effect a compromise of their differences if possible, but Hand 57 refused because he feared a scene. 58 The Galveston D~ail News thought it appeared impossible that the faculty would be able to compromise and settle their differences without a Board meeting as Roberts had requested. The paper thought the situation "portends no good to the college, and only prompt and judicious action can save it from great injury. " Politics was somewhere at the bottom of the problem. Former Governor Hubbard had attended the last Board meeting and favored a decisive course of action "that would have obviated the trouble" originating with Crisp's charges. Instead, the Board had postponed the investigation until its next meeting and advised all concerned "to remain quiet until that time. " However, by one vote Crisp had been reduced to ranks when the faculty took up the cudgel for Professor Hogg at the opening of the session. As the question stands and is understood here, it is simply that a student has no right to charge and to offer to prove a professor to be incompetent, or guilty of conduct that would unfit him for his position. All the circumstances, however, are not known. Letters from some of the professors are expected tomorrow. The trouble had reached the point at which further concealment can do no good. Probably,

57 Ib id. , November 2 1, 18 7 9 . 58 October 25, 1879. 513

when the public is heard from, a meeting of the board of directors will speedily be had . 59 Upon reading the report of the Galveston ~Dail News

that he was at the bottom of the trouble, Hogg decided to take action. As President Gathright was returning to the College on Monday night, the 27th, Hogg, also seeking an

investigation, arrived in Austin. The News reported the original charges of Hogg's incompetency had been on file in the Governor's office "for some months. " In fact, the charges had been presented to the Board in June but not entered on the minutes. The paper also recounted the five to four faculty vote on Crisp's nomination. The difference of opinion in the faculty thus strongly defined, can be remedied only when the mystery so studiously preserved is removed, and charges, now matters of damaging gossip, proved true or false, or rejected without consideration. The evil effect of the unsettled controversy, in the way of the absence of teachers in Austin, and the absence of facts to show whether the Crisp- Hogg matter, or that and more, too, is at the bottom of the trouble, is the cause of the sudden falling off of application of new students for the session. Crisp stands well as a cadet, and the petition for his restoration to captaincy, signed by ninety-seven out of 120, is with the governor. 60 In the meantime, before Gathright returned from Austin, 61 the reporter for the Galveston ~Dail News saw several professors in Bryan on Saturday but. could "elicit" no

59 November 21, 1879. 60 Ibid. , October 29, 1879. 61 October 26, 1879. 514

information about the trouble. The reporter found that

Hogg was quite popular in Bryan, and many believed Crisp's charges against him had been improperly endorsed and sanctioned by Gathright and other members of the faculty.

However, the citizens regretted the affair. On that same Saturday, the News correspondent in Austin wrote that the College trouble had not been settled, but a proposal had been made to defer an investigation and would probably be accepted. Upon Gathright's return from Austin, he found the students e." cited and requested that they refrain from taking sides and consider the welfare of the College in any move they made. On October 28, the day following Gathright's return to the College and Hogg's arrival in Austin, Governor Roberts wired Gathright to please have his letter of the 21st presented to the faculty through Hand or McInnis. "If nothing is done then I will know what to do. I feel it to [beJ my duty to put the Faculty on the trial of reconci— 62 liation and harmony or to say it is impracticable. " By this time it had been a week since the letter was written. When it was read, it hardly had the effect of making anyone more conciliatory. According to Gathright, Hand read the 63 letter, after which Gathright had tried to be polite in

62 0. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, October 28, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 63 According to Hand, the letter was read by McInnis, Galveston D~ail News, November 20, 1879. 515 asking, "Now, gentlemen, you have an opportunity to act on this fearful letter. " Although Gathright thought the letter a credit to Governor Roberts and expressed the wish that they comply with Roberts' views, some of the faculty said that Gathright made no effort at the meeting to bring about the harmony which Roberts had urged. Lewis and others spoke to another matter, although Martin did not think anything was done to prevent any member from speaking on any subject. Although Lewis feared trouble at the meeting, he hoped it would pass as others had; he thought Gathright really did not want action but called the meeting on account of the Governor's request. Morris was surprised when no action was taken but thought Gathright said "the matter referred to in the letter was arranged. " Gathright told them "a greater calamity" might happen for them than for him to go out of the College. The faculty separated without any discussion when Gathright said, "The letter is before you, but the object of this meeting is accomplished. " The intimation was that the faculty had already sent their 64 opinions to Roberts, and Hand moved for adjournment. Kellner, the farm superintendent, wrote Pfeuffer on October 31 that the "imbroglio" had left the College in sad shape; it was rumored that if Gathright left, about half of the students would leave at the same time the second

64 Ibid. One of the members remembered a previous occasion when Gathright said if he went out, there would be something else to follow. 516 installment for the semester came due. He hoped the Board would meet and examine every impediment causing the 65 trouble. Governor Roberts must have been surprised to receive a letter from the Stephen F. Austin Literary Society and to find that some of those at the College had time to engage in more uplifting talk than what he had been hearing from the faculty. He had been elected an honorary member by unanimous vote of the society, whose purpose was to acquire all literary accomplishments, particularly oratory. The Governor was informed that the "College is but in embryo, " and the students hoped to overcome the "lack of age and prestige by increased activity and closer applica- 66 ' th t t* d ty. " Ph y ~C11* p* t d th t t opening of "our beloved institution, all things worked off as by magic" in the affairs of the two literary societies.

A considerable number of students had not returned, but the debates had been just as bold and determined as those held previously. The societies had not been organized for student sport or pastime but to provide a forum for the exchange of ideas. Another feature of the societies was ' " th* pal' t'o f th P ~C*11 . h' h h* ld 65 Emil Kellner to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, October 31, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas ASM University Archives. 66 Malcolm Block to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, November 1, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 517 67 be suppressed. " Whether the students debated world affairs or College affairs is not disclosed. 68 In the meantime, the Brazos Pilot deprecated the troubles at the College and thought them exaggerated; however, it explained one of the principles in the controversy: the fact that Crisp had preferred charges against Hogg as a citizen and was thus entitled to all College privileges. In spite of precedent, the faculty had refused the recommendation of the Commandant, who was also a member of the faculty with exclusive control of the military feature, and who had every reason to believe that his nominations would be received and courteously approved. Crisp's personal qualifications and college record were untarnished. The reduction to ranks and consequent degrada- tion offended Crisp, whose friends demanded the reasons for his rejection. The only reason the Pilot had been able to discover was his charges against a member of the faculty. An informal but careful survey among the leading citizens in Bryan indicated unqualified support for the President and faculty members who approved of Crisp's nomination. President Gathright wrote Pfeuffer that there had never been such a state of affairs in the history of the College. The entire Hogg party had "turned their batteries" on him and had gone to town every Saturday to tell "all

67 T ~Coll ', IZ (D M*, 1879), p. 2. 68 Quoted in Galveston Dail News, November 2, 1879. 518

" manner of stories that would shame a school boy. Informa- tion had leaked out that they were relying on a decision that no Board meeting would be called and hopefully "torturing" him into resigning. They believed they had the Governor "primed. " Student forbearance was exceptional. Although he had not talked with any students, he believed the College would be tom up in three days should he resign, which action several of his friends had advised in order to show the people what was holding the College together. However, he believed the lost momentum would require mu=h time to build up, and he should bear the trials as long as he could. He saw himself in a "death struggle with hypocrisy, imbecility and incompetency. " He had requested a meeting of the Board in every possible way~ he had written the Governor and each member of the Board and had been to Austin to put matters before the Governor, who was "deliberating, while the faculty are working to pull down the College. " Refusing to answer the street charges, he believed the Board would "do right. " Colonel John G. James had been forced to discharge Morris; Hogg's history was already well known; Banks had never "touched a school but [ that it] perished"; Martin was a "parody on men and professors"; and Lewis had been "seduced by promises of the presidency. " In addition, he thought Lewis had "no veracity and no conscience"; he had borrowed money from Gathright the previous year to buy his daughter's trousseau 519 69 but had never repaid the debt. The following day Governor Roberts replied to Gath- right's letter of October 29 that informed him of the reading of Roberts' letter to the faculty. Roberts stated that he had received letters from Lewis and Hand which indicated no faculty action on his request. His intention had not been to submit the letter to them as individual professors but as a "faculty, having power to manage the affairs of this school within the scope of authority. " According to a June 27, 1877, resolution of the Board, he was aware of his duty to call a meeting of the Board when the President presented charges against Hogg and Martin. Denying any other motive, Roberts acknowledged he should have "promptly done" this, "but for the hope that a thing so expensive, and so full of embarrassing circumstances might possibly be avoided by a letter respectfully urging the Faculty to settle the disagreements themselves, if possible. " Since no action had been taken on his letter, he now had no choice left except to make the required call, "unless you, designed by an expression in your last letter to give the matter another direction by postponing any consideration, or request for a consideration of the charges made by you. " President Gathright had written that he would take

69 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, November 2, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. 520 no more official action to adjust the differences but would put forth every effort to complete the session without disruption and for the good of the College and the students. Roberts believed Gathright chose those words in deference to Roberts' wish not to call the Board or that Gathright had concluded it might not be to the best interest of the College to call the Board during the school session. Deciding to write Gathright before he conferred with Peeler, he recognized Gathright's right to have the Board called and "will most cheerfully do it, if you wish it, or now think it best, or even if you leave the charges standing without any postponement of their consideration to a future time or to the end of the session. " Roberts repeated "that should these charges not be postponed or withdrawn for the present, " he wanted Gathright's advice as to the best time to call a Board meeting; although the Board members were scattered, Roberts preferred to have the meeting in

November. He thought the charges made by Crisp and his complaint of the faculty's action could be taken up at the same time. In the interest of time, he suggested that Gathright amplify and make more specific charges as to Hogg's and Martin's unfitness and submit them in time to notify the two before the Board meeting. However, he pointed out this was "merely" his own suggestion, in order 70 "to avoid complaint of surprise on the trial. "

70 0. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, November 3, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 521

In reply to an inquiry from James R. Cole concerning a vacancy on the faculty, President Gathright informed him

of the Board meeting to be called for sometime in November during which the faculty would be almost entirely reorganized. Believing a conspiracy existed against him because he had backed Crisp, had made charges against Martin and Hogg, and "because I know them and they know it, " he did not know who would be forced to resign. "The Conspirators will fight hard and die hard. Two must go, or I will " resign. Presently, he was "annoyed and engrossed, " but if he were sustained as President and a vacancy should occur, he would cheerfully do anything he could to aid 71 Cole.

Governor Roberts notified the Board on November 5 and requested them to meet in Bryan, November 18, at 9 A. M. , for the "transaction of important business relating to the " 72 institution. Writing Gathright to enclose a copy of the call, he was having copies of the charges made to send to 73 the interested parties as "soon as practicable. " President Gathright had required little time to decide his

71 Thomas S. Gathright to James R. Cole, College Station, 8* W 1879, ' 9' 7*,' ' 4, Cof*, ~81 t t t 8 Ad t to f 9 A. & A. C~ll*, 18-19. *' 72 O. M. Roberts to A. J. Peeler and Other Directors, Austin, Texas, November 5, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 73 O. M. Roberts to Thomas S. Gathright, Austin, Texas, November 5, 1879, in ibid. 522 own wishes in regard to the Governor's letter of November

74 On November 4, both the Galveston ~Dail News and 75 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman reported that Gathright was being "violently criticized" by some of the press because he had written a letter in defense of Henry J. Gully, a man he had known intimately in Mississippi and who was charged with the murder of a man and his "defenseless daughter" in that state. The News also printed a letter written October 29 from twenty-nine leading citizens of Bryan, including

Guy M. Bryan, Jr. , in regard to "apparent censure" by other Bryan citizens; it endorsed President Gathright as being highly esteemed and expressed regret at the unfortunate incident that had occurred at the College. Gath- right's efforts to build up the College had won their confidence and support. Since Board member Pfeuffer had authorized Gathright to write to him confidentially, "in the hour of my supreme responsibility, " Gathright wrote to remind him that he had left a good position as State Superintendent of Instruction in Mississippi and had sacrificed his home and furniture to take the presidency of the College, and that he was presently

74 ' G** 1* ~t', q t*d G 1 t D~lt Letter from twenty-nine Bryan citizens to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, November 4, l879. 75 November 4, 1879. 523 without means, a confession made in order to prove that he was "painfully sincere" in his actions. As a successful administrator, he had hoped to "worry along and gradually outlive" the hostile attitude of the "impracticables, associated with me. " However, his every "act of forbearance" only increased the difficulties to such an extent that some of the faculty preferred to "prostrate the college and charge to me, to cover their own unfitness, " and he was unable to compromise with inefficiency or cover up misconduct or incompetency. If he were not sustained, he thought the College would be destroyed. He found existing conditions in the faculty intolerable and would rather teach a village school than to try to administer the College upon the terms some of the faculty sought to force upon him. If he were not supported, the "College must fail and ought to fail. " Pointing out some of the faculty's public and "gross disrespect" shown him on the streets of Bryan as well as at the College, he believed that time could be saved by taking up the Crisp affair first, since some of the faculty had said they would resign if Crisp' s appeal were sustained. With that done, the greater part of the Board work could be completed without difficulty. Gathright 76 was anxious to have the difficulties settled.

76 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Station, Texas, November 7, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A6M University Archives. 524

CHAPTER XIII

THE INVESTIGATION

The Galveston ~Dail News on November 9, 1879, carried a lengthy article entitled, "The A. & M. College: Necessity for Action of the Directory. " Involving Bryan citizens in the partisan struggle, the "cultured agricultralists, " reported the News, had been at "loggerheads" with each other or the President for some time. Students and faculty were not allowed to air their opinions and grievances openly and frankly; therefore, the reporter's information came from a confidential source who requested him to secure the facts from others. This public college, supported at public expense, has been provided with a set of regulations by a set of directors who have considered it inexpedient that the public should know any thing about its management and advise- able [ sic] that all troubles and abuses should be hidden and covered up so that the people would never know a word about it, and students and professors would be obliged to submit in silence or work secretly and surreptitiously in the dark by whisperings and other devious methods in any effort to expose a wrong or meet a charge. In a section headed, "Star Chamber regulation stares colle- gians in the face, " the News condemned and advocated the repeal of Rule XXXVI that required the Board's approval of public statements made by both students and faculty, as being at variance with the "requirements of this age and demands of the people, and rights of the people--the college being a public institution. " It speculated that 525

the rule may have been made for the "good purpose of keeping out of the papers any graphic account of the methods adopted by members of the faculty to manipulate political conventions in their neighborhood" in favor of the ex- officio members of the Board seeking reelection. It might have been intended to suppress expressions of virtuous indignation at the summary hoisting out of Gen. Bee, and it might have had a salutary effect in educating the collegiate stomach to bear, without revolt, certain un- savory dishes and fluids in which undressed tadpoles and festive frogs were supposed to constitute the solid basis of the student's morsel of meat and drink. However, with all the current difficulties, information had leaked out in spite of the rule. Various occasions were reported when squabbles in faculty meetings had led to talk of deadly weapons, and "while the students have been engaged in mimic battles and playing war, grave and learned professors have been intent upon actual strife. Envy, malice, and hatred" burned in their hearts in an institution where the opposite should have occurred. While there may have been only two or three who had taken part in the strife, the others had been at least "orally sympathe- tic. " Into the ears of the citizens of Bryan have for weeks and months been poured direful tales of wrongs, of scandalous charges, of unworthy motives, of the scheming ambition of this professor and the aggravated ignorance of another, of the dogmatic intolerance of one and the trucking subserviency of another; in fact, on both sides charges made which, if true, would unfit the entire faculty for the position they hold, or even to have charge of an old field school. 526

A young man who, declined to be used as an authority, criticized President Gathright as being "arbitrary and tyrannical, (who ] from the first had raised all the ire of " the other members of the faculty against himself. He had had Bee removed, presently handled the money and purchasing himself, and could, if he desired, enjoy "the comfortable " margin these duties may throw into his hands and pockets.

A "man of violent and passionate nature" who could not tolerate opposition, Gathright was charged with wanting to

remove Hogg in order to give his place to a relative. Gathright was said to be "an old politician" who worked "tricks to attain his ends. " In faculty meetings where he presided, he was a "bulldozer"; in Board meetings, a "sycophant" without authority.

On the other side, a friend to Gathright thought "those old broken down preachers, who have been foisted " upon the college as professors, were responsible for the trouble since they wanted the President's place, with Hogg or Lewis as President, and "free access to the steward's pantry. " When a "year of prosperity and relif" replaced "a lifetime with poverty and want, " their envy and jealousy led them to seek the highest places. Just look at them: one a superannuated old clerical, turned out to grass by a long suffering laity, with starvation staring him in the face; another the professional wrecker of female schools, a failure as a sanctificationist, a crack voiced evangelist and sniffling follower of a band of women crusaders; another the refugee 527

from a similar college in Alabama or Missis- sippi, lifted out from a professorship for stirring up a like trouble there; another thunderhead failure as a teacher of a private school with the wolf at his door, and so on. And these are the learned and gentlemanly professors foisted upon the chairman of the faculty, and this is the load he has carried until the spinal chord [ sic ] of his back and of the institution are in a fearfully wretched condition. Such information was a sampling of that heard in Bryan and revealed that the Board's postponement of the investigation was "ill-advised, and to say the least, impolitic . " Town gossips, nevertheless, received their "facts and fancies directly from the college. " In spite of the fact that the citizens of Bryan were "capable of originating startling and improbable sensations there, and of getting up a great deal of excitement, and precipitating unexpected episodes in political and social life. this college trouble, and all its scandalous concomitants cannot be laid at their " door. The same stories were repeated daily. The only person not full of the College trouble was Captain Olmstead, who was independent and had no favors to ask of anyone, "except to be let alone, to keep up the excellent good order and discipline which prevails, and is, in my opinion, the principal agency thus far preventing any serious demoralization in the battalion of cadets. "

Reportedly, some of the businessmen who praised and favored Gathright did so because of the purchases for the

College he made from them; other businessmen praised Hogg and Lewis in hopes of having the business changed to their 528 firms. The reporter thought these charges "unjust and unfounded. " Bryan people werc "impulsive and often take sides impetuously upon questions, and in all contests, I candidly believe, conscientiously and honestly. They have great pride in the college, and to a man would do anything necessary to promote its success. " The partisans of each side claimed that if the other side remained, the College would be destroyed. Some thought the President had been wronged; others thought he had commited wrong. The intimate business and social relations that the citizens of Bryan had with those in the College caused the citizens to consider the College a Bryan institution and be prone to take sides in any dispute. While a large number of "prudent and cautious men" had remained aloof and disliked the partisanship, all except two persons encountered by the reporter had chosen sides and were disposed to take an active part in what they considered "a dangerous juncture. " The reporter thought the settlement had been put off too long, and the "excited and expectant" Bryan citizenry were "indignant" at those who had brought on the danger.

A section entitled "The Cadets, " described the students as not making a "very imposing military appearance" since the contractor for uniforms was "rather slow. " Some wore faded gray uniforms with the regulation cap, and some wore "genteel black with citizens' hats. " The reporter thought the students were a fine group of young men who also felt they were fine. Most wanted to express their opinions and 529 felt they were also "in the scrimmage. " In spite of their awareness of Rule XXXVI, they were ready to discuss College affairs, especially the "trouble. " Cadet Crisp was interviewed for more than an hour along with about eight others. Most students took Gathright's side, particularly those at the College for more than a session. They supported

Crisp's charges against Hogg as to the lack of discipline in the class room and inability to teach mathematics.

Professor Hogg was charged with being undignified, joking with students, and not maintaining good discipline; therefore, the students did not respect him, threw chalk at him during class, "cut up" and did not pay attention to his instruction, and looked upon him as "fair game" and a "kind of butt. " Had he been a student, he would have found wet sheets on his bed on cold nights and his bed full of grasshoppers at other times. Although he was competent in mathematics, "as full of figures as the comptroller's annual reports, " he lacked the ability to teach, but "would succeed in life if he would join the great combination world renowned circus as a mathematical clown. " Some of those who had been in his class from the first had quit after a session or two because they could learn nothing new or else remained without trying to learn anything. The reporter suggested perhaps the students had not found the "great pons asinorum, " which could not be overcome by half the people in the world. The "young scions (as the 530 grangers in the legislature termed them) of the aristocracy" declared if Gathright were removed and Hogg continued, they 1 would resign "and break up the college. " Such a threat was common speech among students who "believe themselves spanking is out of order nowadays, and they may be speaking facts. " Almost unanimously, the students respected Gathright and held him in high esteem. With the exception of Profes- sor Hogg, they respected the faculty as well. Satisfied with their food and receiving plenty of exercise, they presented a healthy appearance. The reporter reviewed the Crisp case: his good record, the faculty's refusal to confirm his nomination and its failure to make the reasons public, the precedent that had been ignored, and his reduction to ranks before the Board had. even investigated the charges he had made. Rule

XXXVI appeared to be a "gross injustice" and would have to be repealed to remove the secrecy from faculty meetings. Siding with Crisp, the students blamed the injustice on the enmity of Professor Hogg, whom they did not hesitate to discuss in disrespectful terms.

A vast deal of crimination and recrimination regarding 1 Surely Governor Roberts, upon reading this report, would see the students' threat as part of the leverage he needed to give the College an entirely new direction; he had continually denied that the existing College was meeting the objects of its creation and was therefore illegally using federal and state funds. Moreover, if the legislature continued to vote available interest from the University Fund to support a growing A. and M. College, there would be no University established during his administration. the President and some faculty members came in a never- ending stream; and the Bryan gossip revealed that the "accusations must have originated at headquarters. " However, in public the professors were silent as the grave, and immediately produce from a vest pocket a copy of the rules and regulations, and point me to rule XXXVI. With teeth set and mouth closed upon the unruly member, and eyes that deprecate questioning and rigid digit directed to article viii, page 15, and rule XXXVI of the rules and regulations, was presented a breathing statue of scresy Lsic] more provoking to a reporter than all the precautions of the state senate in secret executive session.

The only communication was, "Open our mouths by procuring an investigation. " Some disclosures of a private nature "not for publication, not in anger or malice, only in personal justification; in sadness, may be, not in bitterness" had been confided. The News advocated an immediate and thorough investigation and prompt Board action, which was demanded by the events at the College: the hostility of the professors; the threats, not of students, but of "their seniors"; pending charges against a professor; the hostility of the partisans; the "increasing anger and acrimony in confidential communications which became town talk in due course of time, " and the danger to the College, presently having only one hundred thirty-five students as compared with three hundred two years previously.

Under the heading, "The Politics Involved, " the News thought any politics involved were "of an occult nature and past finding out. " Thc contest between Hubbard and Throckmorton, according to some, had sown the seeds of thc present trouble since one professor worked for one and another professor for the other, although as free men the professors were entitled to participate in Brazos County affairs. In Bryan the contest had been hot and furious; however, both candidates had lost, and neither had political favors to bestow. In fact, the News thought that the "political element" was clearly delineated when "the O. A. was made governor. " General H. P. Bee's removal was also cited; said to be Gathright's idea, it had led to a "hue and cry against him and will ultimately remove him to the shades of private life, or the less pretentious position " of pedagogue in the common schools of Brazos County, even though Bee's removal had almost surely saved the College $4, 000-$6, 000. Aside from the unfortunate occasion of his visit, the reporter thought it enjoyable. The students are a manly, fine looking and most promising body of young men; the professors, I believe, are capable and earnest workers; the president is a manager of great industry and un- doubted ability; the rations of the students are plentiful, exceedingly well served and of sufficient variety; the health of the students is good, only one being on the sick list; the planting season is coming on, and considering all these things, it is deplorable that the board of directors does not meet and remove the troubles that darken the promising picture.

A report circulating in Bryan was that one of the issues to be investigated was a charge that President Gathright had 533 led Crisp to make the charges against Hogg, but the nature of the accusations seems to pre- clude such an idea. President Gathright would be engaged in an extremely small business to make Crisp his catspaw in the matter, for the charges as stated are, with one exception, trivial, and the exception is an accusation that cannot be established. What has occurred in the wordy strife over this trouble, the loss of temper and the exhibition of passion on both sides, seems . . . worse than the strife. So concluded the reporter's lengthy investigation and report. President Gathright wrote Pfeuffer again on the 13th and reported things going as well as could be expected. Even though the "scheming professors" were doing "heavy canvassing, " the students were "solid, " an idea that he 2 based on observation and not on gossip. On the same day, the Governor wrote Banks and Lewis a joint letter and forwarded a copy of Gathright's representations and charges, which named them as being involved in matters that pertained to disagrements between teachers in the College. While there was no direct charge against them for the purpose of removing them, they might be named either directly or indirectly in the Board hearing on the 18th to investigate "the unfortunate occurrences" leading to the meeting. In consideration, the Governor thought they should be furnished 3 a copy. Two days later the Governor informed Martin, in

2 Thomas S. Gathright to George Pfeuffer, College Sta- tion, Texas, November 13, 1879, Historical Letters File, Thomas S. Gathright, Texas A&M University Archives. 3 0. M. Roberts to Messrs. Banks 6 Lewis, Profs. A & M College, Austin, Texas, November 13, 1879, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 534 acknowledging a letter of the 14th, that Martin owed money to the College according to the President's endorsement 4 on his account. On the following day ninety-eight cadets signed a petition to the Board and the Governor requesting 5 that they sustain "our worthy President. " In the meantime, General Bee, upon reading the account of the Galveston ~Dail News wrote Pfeuffer to deny that he had used his influence to injure the College and asked his old friend to present and endorse his denial before the

Board. He had an interest and affection for the College which Gathright cannot feel, for I have been 42 years in Texas, and after years of waiting thought that at last we have a place at home where our Sons could be educated and I charge it on you as a duty you owe your District to see where the fault is and remedy it. In 1877 —78, thirty-five students had attended the A. and M. College from the Sixth District, but presently there were not even six; in the same session eighteen students came from Houston though presently there were not more than three. Bee thought there was no "espirit de Corps" and no affection; rather there was a positive dislike from every ex-student he met. Citing the "inadaptability and incompetency" of " Gathright, who was "wayward, partial, envious, and mean,

4 0. M. Roberts to Carlisle P. B. Martin, Austin, Texas, November 15, 1879, in ibid. 5 Petition from ninety-eight Cadets [to the Board of Directors and Governor], College Station, Texas, November 16, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 535

Bee declared him unfit for his place. The only professor well-spoken of by ex-students was Morris. Though Bee knew all about the Hogg affair, he refused to write about it, but the basic problem was that Gathright wanted to get rid of Hogg, "a man of mark throughout the Union, " and did "not want any other than a light reflected " through him to shine at the A. 6 M. C. He thought the Galveston News story unjust to all and wondered how the College could make $4, 000 as a result of his removal when the number of students had declined by half. With so few students, he had lost $750 his first year when he had only six to ninety to board; the second year, with an average of 6 two hundred thirty, he made $4, 200. The troubles, of course, provided the press a field

7 ' ' 1 d y. 'Vh ~Ht d Co th ght th Ag 1t d Mechanical College was proving a first class failure with cadets at "loggerheads" with professors, and professors at 8 "loggerheads" with one another. The Galveston ~Dail News

6 H. P. Bee to George Pfeuffer, San Antonio, Texas, November 14, 1879, in ibid. 7 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 13, 1879. 8 Galveston ~Dail News, November 15, 1879. Three and a half years later the News pointed out that its object had always been to advance the usefulness and prosperity of the College. It had been instrumental in securing the entire reorganization of the College by exposing the deadly feuds and disgraceful bickerings of the faculty that led to student demoralization. "Enmity to the college would have dictated silence or encouragement of the leading spirit in the scandalous imbroglio until bowie —knives and shot guns had been brought into requisition, which would have resulted in 536 noted that Bryan, still a growing city, received about $50, 000 support annually from College expenditures. The business part of town was built of solid brick with fire walls every forty or fifty feet, so that it would be

impossible "to burn up half the place by one fire" as had previously occurred. Still controlled by Radicals, Brazos County was represented in the legislature by a Negro. On November 15 the News printed the letter that Governor Roberts had written the faculty on October 21 and another to President Gathright on May 21 with the comment that the letters revealed the Governor's position in regard to the College troubles as well as to the kind of school that had been contemplated in the endowment. The suggestion had been made that reorganization would permit the Board an opportunity to make the College conform to the federal law and to the State Constitution; the general belief was that the reorganization should be immediate and thorough. The 9 Brenham Banner called the disagreement between students and professors "simply disgraceful, " while the Austin ~Dail 10 Democratic Statesman thought the fuss did not "amount to a hill of beans" although a fine crop of senseless gossip

complete destruction of the college" and its permanent L. closing. I Galveston D~ail News, June 28, 1883J, Louis Mclnnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 9 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, November 15, 1879. November 16, 1879. 537 had been produced. "But what less could come of an agricultural college?" One of President Gathright's former 11 students in Mississippi wrote the Galveston ~Dail News from San Antonio and called for a speedy settlement. Prominent in education for many years, the President, winning the respect and admiration of his students, was one of "Mississippi's honored sons. " His character above reproach, the writer thought Gathright "the right man in the right place. "

On the day before the Board meeting began, McInnis wrote Lewis that the President had just told him of a conversation with Lewis, in which Lewis had complained of McInnis' behavior towards him. Denying any wrongdoing,

McInnis trusted that his "sense of right, of justice 6

of my duty to my fellow man will ever prevent me from treating with open disrespect one whose age is so much " superior to my own. He continued, "I say nothing of the 12 wrongs which I consider to have been placed upon me. General Lewis replied the same day, "You are conscious of not having done wrong, you say. Then there is no need of

my saying anything. I have had no personal difficulties since I have been here and do not intend, if possible to

11 "Testimony of an Old Pupil" to the Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, November 16, 1879. 12 Genl. L. M. Lewis, College Sta- Louis L. McInnis to ' ~H' f N L 17, 1879, C f, ~E1 t 9, N. ~th H L od 59. 7 A. d ~C*11 tt ~P, 538 avoid them, to have any now. " Complaining that he had visited McInnis ten times for every visit McInnis had paid him, he pointed out this was the second time McInnis had followed such a course; Lewis said he himself always carried the sense of an all-seeing presence and acted 13 accordingly so that he would do no wrong. The full Board began its long-awaited investigation in Bryan on Tuesday, November 18, at the Academy of Music, surely a fit place for the production of a comic opera or a full-blown Greek tragedy according to how interested or disinterested the spectators and participants were in the proceedings. Governor Roberts, the President of the Board of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, was finally coming to the College, or near it, to conduct a Board investigation of its affairs. As the investigation began, he produced a large bundle of papers and letters relating to the investigation and had them read in order by George Pfeuffer, the acting secretary. The question of whether to hold secret meetings arose, but with no vote taken, the meeting began. Lieutenant Governor Sayers thought that all the state's citizens were interested and should know the facts, and John Cochran thought the papers should get correct information and not speculate from hearsay (as had been the case for the past month). Among the documents

13 L. M. Lewis to Louis L. McInnis, College Station, Texas, November 17, 1879, in ibid. , 59-60. 539 to be used in the investigation were the charges of Crisp against Hogg; charges of Gathright against Martin, Banks, Lewis, Hogg, and Morris; the appeal of Crisp to the Board to reinstate him as captain of the corps; the petition of ninety-eight of a total of one hundred twenty cadets to have Crisp reinstated; proceedings of the Alabama A. and

M. College showing that Hogg had been discharged; letters of various members of the faculty to the Governcr explaining their action in regard to Crisp's reduction to ranks; letters from Gathright and Hogg requesting an investigation; and a "deluge of correspondence" the Governor had received in his effort to gain "full insight into the situation. " Once the documents had been read, the Board decided on a clearly defined plan of conducting the procedure, arriving at the truth, and providing a remedy. Director Lyday moved to begin with the case of Professor Hogg as lying at the root of the troubles; Peeler moved to look into the condition of the College, especially faculty dissensions, to determine whether the faculty should remain in charge; Sayers moved to investigate the present College condition, the charges against faculty members, Crisp's charges, and the retention of the President and faculty in their present positions; and Pickett moved to refer all the motions to a committee to report a plan of procedure and reconvene at 3 P. M. , which motion was adopted. Governor Roberts appointed Sayers, Peeler, Lyday, and Pickett to the committee. While these events were transpiring, President 540

Gathright, Professors Martin and Hogg arrived and shook hands with those around. Following President Gathright's remarks that he could prove all the charges he had made and would step down if the Board found it necessary for the good of the College, the session adjourned. The committee reported its plan in the afternoon session: Resolved, that the board investigate the present condition of the college, and especially into dissensions among the faculty, with a view to ascertain, in the first instance, whether the interests of the college require a change in its organization; second, if necessary, after consideration of matters above referred to, the board will proceed to consider charges made against members of the faculty; then proceed to consider the appeal of Crisp. Resolved further, that rule XXXVI shall not be construed as prohibiting direct communication between any member of the faculty, any member of the board, or between any student and the board, through professors. Professor Martin was instructed to summon the faculty, except Olmstead and McInnis, to appear before the Board on the next day since President Gathright had stated he was not on "speaking terms" with some members. The Board also requested a financial statement of the College's condition. Offered by Peeler, an amendment to the rules was adopted to permit any student or officer who thought a faculty decision unjust to have the right to appeal to the Board. Charges were to be specific and were to be acted upon by the Board at its next regular meeting or sooner if the Board thought necessary. The Board then adjourned to meet later in the evening session, at which time the College rules were to 541 14 be discussed. The Board met on November 19 at 9: 30 A. N. in another public meeting. The sergeant-at-arms for the meetings was allowed $4 per day and required to provide "his own horse, if necessary. " Well aware of the dif ficult problem it faced, the Board had earlier given all newspapermen "the slip" by leaving the hotel by one's and two's and returning by different ways to meet in the Governor's room for a thirty minute caucus to agree on policy. They first planned to question the professors to see whether conditions would allow "an attempt to remedy the trouble without further investigation. " Should this fail, they would go fully into a detailed investigation, "and spare no one. " The reporter for the Galveston News assumed that the second course meant a general reorganization since things would be brought into the open that would prevent the retention of several of the faculty. Although these things would not be crimes, "certain personal rencounters of a kind that would look bad in print" would damage their reputations. The general feeling was that a number of students would leave should the President be removed; however, it was believed that they would return if it were shown necessary to remove the President or any faculty member. General agreement was that Governor Roberts' letter to the faculty had been worded so as to make it the faculty's own 14 Galveston ~Dail News, November 19, 1879. 542 responsibility to solve its problems. All the College faculty members, except Gathright, Olmstead, and McInnis, were present at the hearing, along with a number of citizens and two cadets. Gathright had sent the f inancial report as requested and also reported one hundred twenty-six cadets on hand, two away on leave, one dismissed, and one deserted. Olmstead and McInnis were in charge of the College. Governor Roberts explained the Board procedure to the faculty members, as well as the fact that all statements were voluntary; 15 Pickett was the questioner for the Board. Since Gath- right had written he was too ill to attend, the Board, which had intended to hear him first as a sign of respect, called upon Martin to present his case. Professor Martin stated that it was impossible to ascertain how long the College trouble had existed. Until recently he had been able to work with the President and had gotten along with the rest of the faculty. Occasional " troubles in the past had brought on "heated discussions, 15 The Board Minutes state that information on the subject of the College "was invited. " "Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, November 20, 1879, " p. 2. , Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. It is sometimes difficult to resolve the dates and times of the account in the Galveston News with that of the Minutes in the Pfeuffer File. For instance, the News reported some of the new faculty arriving on Saturday afternoon while the Board records show the election took place Saturday night. Also the News reported Olmstead's testimony as being given November 20, 1879, while the Board records it as being given November 21, 1871, the date that it appeared in the newspaper. In case of doubt, the News account has been used since it includes much greater detail. 543 but presently there was no harmony, nor had faculty meetings been called as before. His own trouble began when he did some business for the President in Austin; although Gath- right thought he had not reported promptly, he had tried to "but could not get to him as it happened. " No faculty meeting had been held to hear his report; when he returned to the College, he had heard of the Crisp vote in faculty meeting. The first trouble, he recalled, was three months after the College was organized, in January, 1877, when Norris and Gathright had a disagreement. He "never saw a mad man till then"; although the trouble was finally " "bridged over, the President "was furious L for] three months. " While he did not see how the faculty could work together, he was unaware of any "combinations" except for the professors who had been charged by Gathright; he knew nothing of the charge that the faculty was trying to get rid of the President. Although there was a rule that reports should be in, he admitted that he was two weeks late in " handing in his report to the Governor, but he was "busy.

He gave the Board the names of two cadets who had told him " that Gathright had been working "this thing two years, although he denied that attempts had been made by professors to align students. Professor Hand was next questioned. Trying to live at peace, he was not involved in the dissension. Acknowledging the lack of harmony between Gathright and Hogg, Morris, Banks, and Martin, he admitted that the discussions were 544 damaging the College and its success. Several weeks ago the troubles could still have been settled, and although he hoped for a reconciliation, he doubted that one could be made. He recalled that trouble first began in the first term of the first session when Gathright and Morris disagreed over the enrollment of a student from Galveston, and it continued to grow. The Crisp vote had been only the spark that ignited the conflagration. If Gathright were left out, he knew of no dissension among the remaining professors. As Hand described the faculty meeting at which the Crisp vote was taken, President Gathright made his appearance in the audience. Continuing, Hand stated that fewer faculty meetings had been called since the some trouble. Two weeks ago Gathright had said that should of the professors disclaim ill feeling toward him, harmony might be achieved. Remarks made on the streets of Bryan had increased the danger. He affirmed that the students felt very strongly about the events. Having sufficiently recovered from his illness, President Gathright testified that he believed the Crisp affair was at the root of the trouble. Although he had had personal difficulties in the past, he had satisfactorily resolved them and hoped others had as well. He explained the facts in the Crisp affair and his encounter with McCraw Grand on the streets of Bryan. Noting that he had been Master of the Masonic Order in Mississippi and had been called the "father of the teachers' interests in that 545 state, " he then asked how he could be on good terms with those who charged him with being dishonorable. Should those who made charges against him disclaim the charges as far as he was concerned, the trouble would be ended. The Board interrupted Gathright's testimony to take a brief 16 recess, and then reconvened. An invitation to attend an entertainment in their behalf that same night at 9 P. M. by the Bryan Rifles, organized July 5, 1877, with H. B. 17 Stoddard as captain, was tendered the Board. Gathright continued his testimony to explain the reading of the Governor' s letter in faculty meeting and the circumstances related to it. He evaluated the members of the faculty. Morris was talented and a good teacher; if he had a fault, it was flying off the handle. Banks was a good scholar, although Gathright knew nothing of his teaching abilities. His most intimate associates were

Hand and McInnis. He attacked Martin and Hogg, not in a spirit of persecution, but in an official capacity. Ready to meet any conciliatory move, "all I demand is that this " covert charge be disclaimed by those concerned. As to Martin and Hogg, the Board's action would govern him. He affirmed that the College would be hurt if students with-

16 Gathright appeared to be suffering from his illness. Ibid. 17 Ibid. , 3. H. B. Stoddard to O. M. Roberts and Directors o f A. and M. College, Bryan, Texas, November 19, 1879. Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 546 drew. With the conclusion of Gathright's testimony, the 18 Board ended the hearings for the day. It is apparent from Gathright's strangely conciliatory attitude, in contrast to his belligerent communications with Pfeuffer and Roberts during the preceding two months, that someone on the Board must have advised him of the consequences likely to result were the hearings carried to their conclusion. Professor Banks gave three main reasons for the 19 trouble: the difficulty with Professor Hand, the Morris- Gathright dispute in January, 1877, and troubles that followed. The College would receive no benefit from present events since five professors had been charged before the "court. " Banks stated that a witness to appear later would testify that the President had said the five professors would go, or he would go and he also related the McCraw incident. Banks did not know how harmony could be achieved; Gathright might have arranged matters before he went to Austin had he tried. Banks did not know of any combination of professors. He had heard that the students had been "harangued" and that they had gotten up a petition to retain Gathright. "Judging [ the] college in [the] future " by the past, there is not much hope for it. He did not

18 Ibid. , November 20, 1879. 19 Evidently the reporter intended to write Hogg since no trouble with Hand was ever mentioned at any other time. 547 think the discipline was wholesome; boys had suppers in their quarters, and he could not keep chickens at his house because of chicken thievery. Students had left drunk on the train last Christmas, and although the incident was investigated, no action had been taken. The "full proof" was on one boy, "but his fellows were big snakes, and they got off. " Sayers interrupted to inquire as to the meaning of "snakes, " to which Banks replied, "the sons of influential men. " Continuing, he asserted that Gathright had given permission to put a glass of eggnog at every cadet's plate at Christmas; this had never been done before. Personal differences in faculty meetings had arisen between Hogg and Gathright, between Morris and Gathright in 1877, and another between Martin and Gathright. Governor Roberts interjected, "What, with old man Martin?" and was greeted with laughter. Banks reported that all the difficulties had occurred between the President and some faculty member at various times. During the faculty meeting in which the Crisp vote had been taken, had Gathright been ready to compromise on any "fair proposition, " Banks "might have been moved to make one. " Asked by Peeler if Gathright had restricted him in the faculty meeting in which the Gover- nor's letter was read, Banks stated the faculty had not been informed that Gathright wanted their action. They had written letters to express their opinions in settling the troubles, and he did not think it necessary to speak 548 about it; he thought the reading of the letter in faculty meeting was designed to provide those who had not heard it the opportunity to express themselves. Professor Lewis next testified; he had been a professor for one year at the College and after studying the extent of his powers as a professor, he had decided that the Board wanted a "one-man power" and had tried to follow Gathright's leadership. He related the part he had played in the Board meeting at which Crisp preferred his charges, the McCraw incident, Gathright's correspondence with authorities at Little Rock, the Crisp vote, and the reading of the Governor's letter in faculty meeting. In addition, he described the case of a student drunk on the grounds, about which nothing was done, and the chronic circulation of petitions, which was against the rules and which Gath- right had said he would ban at the beginning of the session. Martin had reported a drunk cadet, who was not prosecuted because his accuser did not appear. At this point, Lewis was handed a petition signed by students who wanted to retain Gathright in office; when Sayers asked whether he recognized the handwriting, he replied that he thought it to be Crisp's. Further, Lewis reported Gathright as saying that if he had a son to send to college, "he would never do " it under such a regime as now. On one occasion, Gathright had told a professor that if he repeated something, he " would "cut his throat and had his knife ready. Professor Norris recalled four different difficulties with Gathright. Giving very positive orders when he served as Commandant, he collided with the president, who remon- strated with him for rebuking a cadet too harshly. Although his other difficulties were of a personal nature, he would explain them should the Board desire. He acknowledged that he had "exercised more forbearance during Lmy] residence at that college than at any other period of [my] life. " There had been a trouble in the College accounts, of which he was treasurer, but the Board had absolved him from any blame in the matter. A College bookstore had been started by Howell, a Bryan businessman, and a student placed in charge. Upon matriculation at the College, each student deposited $15 for his books. The store soon came under College ownership, and unsalable books accumulated to create a debt. A voucher was then made out to the President for $500; the loan made to help the bookstore was payable from College funds although Morris doubted the wisdom of such a transaction. Explaining the Crisp affair and his part in it, he believed the Board had not done its duty in settling the matter and had left it "a sore and a bone of " contention, to which Pickett replied, "I do not knoW but that you are right, " and Peeler rejoined, "I do not know that he is. " Queried by Pfeuffer as to whether he thought the Board should have remained at the College even though duty demanded they be elsewhere, Morris replied, "I mean, sir, that when a man accepts public office he should attend 550

to his duties firmly and at all hazards. " At this, he received a loud round of applause from the visitors to the hearing. Peeler asked, "Do you think you are to construe our duty to you in this matter?" Sayers objected to point out that Norris was not on trial; both Peeler and Roberts

expressed admiration for his candor, to which there was more applause. Norris related the events which occurred in the faculty meeting in which Crisp had been reduced to ranks and his subsequent letter from Peeler urging harmony. Returning to the charge that Morris had made against the Board in the Crisp-Hogg affair, Peeler asked if he were aware of any Board action on the charges. Morris said Hogg had informed him that the Board had dismissed the matter; and, consequently, Morris made no special effort to discover Board action. Questioned by Peeler as to whether he and Lewis had presented their letter to the Board,

Morris replied that he had not, and Peeler then asked why he then charged the Board with being remiss. Norris believed the Board should have recorded its action to show

that it had put an end to the affair. Explaining why he had signed the letter, he said, "I believe if the board had known the full import of this matter they would have come together, and arranged it at any cost. What is the cost when the honor of a man is at stake?" A member of the Board had advised him not to present the letter, and when Pickett inquired as to the name of the member, Norris replied, "Pickett. " Pickett then recalled that he had so advised 551

Morris. When another Board member asked whether the Board were going to be tried also, there was laughter and head

shaking by visitors and the inquisitors as well. Following Norris' arraignment of the Board, members directed questions that would develop the reasons for their course of action, which Morris had criticized. The Board claimed expenses prohibited them from bringing students back to College to testify when Crisp made his charges; Governor Roberts had wired them to go to Hempstead for the Negro college business; and Crisp's charges were made as a cadet since he signed them in that manner, even though the President had not endorsed them as required by the rules. Surprised that no action had been taken on the Governor's letter in faculty meeting, Norris thought the breach widened every day with no hope of achieving harmony under the present administra-

tion. He thought that except for the military department there was a general lack of discipline. Cases of drunkenness had not been punished; "slanderous and anonymous letters" had occasionally appeared. In one specific incident he recalled some cadets being charged with drunkenness, dismissed, and then reinstated in the College on consideration of Gathright's vote. The boys were officers, and their places were held open until they were readmitted; in addition, they had broken College rules by remaining a day on the grounds after they were dismissed. However, he thought NcCraw was in "an unenviable position. " In response to a question by Governor Roberts, Morris affirmed that the 552

"gabble" of the Bryan citizens had aggravated the trouble; Norris also affirmed that other Texas towns had as much interest in the College as Bryan, in response to another question from the Governor.

Professor Hogg declined to make a statement because of the charges against him. The Board then adjourned. It had given no indication of the action it would take. The Galveston News reporter concluded that the questions made it evident that the Board was trying to decide whether the College could continue with the same faculty and manage- " ment, and "if not, the remedy they propose is self evident.

Two questions posed by the Board had required explicit answers: whether it was possible to rid the College of the present dissensions and still retain the present faculty and

why the faculty had not tried to settle their own difficulties as suggested in Governor Roberts' letter to them. Of the three who had testified, two had answered "no" to the first question, and answers to the second question had been " "unsatisfactory and opened the floodgates of explanation. It was evident that the Board was aware that large numbers of students might withdraw if Gathright were removed. Gathright's own testimony and "insinuations" had emphatically and pointedly stated that he alone of the faculty could " control the students; he said, "I can do it, and I know it. The Board was also investigating professors' accounts with the College. Throughout the hearings the Board and " faculty engaged in "formal civilities. Lobbyists had been unsuccessful, except in one or two instances, in gaining the attention of members of the Board. The News speculated that Gathright might be removed and the remainder of the faculty left intact, or Gathright, Morris, Martin, Hogg, Lewis, and Banks might be removed. Intending to get rid of the "disturbing element, " the Board would call students to testify if necessary. The possible disturbance of students in their class routine of study forecast "a clean sweep, " which presaged a reorganization. According to the News correspondent, The board will look upon any kind of bulldozing as a signal for such action as will restore order, discipline, and confidence in the college, if it takes all summer. The board fully realizes that the public have their eyes upon them, and the element for cleaning away every trace of catfighting is too strong to be influenced by those members, if any, who have friends in the faculty to protect, or who may yield to the outside pressure of friends of the faculty.

Hogg subsequently asked to be heard by the Board and was the first to be called on Thursday. He was eager to give his record as a professor. He had his first trouble with Gathright when they were putting a catalogue together. The Board had requested the faculty to help them organize a catalogue; when the faculty differed, Gathright flew off the handle because he wanted one like the University of

Virginia. Hogg also recalled trouble over the dismissal of cadets who had lied, been drunk, and had been in "houses

20 Galveston ~Dail News, November 21, 1879. 554 of ill fame. " Some cadets had gone to Bryan on forged invitations, and although Hogg did not believe they should have been permitted to return to the College, they had been reinstated on Gathright's vote since Captain Olmstead wanted the boys back in office. When asked why this had been done, Gathright claimed responsibility. Gathright then went to Hogg's room and angrily asked if he wanted trouble with Gathright, at which time Gathright informed him that he knew of his Alabama record. Gathright later told someone that he "had just been down to that damned fellow' s room to cut his throat. " Hogg denied accusing Gathright with instigating Crisp's action, since as a University of Virginia man, he believed that students had rights. He did not know why the Board had not investigated Crisp's charges at their last meeting and recounted the events that had transpired since that time. President Gathright had

"challenged" Hogg to appear before the Board; following the challenge, "every gateway for L Hogg ] to settle the matter" was closed. He thought the College could continue with the present faculty in one of two ways: to put the President in absolute control, with no appeal; or to leave the power with the faculty. He thought Gathright a good administrator, and Gathright knew it; Gathright had said of himself that he was "imperious. " Present affairs were ruining the College. Hogg thought a combination was attempting to ruin him and wanted to defend himself. Recalling 555

the faculty meetings concerning the Crisp vote and the reading of the Governor's letter, he asserted, "Wc have all had to proceed in the faculty as though the members

could not venture to suggest from their own personal convictions what would or might be good for college government. " Dr. Smythe stated that he had known Gathright for

twenty-eight years and wanted to see him vindicated. He thought Morris and Gathright had reconciled their differences and that the serious trouble occurring between Banks and Gathright at one time was now over. The Crisp-Hogg affair had opened a great "fountain of trouble, " and he explained his own role. He believed the professors to be honorable men and recounted the events in the two faculty meetings in October. Also explaining his attempts to initiate course work in anatomy, he stated he would be glad to teach boys "to know themselves" and had a

"bran IdJ new skeleton for the purpose. " Adjunct Professor McInnis told of great dissensions in the College, which mainly concerned discipline. He thought the trouble would have to be settled before the College could proceed. As far as handing in required reports, Morris and Hogg strictly fulfilled their obligations. Upon being presented the petition from the cadets, he stated that he did not recognize the handwriting, but recognized some of the signatures as being genuine. 556

Captain Olmstead was the first professor to receive the Hoard's expression of approval. He had found good discipline when he came to the College and personally did not take part in faculty dissensions. Although he and Gathright differed on some matters, he had not allowed them to cause a "breach. " Responding to a question, he said he always made nominations for officers subject to a faculty vote. Asked to make a counter statement to the professors' charges, Gathright said he was "astonished" at Lewis' hostility. On one occasion Lewis had sympathized with his

"onerous" duties, and he wondered why Lewis should now

"give me such a character?" He disclaimed that his difficulties were personal ones; in a heated political race in Mississippi he had never lost his temper and recited his political record. He had had more trouble with Hogg than anyone, although he liked him "in his way" since Hogg always did his best. Gathright denied swearing by his Maker, nor did he know whether he said he would cut Hogg's throat. Characterizing the faculty, "If you hunted from pole to pole you would not get six more positive men, as these professors are all men of views. " Reviewing the charges against him, he made a general denial. His remarks were "felicitous, " evidently in trying to bring about good humor. Although some had lobbied to retain President Gathright, neither the President nor professors had "headquarters" in Bryan during the investigation. Applications for vacancies on the faculty had already been received, and the Board had informally and privately discussed the applicants' 21 qual i f i ca tions . In the afternoon the Board visited the College and received a thirteen gun salute. The members were escorted by President Gathright and were presented in a meeting in the chapel, where each Board member addressed the students in order to arouse their pride in the College and their sense of duty. Peeler spoke directly of the current trouble and appealed to the students to stand by the College as a matter of pride and to have confidence in the Board "as the guardian of their welfare. " That night, after the formal session ended, the Board held an informal secret session in the Governor's room until an "early hour. " They discussed matters but came to "no united, unalterable decision. " They did decide that the majority decision should reach the public as the action of the entire Board. They had learned the necessity of 22 maintaining harmony through first-hand experience.

21 Governor Roberts received a letter written before the Board began its hearings and recommending Benjamin Allen, of Kaufman, from a San Antonio resident, who had written upon "learning that probably a professor of math would be hired. " William H. Young to O. M. Roberts, San Antonio, Texas, Nov- ember 17, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 22 Galveston Daily News, November 22, 1879. 558

Between 9 and 10 A. M. , on the 21st, the Board reached a "final, unanimous decision. " The Board reviewed the testimony after which "the magnitude of the trouble was met with summary measures, and the final determination was made to oust the entire faculty. " Since conclusive evidence had been offered that dissension existed, that the College could not exist with dissension, and that all those in charge had testified they could not remain together without dissension, the Board reached its conclusion without making an examination of the charges made against the professors.

A new faculty had been agreed upon, with General John G. 23 James, of Austin, to be the new President- While the state

23 The Board wrote Colonel James on November 22 that he had been unanimously selected as the new president, " to fill the vacancy in said Faculty, declared (occasioned by the resignation of President Gathright) so, by the said Board, the day previous. " The words in parentheses were inserted between the lines James was requested to assume the duties of his office as soon as possible; his salary was to begin December 1. Board of Directors of the Agri- cultural and Mechanical College of Texas to John G. James, Bryan, Texas, November 22, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. Dr. Smythe's letter of resignation was dated November 21; he complained that he had been grossly underpaid. In August he had been called before the Board, which informed him of his greatly reduced salary; he was to receive $4 per student per term. This was in contrast to the $10 fee he had received in the first year. In the second year he had been made Professor of Anatomy and made more than $2, 000 since the College had averaged about 250 students. During the winter of 1877-78, he had spent about sixty nights almost consecutively in the care of the sick, and he had spent almost that much time in the preceding winter of 1878-79. Such close attention had left him no time for private practice. D. Port Smythe to His Excellency O. M. Roberts and Gentlemen of the Board, Bryan, Texas, November 21, 1879, in ibid. Smythe's 559 press may have castigated the professors and approved the Board's decision, the professors themselves "seemed to be thunderstruck, for no one took any blame to himself, but evidently thought that the College could do without the others. But they were too late, for they had condemned 24 themselves. " President Gathright criticized the "hasty rush" of the new faculty to assume the place of the old 25 without a word of conference. At 10 o' clock, with the usual large crowd in attendance, the Board disposed of sundry other matters. Letters of denial were read from cadets whose names Martin had used as authority for accusing the President of haranguing the students to take sides, although one of the students resignation was accepted, but he was reappointed on Novem-" ber 22. "Record of the election of the new faculty, in ibid. McInnis and Hogg resigned on November 22. McInnis submitted his resignation at the pleasure of the Board and stated that he would have presented it in person had the Board not adjourned sooner than he expected. Louis L. McInnis to O. M. Roberts and Members of the Board of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, College Sta- tion, Texas, November 22, 1879, in ibid. Hogg stated that he considered his "sacrifice" greater because of the pending charges against him but offered his resignation. Alex- [ander] Hogg to Honorable 0. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, November 22, 1879, in ibid. Lewis resigned on the 23rd. L. M. Lewis to O. M. Roberts and the Board of Direc- tors of the A. and M. College, November 23, 1879, in ibid. Ironically, a new professor of agriculture was not elected impossible since the Board found the position " to fill. "Record of the election of the new faculty, in ibid. 24 Cole, James R. , Seven Decades of l~ll Life, 94 25 T'nomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Henderson, Texas, April 16, 1880, Louis L. McInnis papers, Te .as A&M University A=chives. 560 admitted he may have said the President used remarks "calculated to arouse prejudices. " Cadet Crisp wrote a "dignified, respectful" denial that the petition from the cadets presented to the Board was in his handwriting. H. C. Edrington presented the Fiscal Agent' s report, which was received without a reading. Receiving permission to speak, President Gathright stated that since the Board "contemplated a possible reorganization, " he was "ready to relieve " 26 it at his own volition, A similar statement was made by Martin, who asked the record to be made to show that he did not call the names of any students in his testimony, and 27 had he done so, it was in error. The Board then read the following resolutions: That from a careful examination of the facts this board is satisfied that there exists at this time in the faculty of the A. and M. College such a want of harmony and co-operation as to prevent its proper and successful management. That in the judgment of this board the unhappy condition of things referred to in the first resolution can only be remedied by a reorganization of the institution, and to the end that the board may be unembar- rassed in effecting such reorganization, the entire faculty be requested to tender their resignations, and that this request is made solely upon the ground that the best interests

26 A resolution of the Board stated that it was "exceedingly gratified . . . to perceive the friendly and noble spirit" expressed by Thomas S. Gathright "Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege of Texas, November 20, 1879," in Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 27 The Galveston News had mentioned the cadets by name and of fered to make correction through the Board. 561

of the college require it, and without any regard to any pending charges against any member of the faculty. That the board deeply regret the necessity for this action which the highest consideration of duty has impelled it to take and in expressing this regret to not hesitate to acknowledge its high appreciation of the past services rendered by the faculty and to express its best wishes for their future prosperity and happiness, again repeating that it is to the good of the institution alone they have looked without intending to injure the reputation or impair the usefulness in other fields of any member of the faculty. Director Pickett moved the adoption of the resolutions; Sayers seconded the motion; and the resolutions were adopted

unanimously. Granted permission by the Board to speak, Hogg offered his resignation for the good of the College, and at this point Governor Roberts stated he would like to con- suit with the professors who were leaving and hoped there would be "no sudden breaking off. " A number of cadets then came in and demanded a hearing.

Whereas we the cadets of the State Agricul- tural and Mechanical College of Texas are deeply interested in the welfare of the college and the proper adjustment of the troubles now existing in this institution, in convention assembled do hereby adopt the following resolutions: Resolved, that we are entitled to a hearing before the board of directors; that we desire it, and will not be satisfied until we are heard. That certain ones of our number have been unjustly denounced before that honorable body, and have been denied the privilege of defending themselves. That the board of directors be served with a copy of these resolutions, and that the Gal- veston News be furnished a copy for publication. 562

4. That these resolutions are adopted unanimously by the corps of cadets. The resolutions were referred by the Board to a committee. Next, the Board took up the appeal of Cadet John Claybourne Crisp; he was given time to prepare his case, which was to be presented "in a shape for direct action without neces- " sitating a wide field of investigation by the board. The Board then took a recess.

Upon the resumption of the investigation, the committee on the Cadets' resolutions presented its report. Conceding the students' rights to a hearing, "individually and collectively, " upon their grievances, the committee "respectfully" suggested that the students were incorrect in saying that some of them had been unjustly accused and denied the privilege of defending themselves before the Board. No student had applied for or been denied a hearing; furthermore, all petitions and reports from students had been received and considered by the committee composed of Lyday, Cochran, and Dixon. In regard to the charges of drunkenness, lying, etc. made against them, President Gathright had replied for them at their request and denied any dishonor on their part

by reaffirming that they were honorable and he appreciated the great privilege of defending them at his departure from the College. Cadet Crisp thon made an eloquent appeal. Explaining his scholastic and conduct record as a student, in which he had sought fully to prepare for promotion according to 563 all College rules, he explained the system of promotion within the corps. The Board had previously determined to consider his case on its merits apart from the Crisp-Hogg affair. Since other cadets recognized the honor of an officer's position, Crisp believed his promotion one of honor and principle. Leaving the question of merit to his fellow students, he thought he presently stood "in a " disparaging position before the public. The Board required Crisp to ask his own questions of the witnesses he called. Nine cadets "substantially agreed" that in consideration of his "scholarship, deportment, moral standing, and military proficiency" he was entitled to promotion. The President and faculty presented evidence of Crisp's outstanding character as well as the reasons they had voted against his confirmation. Gathright testified that Crisp was as fine a boy as he ever knew and entitled to promotion " according to "all the rules, methods, and customs. Stating that Crisp was entitled to promotion on the basis of merit, Norris had disapproved his nomination as senior captain on account of the Crisp-Hogg affair. Lewis regarded him highly and thought him courteous but "cool after the faculty vote. " Dr. Smythe thought Crisp had spent too much time in the hospital on one occasion and thought he did not have " the bearing of a "soldierly man. When Crisp reminded Smythe of a "severe blister process he underwent in the hospital, " Dr. Smythe retorted that "he was always heavy on 564

blisters. " Banks and Hogg testified as to Crisp's scholarship and good character but then presented their reasons' for voting against him, in spite of his favorable reputation, as being the Crisp-Hogg affair. Hogg stated that Crisp did not study as he should and explained that Crisp did not

measure up to his idea of a captain since he made too many 28 complaints of not being supported as a captain. Address- ing the Board, Crisp summarized his case, stressed the precedent for his promotion, and affirmed that he had made charges against Hogg as a citizen in "sincerity in keeping " with his record, and for this reason merited attention.

Upon the Board's adjournment, the News correspondent believed "their present temper" indicated Crisp would be retained in the ranks. Cadets who had come for the morning hearing were excited, and some had "importuned" the directors to retain Gathright. College affairs were orderly but unsettled, and there seemed to be no great demoralization nor evidence that it would develop. General James had accepted the presidency and would arrive the next day; the 29 other new faculty members would arrive before Monday.

28 Ibid. , November 21, 1879. On Friday Director Lyday proposed that the Board investigate Crisp' s charges against Hogg and was scconded by Pfeuf fer. However, the Board did not adopt the proposal. "Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, Novem- ber 22, 1879, " in Historical Letters File, George P feuf fer, Texas A&M University Archives. 29 Galveston ~Dail News, November 22, 1879. 565

At some time during the proceedings, probably the 21st, Governor Roberts received a letter from Rufus C. Burleson, President of Waco University, who, as a life —long educator and an "Old Texan, " was deeply interested in the A. and M. College troubles. Having read the Governor's plan for the College's general reorganization in the Galveston News with "profound admiration, " he found it "perfectly in accord " with [his] own sentiments. Had Roberts' views been adopted earlier, the College "would have been an incalculable " blessing and a grand factor in the civilization of this age. " wasI However, he had been sadly impressed that the Faculty I incapable of grasping the profound views expressed by your Excellency. " Their greater concern with "brass buttons and a little show and a captain of cadets" had obscured the " College's true aims "as explained in your letter. Their serious and painful misunderstanding had been emphasized bv the "petty wranglings and unprofessional bickerings over little things that great and dignified Professors would never have permitted to extend beyond a weekly Faculty

Meeting. " He had "looked forward to a great Agricultural and Mechanical College in fact" as a part of the state' s educational system but had "despaired of its success under

such men as Messrs. Gathright, Hogg and one or two others " I happen to know in the faculty. Trusting that the Board would "go to the bottom, sweep away the rubbish and lay the foundation on a firm rock, and take your letter as the great sheet anchor, " he assured Roberts of the support of all 966

"true Texans. " In a postscript he expressed hope that the new faculty would be carefully selected, "and not as before make ourselves a but[t] of ridicule to educators in other states for taking up and put [t] ing in high places 3rd rate broken down men . . . whose chief stock in trade is 30 cheek and sharp wire-pulling. "

On the fifth day of the Board meeting, the public session began at 10:30 with Governor Roberts reading the unanimous decision of the Board on the Crisp appeal, which Crisp had been permitted to present and had been "patiently and fully considered" by the Board, which found that appointments were based on characteristics of leadership and that nothing in the regulations recognized rank held in the previous session as being a consideration of appointment, nor had such a practice been uniform. Conflicting evidence "as to the propriety" of his confirmation had been given and the faculty had exercised its right to reject or confirm appointments. The matter was a faculty decision since it was immediately responsible for discipline and student welfare and in a better position to judge than the Board. The Board believed that the faculty should not be overruled except when it "satisfactorily appears to be wrong, " which was not true in this case. The Board supported the faculty decision,

30 Rufus C. Burleson to O. M. Roberts, Waco, Texas, November 20, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas AsM University Archives. 567

but inasmuch as cadet Crisp appears to have borne a good character, and to have stood well as a soldier and cadet, this affirmance is to be without prejudice to his future appointment or promotion to any position in the corps, if in the discretion of those charged with the duty of making appointments and promotions he may be fitted therefor, provided his conduct hereafter be such as to recommend him for position, and provided further that nothing here said shall be taken as indicating on the part of the board an opinion that cadet Crisp is entitled or has any claims to be captain of company A. Sayers did not vote because he had been absent on account of illness and had not heard the testimony. The Board had a letter from Hogg, who was patiently waiting to answer Crisp's charges though the Board had not given him a hearing and an opportunity to present his case to the people. Peeler made a resolution that all such subjects be referred to committee. Resignations had been tendered by Gathright, Lewis, Banks, and Hogg, as well as a verbal resignation from Martin. Morris, asking to make a few remarks, read from the records of the investigation a statement which implied charges against the faculty and "emphatically" stated that he would not resign until the Board cleared his record in which he had been charged with disrespect for signing a paper addressed to the Board in the Crisp-Hogg affair as well as disrespect shown since that time. At Norris' statement, Banks, Lewis, and Martin rose to say they would like similar treatment, and Pfeuffer moved to refer the matter to the committee of the whole. Offering another resolution to be referred to the committee 568 as well, Sayers proposed that fifteen days before commencement the Board secretary would write the President and each of the professors to secure answers to the following questions: whether they knew or had heard anything that tended "to show the unfitness" of any of the faculty, whether they had any information that would help the College grow, and what present features of the College should be changed or abolished. Their answers would be handed to the secretary a day before the Board's meeting. The News correspondent inferred that the Board intended to abolish Rule XXXVI. Morris then asked for and obtained the floor to say that he had "just been served a copy" of the Board's resolution requesting faculty resignations. Asking if they meant to dismiss him, he "demanded a hearing" to clear himself of charges against him and "indorsed as true by the fact " of demanding his resignation without a chance to reply.

He asserted that he was "not such a coward" as to hide " behind "white —washing resolutions. When he demanded that reasons for his dismissal be placed on the minutes, the audience applauded, at which Governor Roberts rejoined, "Don't you all think we are going to manage this thing by the rattle of a crowd!" and called for order. Morris replied that he scorned the applause in so serious a matter as being forced to resign without even being heard as an honorable man, and asked why the Board did not concede the same honorable intentions to him as he did to the Board. Sayers then inquired as to his testimony that a reorganization was 569 necessary since the College could not prosper under present conditions; Morris acknowledged his testimony but assumed the Board would dismiss those at fault instead of dismissing everyone without a hearing and consequently without acquit- tal of the charges. The only legitimate charge against him was that he had not demanded an investigation of the Crisp-

Hogg affair in June as he should have. The Galveston News correspondent believed the public would approve the Board's action in asking the faculty to resign. However, the Board would receive criticism, "if not unqualified condemnation, " for giving the "plea of embarassment" as its only reason for the removal followed

by the acknowledgment of the "high appreciation for the past services rendered by the faculty. " Such a course reveals "a vein of nervousness favorable to the inference that the directors either shrank from an exhaustive investigation and a specific finding, or were conscious of committing a

willful injustice. " An analogy was provided in the defeat of Governor Hubbard at the last Democratic state convention. His opponents had tried to pin "black spots and blotches" on him; afterwards the same delegates adopted a resolution, with only one dissenting vote, that acknowledged the convention's high appreciation for his "spotless character, official efficiency, and public usefulness. " Adjourning for a caucus and to eat dinner, the Board conducted the following business in Governor Roberts' room. John G. James, Austin, was elected President of the College 570 on Sayers' motion; Benjamin Allen, Kaufman, was elected Professor of Math on Cochran's motion; James R. Cole, Sherman, was elected Professor of English on Lyday's motion; Charles P. Estill, Brenham, was elected Professor of Ancient Languages on Dixon's motion; Hardaway H. Dinwiddie, Austin, was elected Professor of Chemistry on Pickett's motion; and Dr. D. F. Smith ID. P. Smythe], Bryan, was elected surgeon and Professor of Anatomy on Pickett's motion. A resolution provided that Roberts, Sayers, Pfeuffer, and Peeler, as a committee, were to fill other positions and vacancies that occurred if all those elected did not accept. Presently, acceptances had been received from all except Allen, who supposedly had not received his notice of election. Governor Roberts stated that after consultation the Board would present its report at the request of those professors who asked for an investigation of the charges against them. The Board then adjourned its investigation until Monday.

New faculty members, including President James, Dinwid- die, and Cole, arrived Saturday afternoon, and Estill was expected Saturday night. Courteous exchanges took place when the "old" professors offered to help the "new" professors. By late afternoon James was consulting with the Board on College matters and finances. Though many of the cadets had expressed "reluctance" at Gathright's leaving, none had spoken disrespectfully of James and seemed to be confident. A number of them had met him at the depot. 571

Visiting the College at 6 P. M. , the News reporter found students quietly carrying on the usual routine and no threat of rebellion that had been rumored in Bryan at noon. In fact, Captain Olmstead was surprised to hear of the rumor; even though some students might leave, not all who had threatened to leave would do so since their parents also had a voice in the matter. Although McInnis' resignation had been handed in, it now appeared that he would remain. On Monday, November 24,

Hand planned to hand in his resignation, effective July 1, 1880, the expiration of his present agreement with the 31 Board, which he said he had not violated. The reporter had mingled among the Board members and thought the Board 32 would declare Morris' and Hand's positions vacant. "The„,

31 Hand wrote Robert. s and the Board on November 22 that he had entered into an agreement. with the Board on October 1, 1879, to fill the chair of ancient languages. He had not been accused nor charged with any wrongdoing; he had not created any discord; nor had he forfeited the respect and confidence of the students. Desiring to be informed of the charges against him, he requested an investigation followed by his dismissal were he found guilty. Otherwise, he offered his resignation to take effect July 1, 1880, the term for which he had agreed to serve for a salary of 81, 500, and a house. John T. Hand to O. M. Roberts, Governor and Presi- dent of the Board of Directors of the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, College Stati. on, Texas, Novem- ber 22, 1879, Historical Letters Rile, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. On November 25 Hand submitted his resignation to take effect at the pleasure of the Board. Same to Same, November 25, 1879, in ibid. 32 The Board passed a resolution declaring the two chairs vacant and stating that Hand would receive no money from the College after November 30. Resolution in Historical Letters 572 board seems to be done with courts of inquiry, and don' t want any more declamations. " The News approved the necessity of the faculty removal as an "example and warning" which would deter others, "besides putting an end to scandalous trouble, arising from a lack of discipline, too much discipline, conflict in discipline, or from any other sufficient cause. " It thought the lack of harmony and cooperation that prevented the "proper and successful management . . . hardly furnished a conspicuous claim to special thanks and a valedictory eulogy at the hands of the board as an investigating, adjudicating and corrective body representing 33 the whole common wealth of Texas. " 34 The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman reported that the "agony" had ended; the quarrel had grown and expanded until it included everybody connected with the A. and M. College, "and such became its violence and effects that the removal of President Gathright and Professor Martin became, in the eyes of the Governor and trustees, a matter of necessity. " Praising the selection of James and Dinwid- die, the Statesman was informed by James that it was "his purpose to bend all his energies to the execution of the

File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. Many of the resolutions were written on Washington Hotel Stationery or scraps of paper. 33 Galveston ~Dail News, November 23, 1879. 34 November 23, 1879. 573 fundamental law of the institution, and that it should be, if possible, a polytechnic and agricultural school of art and industry. "

As the News had assumed, McInnis was given a reprieve. George Pfeuffer, Secretary of the Board sent him, from the

Office Room of the Board of Directors, a communication that his resignation had been accepted to take effect at the close of the session unless the President found that his services were not needed before that time. In addition, no adjunct 35 professor would have a vote in faculty meeting. Evidently, McInnis wasted no time in complying with submitting a resignation that would not be effective until some months later; he received an acknowledgment on Sunday, the 23rd, that his "resignation was accepted to take effect sometime at the 36 end of the session. "

35 Board of Directors to Louis L. McInnis, Bryan, Texas, November 22, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M Uni- versity Archives. 36 George Pfeuffer to Louis L. McInnis, Bryan, Texas, November 23, 1879, in ibid. Sometime later McInnis wrote Pfeuffer concerning his employment; Pfeuffer replied that he had endorsed McInnis' application and sent it to the Governor. In case the vacancy caused by Allen's resignation was not filled and McInnis be assigned to the position of mathematics professor and satisfactorily fill it until the end of the term, Pfeuffer voted for his appointment. Or if a majority of the committee thought it necessary to fill the chair sooner and President James' endorsed McInnis, Pfeuffer voted for McInnis to fill the chair. George Pfeuffer to Louis L. McInnis, New Braunfels, December 4, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. Professor Hand thought McInnis would not remain long. He believed McInnis had been kept in order to assist the new faculty in a smooth transition but would go as "driftwood--as the rest of us have gone. " John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Bren- ham, Texas, December 7, 1879, in ibid. 574

The Board conducted some business on Sunday and was busy into the night going over routine financial matters.

As a committee of the whole the Board adjourned to the College to examine the permanent improvements claimed by the old faculty. Director Lyday was appointed a committee of one to determine the amounts allowed. The Board was aware that it was setting a precedent. The $500 book store balance was ordered paid to Gathright, and President James was authorized to settle the accounts of the various professors with the College. A resolution to allow Banks' son the sum of $50 for serving as drummer was adopted. Other 37 claims which were allowed amounted to $625. 48.

37 Annual ~Re of the President of the A~ri- Fourth ' ort 1t 1 dM h 1~C11 f T 'th~A Documents, to Governor O. M. Roberts], 1880, p. 13. All of the following[ bills are included in the Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. Presi- dent Gathright filed a bill on November 23 for the following improvements: improvements to front yard of the Presi- dent's House (not specified), $150; dining room stove, $15; books, stationery for College as per inventory, no amount. He also had an extra garden at the Hand residence but would be satisfied if he were refunded the previous amounts. Hogg's bill, amounting to $220. 33, included the following: garden, $46. 50; fences, $79; china trees, $21, 75; peach trees, $4. 35; stables and shed, $47. 00; materials for section room, $20. 00; repairing cistern, $1. 75. In case the Board found it "embarrassing to pay, " he would wait until "only funds were available; he cheerfully awaited and pray," at present, such reimbursement as requested be allowed. Professor Hand's bill amounted to $202. 00. Banks claimed $814. 33, including the services of his son as drummer in the 1876-77 session. He had built a number of outbuildings, as well as a picket and rail fence enclosing five acres. He cited the allowance already made by the Board to Gath- right; moreover, Banks claimed that he had personally paid for his improvements while Gathright's had been paid from the contingent fund and asked that the Board refer to 575

Signing himself the "late Professor of Mathematics, "

Hogg wrote Roberts to inform the "honorable Board" that nearly 1000 copies of Hogg's Industrial Education had been printed by his publisher, and he wanted to present to the College 500 copies f' or its use and disposition "as a token of ( his] interest in it and as some evidence of (his) continued and lasting friendship for the institution. " A notation was made on Hogg's note, "accept with 38 thanks. "

The News reported that twenty cadets had left or would leave. In response to the News reporter's inquiries about Board action on individual charges, the Board made the following statement. With respect to the charges and implications contained in the communication of president Gath- right of October 20, 1879, insofar as they effect ( sic] Profs. Banks, Martin, Lewis, Morris, and Hogg; and in the communication of cadet John C. Crisp of insofar as Prof. Hogg is ef- f t d ty, t' f' d f o 11 the developments[~tb and facts brought to our attention, that they ought now to be dismissed, and that such dismissal shall, under all the circumstances be made in justice to the parties in interest. We are further of the opinion that president Gathright did not instigate cadet Crisp to make charges against Prof. Hogg, and that Messrs. Morris, Banks and Lewis, or either of them, did not charge him with it; and in reference to the resolutions, adopted by this board on the

B. H. Davis. Lyday recommended the following allowances: Gathright, $150; Hand, $145; Banks, $188. 20; Lewis, $103; and Hogg $124. 35. 38 Alex (ander] Hogg to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, November 24, 1879, Historical Letters File, George Pfeuffer, Texas A&M University Archives. 576

21st of November, 1879, requesting the resignation of all the members of the faculty, we again state the main reason for requesting such resignations was that the good of the college required it, and that the request was made without reference to any pending charges. We state further that we held that a joint and several obligation rested upon each and all of the members of the faculty to exert themselves actively to the extent of their capacity to settle the differences arising out of the rejection of the nomination of John C. Crisp for the captaincy of company A, as well as other difficulties. We are fully satisfied that it could and would have been done if there had not existed such a state of feeling between the president and members of the faculty as prevented a proper adjustment of their differences. None of those who were involved in the disturbances that had arisen interposed in a proper manner their good offices to bring about an amicable settlement, which our investigation demonstrated could and should have been done, except only Dr. Deport Smythe, who did his whole duty in that regard. The president and each one of the professors have voluntarily declared before us, that the faculty, as organized, could not administer the affairs of the college and carry it on through the present session harmoniously and prosperously. To reorganize the faculty, they leaving a part in the college, whether those left have been on one side of the controversy or the other, when we can not say that either side of any of them has been entirely free from fault, would necessarily have arrayed hostility towards those left in charge of the college to the prejudice of its future prosperity. This we could not do consistently with our sense of duty. To keep the institution free from injury arising out of any personal differences between those who have had the management of it, we have, therefore, had no alternative in our action than to request the resignation of all of the members of the faculty, except those tendered, and vacate the positions of those who have not tendered their resignations, so as to enable us to place a faculty in charge of the college who can act together harmoniously in forwarding its best interests. 39

39„"To the People of Texas, " Galveston ~Dail News, November 25, 1879. 577

It was reported that the new president had pneumonia, and that professor Allen had already resigned and the Board telegraphed to return to Bryan, possibly the signal for a 40 new election, according to the Galveston ~Dail News. Director Peeler wrote McInnis on November 28 that he thought if the Board were able to get along without filling the chair of mathematics, it should do so. The repeated 41 meetings had required so much of the Endowment Fund that it was "a little doubtful" whether all the professors would receive the full amount of their salaries. Should McInnis show that he was fully qualified to be a successful and satisfactory mathematics teacher, Peeler personally would consider that fact a strong argument for giving him 42 a full professorship when the Board met in June.

The most pungent and concise account of what had really

happened and why it had happened is to be found in a fable written in November, 1879. It is an old story but it renews its youth like the eagle. There were two professional roosters in one barn-yard. They had a soft thing of it, to use the language of popular par- lance. They got their meals regularly, and had everything that was necessary to make sensible roosters happy. But, unfortunately, they were very positive roosters, and were everlastingly quarreling, setting a bad example to the young

40 Ibid. , November 26, 1879. 41 Board expenses for 1879 amounted to $2, 824. 00. ' Jo L of th f t *f th h * t th ~L* L t f the State of Texas, 1st. Sess. , 154. 42 A. J. Peeler to Louis L. McInnis, Austin, Texas, November 28, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 578

roosters that were to look to them for guidance and inspiration. Finally they became so embit- tered in mutual animosity that they did nothing but crow over and pick at each other, even to the extent of neglecting their barn-yard duties. At last one of the hostile roosters hunted up an old fox, that lived over at Austin, and told him what a bad rooster his opponent was, always fighting and neglecting his barn-yard duties. 'Ah, ' remarked the old fox, '1 must go over in person and hold an investigation. ' He did so. The result of it was that very soon the hostile roosters and their respective backers were flap- ping about the barn-yard with their heads off, while a prominent Austin rooster imperched on the fence warbling cock-a-doodle-do! MoI rj al-- No matter how much a man may know, it will never be to his disadvantage to renew his acquaintance with Aesop's fables. The scars of the Gathright era would long be remembered. Following the Gathright administration, the College ori- ented more and more toward being a technical and military training school, and while it was to become one of the best in the area of agricultural and technical engineering, it was to be many years before it would achieve national recognition in the sciences and even longer in the humani- ties and social sciences and to achieve the level of a true university. By the end of 1879 the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas had lost all hope of becoming ' Th U~t f I d f d t g g 1 g and difficult struggle to retain its reputation as a college instead of being transformed into a manual labor school or being completely transferred to Austin. The "Old Fox" in the governor's office had seen to that.

43 Galveston ~Dail News quoted in Austin ~Dail Demo- cratic Statesman, November 30, 1879. 579

CHAPTER XIV

THE YEARS THAT FOLLOWED: AN EXPLANATION

OF THE NOVEMBER "DRAMA"

The past can be understood by events that occur in the future, just as the future can be best understood by present events. All the points of view and events related in this chapter occurred after the dismissal of the faculty in November, 1879, and concern those who played a role in the November "Drama. "

An effort will be made here to show the reaction of the public toward what was done by the Board at its meeting in Bryan in an endeavor to bring harmony at the College and to direct that institution more closely along the lines envisioned for it by the laws creating and governing it. In his first annual report to Governor Roberts, Presi- dent of the Board of Directors, in 1880, the new President, Colonel John G. James, pointed out that in the past the College had not popularized the study of agriculture and mechanical arts, but had instead "sedulously cultivated a sentiment antagonistic to these branches of study" and, "in spirit and fact, " had created strictly a literary college "top-grafted with a strongly prominent military feature. " It was understandable, he thought, "that it should fail to secure its support in an intelligent public opinion, while thus conducted in the face of the mandatory 580 legal enactments under which it was established and endowed, d and he promised to make the College conform more 1 closely to the purposes for which it had been created. The Board's action drastically affected the student enrollment. By the second week in December, 1879, the enrollment had fallen to seventy-two, and it was thought that probably even more students would leave, in which case 2 there would be no need to hire new professors. In an edi- 3 torial in the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, signed "Not a Farmer, " it was pointed out that the Mso-calledd agricultural college had not produced a single alumnus who was engaged in a business for which the College had been established. It was stated that one former student was keeping books in Houston; two others were "looking for soft places at Mojada mines"; two were telegraph operators in Bremond and Waco; one was a grocery clerk in Galveston; one was a soldier in the service of the state; one a teacher at Freilsburg; one a railroad employee at Richmond; and all the rest were studying law. Not one former student was using his knowledge of chemistry to analyze soils or to instruct farmers, in spite of the fact that Texas had

1 f tt A 1 ~Rt f tt f 'd ot f tt A~l— ments, [ to Governor 0. M. Roberts j, 1880, p. 3 2 Brazos Pilot, quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 10, 1879. 3 November 30, 1879. 581 accepted the land grant from the United States and the State of Texas had spent a vast amount of money for the education of such men. With the dismissal of the faculty, the state's newspapers had a field day, and the College became an increased subject of interest and of abuse; yet, some papers seemed more objective in their evaluation of the events that had 4 t P' d. fh D~f 1d'g 11 d th D 11 g "grand humbug, " which had at last revealed its true character. Over 8200, 000 of the people's money had been squandered without the slightest benefit to anyone. Agriculture had not been taught, and the costs of attending the College were so high that only the rich could attend. Although the professors had received high salaries, they had not made the College a success, but instead had created a ridiculous farce by their quarrels and threats to fight. Since the people had other expectations for the use of their tax money, the Board, it believed, had taken the right course. 5 ' k' g d'ff t p t. f '. , th H t T~l thought that the College should have become a scientific and literary institution, and thus provide the nucleus for the state university envisioned for Texas. The Austin 6 ~Dail Democratic Statesman thought the College to be an

4 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 30, 1879. 5 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 30, 1879. 6 December 2, 1879. 582

institution where "cadets in gray cloth" were mostly prepared for law in a "machine run in the interest of office seekers. " However, it believed that the dismissal of the

entire faculty had probably been a mistake. A thorough investigation should have been made and those not at fault should have been retained, since it would require some 7 time to reorganize the faculty. The Gatesville Sun decried the summary and arbitrary dismissal of the entire faculty as "decidedly brief" as well as "harsh and unjust. " 8 However, the Cleburne Chronicle commented that the Board

had no othe-, . choice and believed that a faculty lacking in sufficient dignity and self-respect to become involved in a row and a "quarrel worse than street gamins, ought to be dismissed without ceremony" as a disgrace to education. A 9 week later the Bryan Brazos Pilot declared that the old faculty could not be "annihilated by the fiat of a corrupt set of politicians, " and asserted that the faculty was "superior in scholarship and moral character to the average editor, " a comparison which the Galveston ~Dail News called "odorous. " The News commented that the Pilot showed more zeal than good judgment since it was almost the only newspaper criticizing the Board for effecting the

7 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 28, 1879. 8 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 12, 1879. 9 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 18, 1879. 583

10 ' Th R kd l d' g t g t . R~, h the Pilot ' s comment about pro fessors and editors, said that in the Pilot's case, it was probably true since its editor "lived in a little world bound on one side by Bryan and on the other by A. and N. College" and the late "hoggish rupture places most of them where the average Bryan " editor may aspire to excellence . . . even among professors. 11 The Galveston ~Dail News believed the State Attorney General had his own plans for the College, and that it should be what it claimed to be and what the law required 12 it to be. The Farmers' Review praised the usefulness of agricultural and mechanical colleges, but found the one on " the Brazos "worse than useless for agricultural purposes, and concluded that any cadet who graduated in all its branches "would play sad havoc upon an experimental or any 13 ' ' ' th k' d f f . " Th G ll ~R* t h l d the College to be an elephant that the state did not need since more than 8100, 000 about the actual cost of the buildings had been spent to make it one of the best in the nation, and in less than two years afterward the entire

10 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 23, 1879. 11 December 3, 1879. 12 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 5, 1879. 13 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 10, 1879. 584

faculty had been involved in a quarrel as to whether a student should be made a captain. While the investigation was in progress, the Houston 14 A~e, in an article captioned, "Much Ado About Nothing, " called the State Agricultural and Mechanical College an "ornamental but useless institution, " and thought that the summary dismissal of the President and faculty was the only possible way to settle and eliminate the "chronic bickerings in the college with the inappropriate name. " The 15 H to T~l h P d th t th "d pt' d d* 'tf l school will either be suppressed altogether, " or that the name would be changed and a program of agriculture and mechanics be initiated, something that had until now been of no more concern than "voodooism. " The Gonzales 16 ~t'pl 'dthtth Clip ppdt h self-sustaining and asked what it had "ever done for itself or the state, save to create a very disgraceful disturbance, bring reproach upon the state, and swallow up $300, 000 of its [ the state'sj money. " The Galveston ~Dail News, a long time critic of Richard Coke, had continually heaped "miserable and contemptible abuse" upon the A. and M. College since its inception and

14 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 23, 1879. 15 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 23, 1879. 16 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 10, 1879. 585 was raked over the coals by the editor of the Brazos Pilot of Bryan. Its "base innuendo and cowardly indirection, 17 never without argument, " declared the Brazos Pilot, was guilty of constantly referring to the College as the "so— called Agricultural and Mechanical College" and of reprinting "with tacit approval every miserable fling at " 18 the college from other papers of the State. In 1878, prior to coming to Texas A. and M. College, John G. James, President of the Texas Military Institute in " a' 'th A t', h+d b o * gly d d d~td" the policy of the Galveston ~Dail News, the state's leading and most widely circulated newspaper. He described it as a paper "owned by a set of money-worshipping, money- making men, of Yankee instincts and proclivities, and

17 Quoted in Galveston D~ail News, June 8, 1881. 18 The " State Press" column was originated by Hamilton Stuart in 1874 as a unique feature in Texas journalism; and then made Stuart culled items from other state papers " comments of his own. Walter B. Moore, "Hamilton Stuart, Texana, IV (Spring, 1966), p. 30. Stuart had been appointed a commissioner to build the Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege by Governor E. J. Davis in 1872 but resigned a year later. Davis had also appointed him to the University of Texas Board of Administrators. In March, 1885, the News boasted that it was the first to suggest to the "Old Alcalde" (Roberts) that the entire faculty should be dismissed after the College had been demoralized by the Crisp affair, and that its suggestion had been promptly adopted. Then, as if to show the power of the press, the News reminded the present faculty that they owed their places "in this cold and unappreciative world" to the News' suggestion for a housecleaning. As if this were not enough, the editor noted that George Pfeuffer was not a great orator, but that his good memory and "especial pride in the present faculty" should help him to remember that the News had helped open the door to their employment. Galveston n~Dail News, March 8, 1885. 586 with no principle beyond that one, of 'Put money in the purse!'" 19

A year and a half after the controversial Board meeting 20 in November, 1879, the editor of the Houston Post assessed the November massacre of the faculty and President of Texas

A. and M. College and concluded that the history of the College "reflected no credit on the history of the state. " The squabble had been disgraceful and had done great harm to the state's educational interests. While admitting that the dismissed professors had been "treated with gross injustice and that the summary disposition of the case was a cowardly blunder, " the editor, nonetheless, believed that the reorganization had placed the College in a better position to develop. The Board reported "To the People of Texas" from Austin on November 26, 1879, that it had found the State Agricul- tural and Mechanical College of Texas in "excellent condition, except as to certain unhappy dissensions existing in the faculty, " for which reorganization had been the

"indisputable and promptly applied" remedy. A new faculty

19 John G. James to Paul H. Hayne, Austin, Texas, March 13, 1878, in McKeithan (ed. ), Selected Letters: John G. James to Paul Hamilton ~Ha ne and M~ar Middleton ~Ha ne, 11, 13, 13 fn. In truth, the owner of the Galveston ~Dail News, Alfred H. Belo, was a native of North Carolina who had come to Texas in 1865, and the editor-in-chief, Donaldson C. Jenkins, was a native of Mississippi. 20 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, June 9, 1881. 587 composed of Texans of "ripe experience, vigorous manhood, and of acknowledged ability and reputation" had assumed charge of the one hundred thirty students in attendance, a number which the Board thought would soon be increased. The legislative appropriation made in the Summer had been wisely spent for a library, laboratory, mathematical instruments, and agricultural implements, thus enabling the College to offer better advantages than it had previously offered. In conclusion, the Board said, "We will do all in our power to make this institution what it ought to be, and trust that our effort will be seconded by the people " 21 of the state, to whom it belongs. 22 A letter to the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman from a cadet criticized the speeches of the Board members at the hearings during the investigation. Governor Roberts' speech had been "quite lengthy" and not nearly the type speech the student had expected from "such an exalted personage as the governor, " who pronounced his words indistinctly, talked as though he "had a chew of tobacco in his mouth, " and dressed "very much like a day laborer" in "an awful dirty shirt. " The Governor was followed by Lieutenant Governor Sayers, who spoke fluently but used no

21 Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas Board of Directors "To the People of Texas, " in Galveston ~Dail News, November 29, 1879. 22 Cadet to Editor, Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, in Galveston ~Dail News, December 5, 1879. 588 gestures at all; and although he did not appear to be brilliant, "appearances are sometimes deceitful. " Speaker Cochran at first spoke hesitatingly, then talked too rapidly. The cadet thought "such a county as Dallas" could select a much better representative, although it seemed "the poorest men were usually sent to Austin as representatives. " Senator Pickett resembled "an old broken down Irish paddy"; he had made a long speech during which the cadet could hardly "refrain from laughing, as in speaking he gesticulates with his head instead of his hands. " The editor sarcastically noted that oratory seemed to be in high standing with some of the A. and M. College students. Replying to the sarcasm with which the Austin States- man had criticized a cadet's evaluation of the Board, the 23 Marshall Herald thought the criticism valid. A man who had been honored with the state's highest post "ought to dress like a governor and look like one; and men that aspire to be statesmen ought to look and talk like statesmen. " 24 'Zl R kd 1 M~* d d th t'o t k gy the Board. It thought the Board's expression of appreciation to the faculty a "white-washing process, " to which they were not entitled. The faculty's most apparent service had been "to bring the institution into disrepute. " The

23 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 30, 1879. 24 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 2, 1879. 589

25 Greenville Herald thought too many of the Board members, however, were affected with a disease known as "political obesity" in order to direct a marvelously successful agricultural and mechanical college. Should the Board undergo the same reorganization as the faculty, there might be some hope for the College. An Austin citizen, wrote that he subscribed to the Galveston ~Dail News in order to find out what was going on in Austin, "Ignorant and simple people like myself, " read the Board proceedings, "but with all our reading the less we know. " He wondered how the "good of the college" could be achieved by an apparent act of injustice? or, how "a president and faculty complimented at one moment for their efficiency and at the next breath incontinently kicked out?" or, how any man under a democratic administration could be "summarily dismissed without being permitted to say a word in his defense?" or, how can "unsophisticated outsiders help believing that a full investigation would have shown 'the board' derelict in their duty in not sooner reorganizing a faculty, in which a majority of the professors had been in almost open warfare with the president for two years?" The writer also questioned the propriety of the amount of the Board's expenses as being too great. In a reply entitled "That College, " the News stated that the Board expense accounts 25 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 5, 1879. 590 were a matter of simple arithmetiC. According to the Comptroller's accounts, the amount of expense money paid for one Board meeting amounted to $1106.55. So, if the nine directors should meet at least four times a year, a cost of $4, 426. 20 annually would be incurred and would be prohibitive since the interest on the Endowment Fund was only about $14, 000 annually. With the addition of new Congressional districts, and thus an enlargement of the Board, the lack of funds would become even more acute. The faculty salaries had been reduced once because there was not enough money to pay both teachers and directors, and 26 such a reduction could happen again. Charges were made and investigated by the Seventeenth Legislature that the A. and M. College Board of Directors had drawn pay, contrary to law, from interest on the Endowment Fund and had drawn more mileage than the law

allowed. A Senate committee examined the law and the vouchers on file in the Comptroller's office; and, while there might be a question as to whether any part of the Endowment Fund could be used for these purposes, the legislature in March 9, 1875, had provided by law that it be used for that purpose, and a law made in 1876 had provided the amount of $5 for each twenty-five miles traveled to attend Board meetings. In several instances, however, the

26„"Chandos" to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, December 20, 1879. 591 vouchers revealed directors had drawn travel "for greater 27 mileage than the most practicable route. "

In the Summer of 1880 Ashbel Smith, a member of the University of Texas Board of Administrators, expressed the opinion that the compulsory resignations of the faculty in 1879 had been wise and "imperatively demanded" in the College's interest. While "an investigation of the differences, disagreements, disputes of the old professors, as some parents have affirmed, would have been just, a trial before the board of directors would have developed a huge mass of conflicting, irreconcilable testimony, which would have rivaled the confusion and uncertainties of a criminal trial, under the manipulating of our most eminent criminal lawyers. " However, Smith believed that in the future an issue on which the College might "split and come to grief" was its dependence on politicians who would either be defeated or elected in recurring political elections. Directors elected by the legislature would reflect political influence for the time being, and the directors would have "enemies to punish and friends to reward with places. " Capable of bringing immense good to the state, the College, he believed, deserved public 28 patronage as a Texas institution. Upon reading Smith's 27 J 1 f th S t f th 5 t th L~lt of the State of Texas, 1st Sess. , 153-154. 28 Ashbel Smith to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, August 4, 1880. 592

letter in the News, Hand complained to McInnis that Smith had compared the faculty to a set of criminals "having no „29 claims upon mercy or clemency. " In the Spring of 1881 public discussion in the press concerning the establishment of the University of Texas

called forth a letter from L. M. Lewis, which appeared in 30 the Austin Daily Statesman. He had sent to a Representa- tive in the legislature an information sheet detailing some facts of the "outrageous history" of the A. and M. College.

He thought the Board was guilty of past abuses as well as continuing abuses, "and the chief sinner was Peeler, " who, according' to Lewis, had declared that the Board's action had to be kept from the public. Governor Roberts had proposed in 1881 a reorganization of the A. and M. College Board, which would be composed of four members appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate with the Governor as the fifth member and head of the Board. In debate that took place in the House of Representatives, a Representative, also a professed friend of the Governor, opposed the idea since the Governor's influence would permit him to control the Board. The only

way to remove the College from politics was to place mcn

29 John "'. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, August 6, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A6M Univer- sity Archives. 30 L. M. Lewis to Editor, Austin ~Dail Statesman, March 24, 1881. 593 free of political influence for stated terms or until their removal by the legislature for abuse of office. Another' Representative thought the Governor's plan was tantamount to giving him "sole and exclusive control" so that the other four were not needed. Unless the College was removed from political influences, it would not amount to much, as witnessed by the mass exodus of students after the Governor 31 got hold of the College in 1879. Almost two months after the November massacre, Hand asserted that the world to come would reveal the plotting of which McInnis had written in his letter. Were it '" possible, Hand would "gladly forget the November 'Drama, which had provided another look at human nature. "How any man, charged with official duty, can stand by a see innocence injured s crushed, without moving a hand or raising a voice, I can't understand. Men too of brain and seeming courage. " Hand thought there was a "mouse in the meal tub, " a fly in the ointment, or a bug under the chip. The only comfort he had was that in the final judgment all would " 32 meet and "must answer there for himself. As to the individual Board members, Dixon died within the year. Hand believed that he "had some good impulses " but lacked moral stamina to resist bad influences. Hand

31 Galveston D~ail News, March 25, 1881. 32 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, February 2, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 594 did not want to discolor "whatever good and/or fame he had achieved. He has gone to his reward--he has 'decapitated' his last man--I trust, ere his summons came he saw his oppression, his sin against innocent men--& obtained pardon--Had it been the head instead the tail of the kite, 33 it were better. " Hand thought that while Peeler might be insincere, he was also frank and outspoken--"no mean 34 virtue in this crooked, perverse generation. " Almost a year and a half after the new faculty had been installed, Peeler wrote McInnis that he wanted the new faculty to get along well and thereby show those who had tried to pull the College down that it "can and will rise despite their „35 enmity and opposition. " George Pfeuffer was elected to the Board of A. and M. College at a time, according to a memorial by the faculty at his death in 1886, when mistakes in the College's policy were just being discovered, and when it was just becoming apparent that radical changes were necessary. Industrial education still puzzled the wisest of educators. Few were willing to experiment and abandon tried and true systems of education. Accepting the experiment with faith in its ultimate success, Pfeuffer communicated his faith to all with whom he was associated.

33 Same to Same, October 17, 1880, in ibid. 34 Same to Same, Corsicana, Texas, September 27, 1882, in ibid. 35 A. J. Peeler to Louis L. McInnis, Austin, Texas, June 13, 1881, in ibid. 595

With the ability to sift the wheat from the chaff, he never missed a meeting of the Board of Directors of the College until he died in 1886. On Monday night, a week after the Board began its hearings, former President Gathright gave an "interesting lecture" on the subject of "Lying" to a small audience at the Christian Church. Inclement weather probably helped limit the size of the audience. Through necessity, "which he hoped his friends present would appreciate and pardon, " he charged a small admission of fifty cents. His future plans included travel throughout the state as he had so long wanted to do. In its farewell to the former president, the Texas " ~to ll ', 'th "d 9 t *g t, th ght th abler educator in the state nor a nobler man in Texas. 9 ht 1'ttl t 1 9 tip, p*hp, th ~C*12 declared Gathright a

man to whom we can never pay our debt of gratitude . . . a man, who because he was brave enough to raise his strong arm to protect the weak and helpless and defend them from the fiendish clutches and ruth- less heels of tyrants, has made enemies who have heaped upon him loads of calumny and strained every nerve to blight his fair name.

Memorial on Pfeuffer's death by the faculty, in Galveston ~Dail News, September 25, 1886. Galveston D~ail News, November 26, 1879. 9 ~tll ', ll (9 h*, 1979), p. 2. 596

However, most did not agree with the Collegian's 39 assessment. The editor of the Belton Courier, af ter reading the proceedings of the investigation, concluded that President Gathright was the "head and front of the whole trouble. " His high positions in Mississippi and his recommendation from Jefferson Davis carried "too much sail for his ballast so that he imagined that wisdom began with himself. . . and settle ~dJ each dissension with an imper- 40 ial ukase. " Two years later the Austin ~Dail Statesman asserted that public clamor against Gathright's manage— ment caused the Board to feel compelled to make radical 41 changes. The editor of the Greenville Herald thought Gathright's boastful statement of political achievements as evidence of his "character as model college president" was painful reading. Facetiously, the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman 42 suggested that Gathright "had proposed the genuine killing of pork at Bryan college by cutting Hogg's throat. " Calling the College a disgrace, the Orancae Tri- bune noted that the "kicked-out president" had started giving lectures while the "chief disturber is rooting for a living in some other potato patch. "

39 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, November 29, 1879. 40 August 21, 1881. 41 Quoted in Galv stan ~Dail News, December 5, 1879. 42 December 7, 1879. 43 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 10, 1879. 597

The Galveston D~ail News reprinted from the Brazos Pilot 44 an interview with ex-President Gathright in which he stated that the people generally never favored the College, and from the beginning dissatisfaction had arisen over the location and the expenditure of the first appropriation. The College opened before everything was in readiness, he said, and the people were unsure of what to expect. To the average person the name implied some extra agricultural features and practical mechanics. Although the agriculture department had a professor and usually a farm superintendent and spent about $2, 000 yearly, there had not been enough crops gathered in any year to feed the team. Gathright owed his appointment to Governor Coke, who had recently written him that he was the right man in the right place. He continued, While I am gratified by such expressions, I would have preferred an honorable grave to my fate. The world will never know the peculiar and unremitting perplexities and difficulties of my position. I had the full support of but one of my faculty, Prof. John T. Hand, and if all the faculty had been like him, the college would have weathered any storm. He is a good and faithful man, true to every trust. I shall reveal none of the darkness of others, not of all, but of others. Commenting on Gathright's views and his "modest story" about the College troubles, which he thought were brought on by General Bee's removal, the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman 45 printed an interview with Gathright. He denied

44 Quoted in Galveston ~Dail News, December 21, 1979. 45 December 23, 1879. 598 that he took part in Bee's removal although some of the professors thought he did; he affirmed that after the Board consulted him as to the removal of Bee, he told them the College would benefit financially. At the January, 1878, Board meeting he had expressed doubt as to the wisdom of Bee's removal and thought the Board should have published the fact that he was not the instigator. He believed that he had "suffered martyrdom for the action of others, to whom [he] owed official allegiance. [His] opinion [was] that the Crisp-Hogg matter was only an exciting game of a malignant and permanent, yet later distemper. " Gathright believed the removal of the entire faculty "unwise"; he had written to the Governor, stating that dissensions in the faculty existed and demanded a meeting of the board. When the board met they gave each member of the faculty an opportunity to publicly make 'profert' of his unkindness towards me and then decided there were dissensions in the faculty. Charges were pending against two members of the faculty, preferred by myself, and I had a right to be heard and the charges sustained or dismissed, as the gentlemen charged had a right to be investigated and vindicated or dismissed. The board owed as much to me or them. At the end of December, 1879, Gathright wrote to McInnis from Henderson, where he had friends and had gone to assume control of a school, and declared, "I am the saddest mortal tonight living and if I were to let out and write you a letter would give you the horrors. "„46 In taking

46Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Henderson, Texas, December 31, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 599

charge of Henderson College, Gathright was to be assisted 47 by his daughter and Professor Binkley. He soon wrote McInnis again of his "deep mortification" and expressed the

fear that the work would ruin his health. He was making 48 no money, only a living. On January 28 he wrote that he had been in agony with "another frightful attack" even more severe than the one in Bryan and the second since he had been in Henderson. He had decided not to return to Miss- issippi and had made preliminary arrangements to establish a school in Palestine, where he would move in the Summer.

He planned to use a large old hotel and hoped to be in Bryan in the Summer tending to business connected with his school. Hoping that McInnis would be treated fairly, he wrote, "If they dare to do you unjustly, I shall open a broadside, and they know it. I am waiting--waiting for them to do right. When the fullness of time comes I shall turn loose, and stand from under; I am for policy now. " Gathright had chosen to remain silent for awhile, and Hand had not made his plans, although they would probably act in harmony. The more he recalled events, the more indignant he became. He did not think the College would prosper or could prosper since there was too much wrong in the organization and too much bitterness on the part of "strong,

Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, January 6, 1880. 4A-Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Henderson, Texas, January 11, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas ASM University Archives. 600 wounded men outside, " who would attack the College once suitable opportunities presented themselves. Old Martin's venom will poison very little. He flings it at me on all occasions. Banks was simply a tool--miserable old man, he was a perfect tool. Lewis is the worst man I ever knew and can and will do harm. Hogg, though mean as can be, on a different style is plausible and insinuating and will do harm. Hand is a pure upright man, with right and justice on his side, has very powerful friends and many of them, and will not rest under his wrongs. Crisp will y t be heard--mark the prediction. In the next can- vass he will be heard from. So far as 1 am concerned, I bide my time. You know when my time comes I will speak out and speak to the point. . . . 'All's well that ends well. ' I carried Jeems & Charles, Bull & the Parson, Bessie & Rogan, Banks, Hogg, Morris, Martin & their wives and feel like I can now shoulder almost anything. g Suffering another of his severe attacks in February, Gathright wrote that he had not been successful in making arrangements for the Palestine venture and would remain in Henderson, where he was making a "hard living. " 60 Twq weeks later he wrote McInnis that he had been low-spirited, and became more and more indignant at the "deep conspiracy" that led to his dismissal. The Board of Directors should have heard him; they had "packs of letters" from others, but he had written nothing since he intended to present his case when the charges against Hogg were brought up. He hoped that Richard [Smith, editor of the Pilot~ would "keep up the fire and keep it hot, up to the time of the state

wame to Same, January 28, 1880, in ibid. a Same to Same, February 21, 1880, in ibid. 601 convention. " Outlining a series of letters to be printed, he explained that they would appear weekly and would always "contain a punch for one or both, " even though the information was not specifically concerning the two, Roberts and Sayers. "I shall let Peeler off just now, but his time is coming, unless he repent and show fruits meet for repentance. Old Man Pickett will not escape. „51 The only misfortune is that the Pilot has so few readers. " Gathright had another of his biliary attacks soon after and wrote McInnis that he had thought he would die and had been unable to put on his pants for a week. The Pilot editor had assured him he intended no attack on the College "per se" but against the Board action of November, 1879. Gathright was considering becoming a newspaperman but feared his health had been permanently affected by the recurring attacks he was suffering. Gathright thought, "Teaching in Texas is hard. Where is old Banks? He used to say: 'It is cold outside. ' What a fool he was! I hear from Hand and Lewis occasionally. No one else. Hogg, I see, is still about the College. Poor fellow! He will never get back. "„52 The Galveston ~Dail News received a letter from

Henderson in May telling of Thomas S. Gathright's death and the deep gloom thrown over the city. The citizens of that

51 Same to Same, March 9, 1880, in ibid. 52 28ame to Same, April 16, 1880, in ibid. 602 town had been trying to make arrangements for Gathright to make his permanent home there and "determined to atone for whatever indifference had been shown his school at first. "

A man of "high intellect, a gifted author, and devoted to his family, " Gathright was buried by the side of a friend from Mississippi, "both soldiers of the Confederacy who, when all else was lost, never traded away her honor or denied her history. "„53 Mrs. Gathright wrote McInnis that 54. her husband had suffered a great deal before he died. Hand said of Gathright, "A good man outraged has f allen a victim to injured innocence, wounded pride and disappointed ambition. " He thought a "great heart, a generous soul, a strong intellect" had been lost, with Gathright having died "outraged, betrayed, and penniless. " After being dismissed from the A. and M. College, W. A. Banks became Professor of Languages at Xarvin College in Waxahachie in 1880. In 1881 during the great public discussion concerning the establishment of the University of 56 Texas, the Austin ~Dail Statesman received a "volumi- nous correspondence" between Banks and Hogg, who was

"George" to Editor, Galveston ~Dail News, May 28, 1880. 54 Mrs. Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. McInnis, Hen- derson, Texas, May 31, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 55 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, May 25, 1880, in ibid. 56 February 23, 1881. 603 in the engineer service of the Texas and Pacific Railroad;

Banks had induced Hogg to provide an insight into the "establishment and operation of the South's greatest institution of learning, the University of Virginia. " John T.

Hand wrote McInnis in 1881 that Banks had just "gotten mad" over his dismissal from the College in 1879; Hand concluded that large bodies were slower. 57 After leaving Marvin College, Banks served as President of Salado College in 1882-1883. He unsuccessfully applied for the superintenden- 58 cy of the Galveston schools in 1883, as did Hogg and Hand. Banks was elected superintendent of the Bryan schools in 1884 and served in that capacity until 1893. In 1889 he was recommended by McInnis for the professorship of Latin at the University of Texas. 59 In 1894, fifteen years after he had been ousted from the A. and M. College of Texas, Banks was appointed Assistant Professor in the English and 60 Language Departments of the College at a salary of $900.

He had mastered five foreign languages —Latin, Greek,

57 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, May 25, 1881, in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M Univer- sity Archives. 58 Galveston ~Dail News, July 9, 1993.

59„"Recommendation from Louis L. Mclnnis, " May 8, 1889, Historical Letters File, W. A. Banks, Texas ASM University Ar chives. 60„"Minutes of' Board of Directors of the Agricultural the " and Mechanical College of Texas, July 2, 1894, p. 166 . Ac- cording to the Galveston ~Dail News, August 2, 1884, Banks became Bryan superintendent of schools in 1884, although the Olio, p. 45, said Banks became superintendent in Bryan in 1883. 604

German, French, and Spanish. In July, 1896, twenty years after his first appointment to the College faculty, Banks retired from the College to engage in other business and with him "carried the good will of the President of the College, "„61 the entire faculty, and each member of the Board.

On November 28, 1879, after Professor Lewis was no longer on the faculty, an invitation was extended, in a beautiful handwriting that left much to be desired in the way of spelling, to hear "General Louis ', sicj in the chappel "„62 [sic] tomorrow night to the Caleopean, sic j Society. Whether Lewis kept the appointment was not disclosed. Following his dismissal, he went to Waxahachie to consider 63 an offer of the trustees of Marvin College, who appointed 64 him president for the coming session. Shortly af ter his dismissal from Texas A. and M. College, Lewis aired through the public press the "malicious attack" made upon his character, to which Peeler replied in a column advertise- 65 ment in the Dallas Herald-Commercial. Hand thought 61„ "Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Agricultur-" al and Mechanical College of Texas, July 2, 1896, p. 189. " 62„"Invitation to address by General Louis [ sic , No- vember 28, 1879, in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas ASM University Archives. 63 Galveston D~ail News, December 5, 1879. 64 L. M. Lewis to Louis L. McInnis, n. p. , February 17, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. Lewis wrote to ask that the plants in his former garden remain undisturbed until he sent for them in two weeks. 65 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, January 3, 1880. 605

Peeler's rejoinder not only demolished Lewis, but Lewis had been "used up" as well. Although he thought Lewis was a "man of tact and talent, " Hand thought his strategy poor. Hand was puzzled over Lewis' statement that he was preparing for Peeler a record of events that he had seen during the past year of the College. Hand believed that had each professor seen to his own classes, he would have been quite busy and the "status quo would be undisturbed today. "„66 Lewis sent a statement of facts concerning the Col- lege's "outrageous history" to the Austin ~Dail States- 67 man in 1881. He claimed a balance of $15, 000 had been unaccounted for in the second year of the College, even after a large amount had been spent for repairs. Demanding information from the College administration at the time, he had received none. Washerwomen, janitors, and laborers were all employed as "officers of the college" and drew pay from the Endowment Fund in order to cover up the dishonesty of the administration. He stated that evidence could be found in the auditor's office to support his statement. In addition, the Board had always opposed making the College conform to the law that required it to be

66 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, January 4, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas ASSAM Uni- versity Archives. 67 L. M. Lewis to Editor, Austin ~Dail Statesman, March 24, 1881. 606 agricultural and mechanical, and the reasons were "palpable to anyone who viewed the situation from a near point of view. " Upon his election as professor, he had been urged to agree with the President. As late as the Summer of 1879 he had been told by Pickett that agreement in the faculty was absolutely necessary and that "Gathright is the right man. " At the time Lewis had insisted that the College must be made to conform to the people's expectations, or all would be removed. However, the Board allowed the faculty to be abused by hiding behind "cowardly fear" until the public demanded a change. Board members were " the guilty parties, and "the chief sinner is Mr. Peeler,

who had often stated that Board actions had to be kept from

the people. He further accused the Board of dismissing the faculty, not for the good of the College, but in order to

make way for political choices, each director nominating a

new faculty member, "the nominating party having as much " knowledge of who was competent as a Choctaw Indian. In 1881 Lewis was elected president of the Texas State 68 Teachers Association. However, he was unsuccessful at 59 Marvin College, which was sold for debt in 1883. Hand wrote McInnis that Lewis had offered his resignation at Marvin College because of a lack of harmony and tyranny and

68Galveston ~Dail News, July 17, 1871. Handbook of Texas, II, 173. 607

"cavalierness" on the part of Lewis towards the faculty. Lewis, a Confederate leader and a Methodist preacher, later went to Dallas where he helped build the First Methodist 71 Church.

The Galveston ~Dail News reported on December 5, 1879, that Morris was moving to St. Louis to practice law. In the Fall of 1880 Governor Roberts acknowledged Morris' appointment to an undisclosed position in Virginia. In spite of a short acquaintance, Roberts expressed the highest appreciation of Norris' ability as a teacher and as a "high-toned honorable gentleman of superior talents generally. " Morris' leaving the College under the circumstances that occurred in November, 1879, was a source of regret to the Board. Roberts personally regretted the loss to Texas of a young man of so much promise in the future. He believed that Morris could and would fill any position to which he aspired.

On December 5, 1879, the Galveston ~Dail News reported that Martin was still living at his home near the College. Governor Roberts, in reply to a request from Martin on December 4, wrote him on December 10 that he had approved

70 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Corsicana, Texas, February 27, 1884, in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas AEM University Archives.

' ' 71? t* 'thA L B k, ~ ll M~ December 18, 1927, Historical Letters File, W.~ A. Banks, Texas A&M University Archives. 72 O. M. Roberts to R. P. W. Morris, Austin, Texas, September 4, 1880, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. The highlights of R. P. W. Norris' career after leaving the College were given in an earlier chapter. 608

Martin's accounts and "had searched diligently" for a letter Martin had written Governor Coke, which Martin had requested be returned to him, but Roberts was unable to find. He did, however, enclose the only letter of Martin's in his possession, that being the one expressing Martin' s views 73 and sent to the Governor by Gathright. Apparently, during the Summer of 1880 Martin sought to renew his connections with the College. The Governor wrote Martin, in response to a request by Martin that the Governor return some papers, soon after the Board meeting in August

that he had hunted up the recommendations that Martin had sent before the Board meeting, placed them in an envelope addressed to Martin, stamped the envelope, and sent it with the porter to be mailed. Distinctly recalling the matter, Roberts looked in the bundle where he kept that type of papers and found the empty envelope of July 22. Although he regretted his inability to find the papers, he had conducted a personal search since he had previously been unable to find other papers that Martin had sent. The letter and the recommendations had been presented by Roberts 74 to the Board when it was appointing professors. From 1881 to 1889 Martin lived in Waverly and Willis;

73 C. P. B. Martin to O. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, December 10, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives.

74 O. M. Roberts to C. P. B. Martin, Austin, Texas, September 22, 1880, in ibid. 609 from 1889 to 1890 he was professor at the University of Nacogdoches; and from 1896 to 1902 he lived in Memphis, Tennessee. Becoming infirmy he returned to Texas and lived in Waverly from 1903 to 1906 and in Memphis from 1907 to 1908, in which year he died. In 1894 Martin wrote to the Board of Directors of the

A. and M. College to apply for the presidency of the College after the death of President L. S. Ross. He also applied for a vacancy in the chair of chemistry if there was one, "a position I occupied from the first day of the organization of the college to the 'smash up' in '78 [ sic], when six of the Faculty lost their places, who had no more to do with the 'Quarrel' than the 'man in the moon. '" Admittedly, Martin was old but was still physically and mentally able. He did not use glasses and could still take " long walks. Referring them to "DeBow's Review of '55, he asserted that he had drawn up the first plan for an agricultural college in the United States. He also claimed that he had been president of the first agricultural college in the United States, with students from six Southern states, but that the college was broken up with the coming of the Civil War.

W. Geiser, "George Washington Curtis and Frank S. " 1 ttu G 11 y, 6' 1d d ~Lba XXV (J y. 1646), t, A&M Uni- p. 2, excerpt in Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas versity Archives. Carlisle P. B. Martin to the Board of Trustees of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, n. p. , December 31, 1894, A. J. Rose Papers, University of Texas Archives. 610

In November, 1879, John T. Hand exchanged positions with Charles P. Estill, superintendent of the Brenham schools, who became a faculty member at the A. and N. College. Hand, who had been "warmly endorsed" by Governor Roberts, ex-Governor Hubbard, and ex-Speaker of the House of Representatives, Bonner, who were all from Tyler, as was Hand, was to replace Estill in Brenham. Estill had been "careful to deliver" to Hand a personal message from

Governor Roberts. Based upon his knowledge of many years, Roberts testified "emphatically" to Hand's "worth as a citizen and a man. " Hand was gratified, and the message "lifted a load from [his] mind, " since he had believed Roberts was personally hostile towards him. Although

Hand thought Brenham to be a beautiful place, he missed being away from his family and friends and was "blue" in a strange land among strangers. He wrote NcInnis in December, 1879, that under the present climate in the state press, argument was needless and "vindication is impossible with a venal, ignorant and licentious press. Quick submission seems to be the only way out. " In April, 1880, he again called McInnis' attention to the "acquiescence of the press in our decapitation. "»79

77 Charles P. Estill to 0. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, December 1, 1879, O. N. Roberts Papers, University of Texas Archives. John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, December 31, 1879, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. Same to Same, April 2, 1880, in ibid. 611

Disappointed and tom up, as well as humiliated and distracted, Hand could not understand the recent events; he had never been so bewildered before, and he could not now believe that he had experienced them. "He that knoweth his duty and doeth it not shall be beaten with many stripes. " The directors knew where their duty lay, but lacked the moral courage to do it. The pain and humiliation remained with Hand throughout the years. He soon wrote Nclnnis again brooding that the insult added to the injury was more than could be endured. Of the A. and M. College, he stated, "I have loved it--hope I carry it still near my heart. Yet I carry with me a sense of bitter, burning wrong, that would 'stir a fever in the bloom of '" age & make infant sinews strong as steel. However, he hoped that the College would prosper. Although he had not conversed with them, he had seen two cadets get off the train at Brenham; and the sight of the uniforms had called to mind many pleasant memories, Writing to Nclnnis again on the last day of the year, he again expressed outrage, humiliation, and injury although he offered no harsh criticism, since he thought passion was unbecoming and showed the worst side of human nature. He had heard that Olmstead had remarked that the odium of Hand' s dismissal was all gone since the whole faculty had been

Same to Same, December 7, 1879, in ibid.

Same to Same, December 20, 1879, in ibid. 612 expelled; he doubted its accuracy, but if it were true, he thought it unkind. "82 By February the memory of the dark days in November was more "keenly etched" with each passing day, as well as the injustice that had been done to him. The sense of injustice filled all his idle hours, was ever present, and marked a turn in his life that he had never expected to make. Peeler had written him some time ago to invite him to call on him should Hand ever visit Austin. Hand hoped that he would not rejoice at the College's adversity but for the present he could not rejoice at its prosperity. There were four hundred twenty-five students in the Brenham schools, and while the apostle "Paul was burdened with the care of all the churches, he never had the care of 425 Texas youths. " Even with the coming of Spring, Hand was unable to regain his cheerful spirit and felt vulnerable to those who would taunt him. He had tried to erase the events from his mind, but his wounded pride and disappointed ambition interposed to ask as in "The Raven, " with the echo always answering "Why?" He rarely had a smile, and a hearty laugh could not be aroused. Although he realized the brashness of his request, should he decide to go elsewhere he asked McInnis to give him some professional and moral support in

Same to Same, December 31, 1879, in ibid.

Same to Same, February 16, 1880, in ibid. 613 the Pilot, under a nom de plume if he preferred, should it not embarrass Mc?nnis. 84 Almost three weeks later Hand wrote that he was beginning to learn the futility of "nursing trouble, " a lesson that Gathright was slow to learn. 85 Although he did not disclose the contents of the letter, he wrote McZnnis that he had received a "queer message" from Governor Roberts. As 1880 came to a close, almost a year after his dismissal, he mused, "what would give tonight to have accain the only place 1 ever coveted in the state. "

Zn the Spring of 1881 after the report of the visiting committee from the legislature had been presented and while the legislature was debating the establishment of the University of Texas and a reorganization of the Board of the Agricultural and Mechanical College, Hand thought the College had now, as heretofore, a narrow gauntlet to run. Zt is difficult for some, )he wrote~, to understand either the paternity or maternity of the baubling--aforetime some same, as B. C. et al. th ght 't~a g t 't 'f th r th D hence the cry, crucify itl crucify itl Later it was thought to be not 'wholly depraved' but . . . born with a 'silver spoon it its mouth'--with any amount of loose morals, skepticism and infidelity--cankering s festering come in contact & to canker a fester all who

84 Same to Same, April 2, 1880, in ibid. 85 Same to Same, April 21, 1880, in ibid. 86 1880, in ibid. Same to Same, May I sic ] 6, 87 Same to Same, December 20, 1880, in ibid. 614

with it —The poor child is certis locis Lin certain places ] still held to answer on the last 'count' —Last but not least, it is not p 'bl t ~f' 1 t* tb 1'f t f 't In my judgment —though humble it be--the college needs rest--It88 must stand or fall at last on its merit. In 1882 Hand left Brenham and went to Corsicana, where 89 he organized the city schools, and in 1883, he unsuccessfully applied for the superintendency of the Galveston 90 schools. He was a nominee for State Superintendent of Public Instruction in 1884. 91 Elected president of the Texas State Teachers Association in 1888 92 at its tenth annual convention and ten years after the A. and M. Board meeting of November, 1879, President Hand, of Dallas, called the meeting to order with the rap of a native wood gavel made by the students at the A. and M. College and presented by the College to the association at its last meeting. 93

Alexander Hogg seems to have been a manipulator, a rolling stone, and one lacking in discipline and stead- fastness. In an attempt at humor, the Houston

88 Same to Same, Corsicana, Texas, October 23, 1882, in ibid. 89 Galveston ~Dail News, May 1, 1884. 90 Ibid. , July 9, 1883. 91 Ibid, , May 1, 1884. 92 Austin Dail Statesman, June 29, 1888. 93 Texas School Journal, VII, New Series, (November, 1889) 1 p. pf3. 615

94 g~l kd tttkgg" k t' outside" the College. Towards the end of December Hogg 95 visited Austin where the Austin Statesman was glad to see him, "a genial gentleman, ripe scholar& and distin- " guished educator. A graduate of the University of Virgin- ia, he was "quite philosophic in his turn —has but little of the schoolma ter about him and keeps abreast with the thinkers of the age. " He was "well-known outside of Texas and is more favorably endorsed by the leading educators of the country than any of his late associates at Bryan, all of whom were admitted to be full men in their various departments. " Hogg was seeking employment, and the States- man believed that some broad field would find a "place worthy of his talents, experience, and energy. " He would probably best fill a professor's chair but would be useful in any "active business. " Hogg had "evinced in his writings on college matters great partiality for practical branches, and insisted on the course of instruction being in harmony with the spirit of the congressional grant endowing these schools. " The Statesman expected to review the address that Hogg had made before the convention of the National Education Association at Philadelphia, where he had taken the "bold ground" that agricultural and mechanical colleges

94 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 5, 1879. 95 December 30, 1879. 616 should be made to conform to their names. In the Spring Gathright had written Mclnnis and noted " that Hogg "was still about the College, and Hogg, listed as a school teacher, was counted in the Brazos County census in 1880. 96 At the Board meeting in July a new Professor of 97 Math was to be appointed. The Galveston D~ail News re— ported that although Morris' and Hogg's names were placed before the Board, along with several other applicants, the appointment was given to McInnis, who r ceived six votes to two for Smith Ragsdale. Hogg immediately complained to the Governor about the News' report that he had applied for the chair of mathematics, and Roberts wrote to explain the Board's procedure. When the Board resolved to appoint a new professor, President James submitted the names of a number of applicants sent to him by the Board. One of the directors presented Ragsdale's name, and Roberts presented some twenty letters from different applicants, which he thought a just action. Among the letters was a recent one from

Hogg asking that he be vindicated, as well as several letters from his former students or friends asking for Hogg's appointment to the chair of mathematics. Roberts briefly stated the contents of the letters without reading them to

96 Thomas S. Gathright to Louis L. Mclnnis, Henderson, Texas, March 9, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives; United States, Bureau of the Census, Brazos County, 1880, J. W. Johnson, Enumerator, p. 33. 97 July 30, 1880. 617 the Board and no one called for the reading of any of the letters, among which were an application by C. P. B. Martin for the chair of agriculture and a letter from Professor H. H. Dinwiddie, now of the College and formerly of the Texas Military Institute where he had been associated with Morris, stating that Norris would like to be appointed, whether he accepted or not, though he would not be an applicant. After the presentation of all the letters, only two names were put before the Board and the Board voted five to two in favor of McInnis over Ragsdale. Roberts did not recall anything further being said about Hogg. He had held up "one or two" letters from Hogg's former students or friends and Hogg's letter in his hand to be called for, exactly as he had done with more than a dozen other persons including NcInnis and Martin; and it was only in this manner that Hogg's name had been before the Board. In additional explanation, Roberts was the only one who had even mentioned Hogg's name, and he felt it his duty to call attention to Hogg's desire to be vindicated. Had Hogg "conveyed the impression by word or by letter, " that he did not even want his name to be mentioned, Roberts would have refrained from his action. Roberts could not imagine nor understand how Hogg could be injured by such a course; it had not occurred to Roberts that his action would discredit Hogg or any others of the large number, only one of which would be appointed. "If what I did has caused your name to go into the papers in a way that is distasteful to you, I can only regret that I used your name at all, in doing what I thought was an act of justice to you and courtesy' to your friends who, by letter asked for „98 your appointment. " At the same time that Hogg's name was being placed 99 before the Board, the Austin D~ail Statesman revealed the contents of a letter read before the Rational Teachers Convention in the preceding Summer and published at that

time in which Hogg called attention to errors in management at the Texas A. and M. College and doubtless was part of the trouble between Gathright and Hogg. The Statesman re-

ported that Hogg was one of the faculty members dismissed in 1879 as the result of a "disgraceful row, which it is generally conceded was urged between the faculty and the students by no less a personage than the president of the institution, and it was especially the desire of this president in the misunderstanding, to make bacon out of the professor here referred to. " According to the letter, the fate of the College had been seriously affected by the misdirection of the President, whose opposition to the agricultural and mechanical features in preference to a literary and military school was well known

98 Q. M. Roberts to Alex (ander] Hogg, Austin, Texas, August 4, 1880, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 99 July 28, 1880. 619 and was in direct conflict with the real purposes of the

College's creation. Hogg was opposed to the diversions, and because he spoke and wrote in the National Teachers

Association in opposition, "he was crisply set upon by the president of the Texas Agricultural and Nechanical College, with results which caused the removal of every professor employed in the institution. " Real catastrophes had occurred in several other states, all caused by attempting to include agricultural, mechanical, and military studies in the same institution. Hogg's own personal experiences made it obvious that the military feature had caused all the trouble. To be of any use, the military feature had to be thoroughly equipped and given a prominent place, while the Norrill Act had intended that it be secondary and used to ensure good discipline and order, "not at all intended to make proficient in arms, but as a gymnastic exercise

Hogg still had hopes that a harmonious relationship could be worked out between the military and other departments.

He had personally spent the last ten years in trying to build up and foster industrial education, "not by lessening or omitting higher liberal branches--but by adding practical education to liberal education. " At the Convention he had called attention to the large delegation of Texas teachers and asked the hospitality, sympathy, and warm welcome for them that the Convention had so often extended to Hogg.

By January, 1881, Hogg was one of the citizens from Narshall who appeared in Austin to urge the legislature to 620

100 locate one of the proposed normal schools in that city. In the extensive discussion that occurred in the public press concerning the establishment of the University of

Texas and the discussion between Banks and Hogg in the 101 Austin ~Dail Statesman, Hogg also carried on a discussion with the Post concerning the University of Texas, although the Statesman thought the views of the legisla— 102 ture were more akin to Hogg's. In 1881 Hand wrote McInnis to note that Governor Roberts had been successful in his strategy to secure a new Board. When Hogg saw the law for the reorganization of the College Board of Directors, "he moved 'heaven and earth' to influence the Governor to send his name to the Senate for appointment. Irrepressible is not the word I "„103 want, but my vocabulary is too meagre.

On December 29, 1881, Governor Roberts sent Hogg a commission as railroad inspector to inspect the railroad from Corsicana to Waco. He was to report on the length of the road and was to be paid for every ten miles of completed railroad. Governor Roberts warned that Hogg should not be "in haste" until he had "fully examined into

100 Austin D~ail Statesman, January 27, 1881. 101February 23, 1881. 102 Ibid. , April 5, 1881. 103 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, April 15, 1881, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 621 the subject of your duties in this new field of labor. " Indicating that the appointment was for the job explained in the commission, Roberts further instructed, "As your handwriting cannot be read but must be deciphered with great pains, I rec [ommend] that you have the report of inspection copied by someone who writes plainly. " He further warned, "This you will find is a laborious business as you will have to walk the whole distance and measure the „104 road and examine it carefully as you go, etc. " 105 By 1882 Hogg was living in Fort Worth. Although he did not disclose the event to which he referred, one of

Hogg's former colleagues at the A. and M. College reported that Hogg had appeared "sure enough" and was booked "late „106 of Illinois" and succeeded in his "premeditated ruse. "

Hand wrote in October that he had seen Hogg and received a post card and Fort Worth paper "containing a sky rocket puff 'breezy enough to unhinge the mizzenmast of the North

Pole'"; Hogg was attempting to secure a University of Texas professorship, although the Universitv professors were later 107 selected from out-of-state applicants. However, in 18 82

104 O. N. Roberts to Alex pander] Hogg, Austin, Texas, December 28 and 29, 1881, O. N. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 105 Galveston ~Dail News, May 14, 1900. 106 John T. Hand to Louis L. NcInnis, Corsicana, Texas, September 27, 1882, Louis L. NcInnis Papers, Texas AsN University Archives. 107 Same to Same, October 23, 1882, in ibid. 622

Hogg was one of the platform guests at the University of Texas dedication. 108 In February, 1883, the Austin States- man denounced Hogg, who had written for the Fort Worth Gazette a criticism of the Statesman's opinion of Professor

Joseph Baldwin's system of education, although Hogg himself 10o had previously written the Statesman to criticize Baldwin.

Throughout the coming years, Hogg applied for numerous positions throughout the state. In 1883 Hogg, Banks, and Hand all applied for the superintendency of the schools in Galves- 110 ton. The following year Hogg applied for a professorship at the University of Texas, a vacancy occasioned by the resignation of one of the faculty. 111 The Statesman thought that the "invective" used by the Fort Worth mayor concerning the employment of "foreign professors" at the University of Texas had probably been inspired by Hogg, "whose aspirations „112 in the past are well known here in Austin. "

By 1886 Hogg was the superintendent of the Fort Worth schools, 113 and in June of that year became an unsuccessful candidate for State Superintendent of Public Instruction. 114

108 Austin D~ail Statesman, November 18, 1882. 109 Ibid. , February 16, 1883. 110 Galveston ~Dail News, July 9, 1883. 111 Ibid. , July 31, 1884. 112 Austin ~Dail Statesman, December 31, 1885. 113 Ibid. , February 8, 1886. 114 Galveston ~Dail News, June 23, 1886. 623

Hogg also acquired some notoriety throughout the state. 115 The Brenham ~Dail Banner thought that Hogg and two others, [James B.] Cranfill and Hal Greer, were "justly entitled to the horns as being the champion cranks of the Lone Star State. " The Galveston ~Dail News considered this to be placing them on a "pretty high pedestal, The country is just now crowded with men holding up their hands as a signal they want to be heard, like little children in school those

named are only representatives of a large class. " Two years 116 later, the Galveston D~ail News reported that Hogg had made a presentation to an "expectant world" of his views on the railroad question. "The professor used to shed light on " almost every question, but had lately been eclipsed by his namesake, the Attorney General, James S. Hogg.

In 1890 Hogg was elected president of the Texas State Teachers Association to succeed John T. Hand and wield the 117 gavel made by the A. and M. College students. The following year he became editor of the Texas and Pacif ic 118 Q~lt 1

Hogg attended commencement ceremonies at the A. and M. College in June, 1898, and along with P. L. Downs, John Tabor, and L. L. McInnis, himself dismissed from the

115 Quoted in ibid. , October 13, 1886. 116 March 11, 1889. 117 Ibid. , June 25, 1890. 118 Ibid. , May 14, 1900. 624

College in 1890, presented "College Reminiscences" during the Alumni and Alpha Phi banquet. 119 On one occasion when he visited the College, perhaps in June, 1898, Hogg told of the Board investigation in November, 1879, and declared that Roberts' action was justified by the existing situa- 120 tion. By 1907 only Hogg and Morris of the original faculty were still living. 121 Cadet John Claybourne Crisp was among the large number of students who left the College. His hometown newspaper, the Columbus Citizen, 122 spoke of him as being "thoroughly conscientious and well disposed, " and while he had not realized the effect of his charges, the state had "undoubtedly" been benefitted by the investigation that came as a result of his actions.

In the Summer of 1880 Crisp requested of McInnis a testimonial which would enable him to secure a school for

Ibid. , June 8, 1898. Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. William A. Trenckmann, "Pioneer Times at the A. and M. College, " in LoncO Horn, 1907, p. 115. Quoted in Galveston D~ail News, December 9, 1879. In the preface to his charges made against Professor Hogg in August, Crisp had stated, "This is a serious matter I have laid before you, as well as one very disagreeable to myself; but, having contemplated it seriously, I feel that it is a duty which I owe to my fellow students, my alma mater and myself, let it cost me what it may. " Galveston ~Dail News, November 23, 1879. Probably, the cost had been greater than Crisp expected at the time. 625 the Fall term, 1880, or enable him to serve as an as. istant in some high school or academy in order to continue his studies, review what he had learned, or to be self- supporting. He reported that since leaving school he had been "roughing it" on his father's farm and had found the outdoor exercise excellent medicine for restoring constitutional vigor. In 1885 Crisp became a newspaperman in Uvalde, where 124 he started the Uvalde News, and in 1887 he bought a 125 part interest in the Waco Examiner. By January 30, 1888, however, Crisp notified the mortgage-holder that he would be unable to continue the paper's publication since he 126 could no longer meet his financial obligations. The 127 editor of the Galveston News applauded this announcement and change in the editorship of the Waco Examiner as an improvement in both the tone and temper of the editorial expression. The News had questioned the Examiner ' s right to call itself a newspaper since it had been a "vehicle of personal expression from some half-cultivated and conceited source, " a policy which had been followed for the past

123 John C. Crisp to Louis L. Mclnnis, Columbus, Texas, July 21, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 124 Galveston ~Dail News, May 17, 1895. 125 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 126 Galveston ~Dail News, January 30, 1888. Ibid. , February 15, 1888. 626 several years. Crisp wrote to McInnis in 1887 that he would never lose interest in the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College, nor forget the happiness of his days there. Some individuals had considered him an enemy of the College, but he assured McInnis that he had always put in a good word for it. "No one regretted her great misfortune more than I, " he wrote, "and the misfortune was perhaps no greater for the school than for me. " He had blamed himself, he said, for not returning after the furor and excitement had died down and attempting to get his fellow students to return. "I am convinced the school is bending nearer the line laid down by law than it ever could have done under the old faculty & is rapidly gaining the public "„128 confidence & support. By 1899 Crisp was a lawyer in Beeville, and was invited to be a platform guest at the Twenty-third Annual Commence— 129 ment ceremonies.

On November 28, 1879, Governor Roberts wrote that he was "satisfied we have made a great improvement in the A & M „130 College. It required vigorous action. "

128 John C. Crisp to Louis L, McInnis, Uvalde, Texas, February 3, 1887, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 129 Galveston ~Dail News, June 12, 1899.

130O. M. Roberts to H. H. Smith, Austin, Texas, Novem- ber 28, 1879, O. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. Governor Roberts also reported that the Blind and Deaf and 627

Shortly after the conclusion of the investigation, the Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman 131 defended Governor Roberts by pointing out that he had always favored putting agricultural and mechanical features into effect; however, he had not been supported by all Board members. The "0. A. 's head is generally level, " a fact the people would discover, although "persistent attempts" had been made to have the people think otherwise. The editor did not see how the Board had thought the Endowment. Fund could be used to train lawyers. The Galveston ~Dail News 132 repeated the Statesman' s defense of the Governor, but pointed out that all similar land grant colleges had experienced dissension. In explaining some of the events of his administration in his autobiography, Governor Roberts provided additional insight into the College reorganization. I went round to all the various departments and spying about, discovered they were all badly conducted--and would set things aright by managing them myself. And so I have by the aid of the learned professor Snead, the great organizer, and my right arm. the famous attorney, little Peeler, sometimes called the 'chief sinner, ' why I know not, for he is nearly as virtuous as myself. The departments, the courts, the schools, and even the churches and saloons, both of which I occasionally visit, are all now

Dumb Schools were under good management and doing well. He had instituted a housecleaning at these institutions in the Summer. 131December 3, 1879. December 5, 1879. 628

better conducted than ever before, and especially under the administrations of Coke and Hubbard . . . and even little Peeler, who has been devoted to me ever since I have been governor, as he was to Hubbard and Coke, I will send as consul to Honolulu, where by his handsome person and insinuating manners he wi()3soon become prime minister to the king. Concerning the coming Democratic Convention during the

Summer of 1880 and the role of Governor Roberts, Hand thought the "cup of his iniquity is about full. What will the harvest be to him! He thinks he would have gotten a stronger spoke in his political wheel. Grind on old mari. The venerable old man thinks a second term is 'Fame's eternal camping ground. '" Hand thought he would be renominated by the Democratic State Convention but added, "Let him enjoy his honors--they end with this life. "„134 ' Following Roberts' renomination for Governor, Hand wrote McInnis that he supposed they would "eat crow" for the next two years with the renomination of Governor Roberts on the Democratic ticket, tantamount to re-election. Hand' s political stomach was nauseated, but the "Dallas cook has served the oldest and toughest avis in his coop--but you must eat and smack your lips too. " 135

133 "Autobiography„ of the Old Alcalde, " quoted in the Galveston ~Dail News, July 31, 1881. J. T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Brenham, Texas, August 6, 1880, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M Uni- versity Archives. 135 Same to Same, September 19, 1880, in ibid. 629

Concerning politics in 1882 and the coming Democratic Convention in the Summer, Hand believed that Governor Roberts would again secure the nomination for governor, but should Roberts not be nominated, he would be "eliminated from Texas politics. " In that case he thought Roberts would be wise enough to recognize that his chances for becoming a United States Senator would be seriously harmed. In confidence I want to say to you that his Excellency is the most weird wizened apotheosis of demagogueism in Texas. By the by, you see there is a 'muss' in the Executive family-- why don't "sic] the 'Siftings' man suggest a Commission to harmonize the Governor and his cabinet? Perhaps the 'easiest w~a out'--without regard to justice, honesty, manhood or decency would be to declare all the Departments of the State government vacant. It is quite another ox that is being 'gored. ' During the past two years little, if any, of the depression that hung over Hand had gone away. "I try not to rejoice in the 'death of the wicked, ' but Dixon is gone--Pickett is gone, & others, who sought or acquiesced in the professional assassination of innocent men--uncharged, unheard, unar- raigned will go. "n 136 While he had not found it convenient to attend commencement ceremonies at the A. and M. College in 1879, nor to visit the College until the inquisitorial Board meeting in November, 1879, Governor Roberts attended the ceremonies for the remainder of the time that he served as Governor.

Same to Same, January 25, 1882, in ibid. 630

During the 1882 commencement exercises after the conclusion of their artillery drill, the cadets marched to the depot to meet Governor Roberts, "who failed to arrive owing to some little plans he had on foot down at Hempstead. " However, on the following day the Governor arrived in Bryan

on the 1:00 P. N. train and was escorted by "alumni and ex-cadets" to a hotel, "where he was heartily received by his friends and after passing the congratulations of the

hour, all sat down to a table bountifully spread with rich viands, the choicest delicacies of the season, and sparkling champagne. " Following the offering of toasts, Governor Roberts delivered an hour-long speech on the

subject of education. He explained the original purpose of the A. and N. College and the reason that he had so "strenuously" opposed its diversion from the intention and provision of federal and state law. Asserting his belief in the necessity of skilled labor, which "was not thought about until the year 1862" a realization brought on by the Civil War, and which "demonstrated the old adage that 'we have to have the evil before the remedy. '" Continuing, he said he wanted to see the establishment of the Univer- sity: "I want to see it now and with a good system of common schools. " He wanted to see an additional two million acres of land donated to the University, and though he could not do it, it would be done by others, who would take

Galveston D~ail News, June 20, 1882. 631 up his policy where he lef t off: "Ny policy is the farmers' policy, merchants', and mechanics', and it don't )sic g suit politicians. " The Galveston News reporter was impressed with Governor

Roberts' energy. He had risen early, traveled several miles over a rough railroad to Hempstead, followed by a rough train ride to Bryan, had taken part in a banquet and been toasted with champagne, and following the banquet had gone to the College to take a nap, where the reporter sought him out. In answer to the reporter's questions about state finances, the Governor became so animated that he rose from a sitting position on his cot to a standing position and stated he had no fears about any man coming in as governor who would change his policy. His measures, he held , were full formed and crystallized, and the man who endeavored to change them would only kill himself, and would not destroy a policy that the people universally support. . . . He did not want Texas to be experimented with by any narrow- minded, obstinate and impracticable person who might stop the progress the State was now making. 13" Governor Roberts later denied being interviewed; he called 139 the occasion only a private conversation with a reporter. At the graduation ceremonies Governor Roberts again spoke on a system of public education. He claimed the A.

138 Ibid. , June 22, 1882. 139 Ibid. , June 25, 1882. 632 and M. College had been placed in an appropriate position according to the designs of the Morrill Act of 1862. Re- viewing the brief history of the College, which had as its purpose the education of doctors and lawyers through a literary education, with "mechanic arts and agriculture only insignificant appendages, " Governor Roberts said of the perversion that he congratulated himself that he was in political power just at the right time, when he could bring it into use as an agricultural and mechanical college. He would say nothing about those who first established it. They merely followed in the beaten track. It was natural for all the States who established these agricultural and mechanical colleges to make them merely literary institutions, but when he came into office the time had arrived when the importance of carrying out the true intention of Congress, and the trust confided to the State was pressing itself upon the public attention. Those presently in charge were shaping the College towards its proper sphere so that it was presently an important factor in the future development of the state. He posed the question of whether a single Texas-born architect or engineer had been engaged in the state's public works.

Before its reorganization, the C ollege was a "standing absurdity and failure. "„140 141 The Galveston ~Dail News noted in May, 1882, that there had been talk in the Texas Congressional delegation

140 Ibid. , June 22, 1882.

May 31, 1882. 633 of Governor Roberts' running for a third term and thought it highly complimentary "as it implies a great faith in him as the one man acceptable to all--the rock of ages, as it were, cleft for Texas in her time of political storms. " In response to the Galveston News' support of Governor Roberts for a third term in 1882, another newspaper later criticized the role that Roberts had played in education. In spite of the magnificent endowment of the University of Texas, it had only one hundred fifty students, and the A. and M. College had eighty, out of a population of 2, 000, 000. Yet the College had cost "hundreds of thousands of dollars, " according to the paper. It asked,

Who broke up the finest faculty the A. & M. ever had or ever will have? Who decapitated the great and good Gathright, sent him to his grave and dispersed Hand, Hogg, all that splendid corps of the best talent ever assembled within Texas school walls, and thus broke up-- killed the A. & M. Who caused this great State to give up her splendid domain and foisted upon this generation a horde of land cormorants, and thus inaugurated war between actual settlers and the prowling lions from England and the greedy land sharks from all the North? Who, today sits like an evil spirit--a vampire upon the thres- holds of the State University and with his mass of matter, mistaken for brains, clutches the vitals of the people through the youth of the land . . . Who? O. M. Roberts!142 O. M. Roberts was not nominated for a third term; instead he began a career as a law professor in the Univer- sity of Texas. John T. Hand wrote McInnis that Roberts'

142 Unidentified newspaper clipping, Louis L. McInnis Scrapbook, Texas A&M University Archives. 634 attempt for a third term in 1882 was "still born and was inspired by himself. " Aside from his senility, he was "without culture, dignity, or Statesmanship, and has lived and will die the wizzened apotheosis of demogoguerism, and today is culpable--more than any other man for the miserable crime and vice of fence-cutting. "„143 The Galveston ~Dail 144 News reported that the appointment of Roberts to the State University faculty was a "foregone conclusion. " The regents were his appointees and were "presumably imbued with sentiments of average reciprocal appreciation"; in addition, Roberts' appointment would be "very generally approved. " John T. Hand had received a strange letter from one of the University of Texas Regents upon the hiring of the faculty for the University of Texas and supposed that someone had written in his interest. Hand had been disappointed but not humiliated that no Texas educators, except Governor Roberts, were selected to fill chairs. He believed the same necessity existed to import men to fill pulpits, courts, the legislature, and the governorship, as to import teachers. Roberts had taken pains to feather his own nest, and Hand now understood his "fervid recommendations"

143 John T. Hand to Louis L. McInnis, Corsicana, Texas, December 27, 1884, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas A&M University Archives. 144 November 15, 1882. 635 concerning the University. 145 President John G. James wrote Governor Roberts in 1882 that he had sent copies of Roberts' book about Texas to the A. and M. College Library and to the other land grant colleges. He thought the action appropriate since Poberts was president of the Board when the book was published, in addition to the valuable information contained 146 in the book, an act for which Governor Roberts expressed appreciation. 147 148 The Galveston Daily News reported that if Roberts were governor in 1884, "with his cash balance overflowing the treasury and his pruning knife cutting down expenses, his indominatable energy reforming and correcting abuses in every bureau and department of government, there would hardly be talk at the present time of making a division of Texas. " However, Roberts was getting old and no longer relished political life; instead, he was using his energy toward building up the University of Texas, away from the

145 John T. Hand to Louis L. Mcinnis, Corsicana, Texas, November 27, 1882, Louis L. McInnis Papers, Texas AsM University Archives. 146 John G. James to 0. M. Roberts, College Station, Texas, November 27, 1882, 0. M. Roberts Papers, University of Texas Archives. 147 0. M. Roberts to John G. James, Austin, Texas, November 30, 1882, 0. M. Roberts Papers, Texas State Archives. 148 January 29, 1884. 636

"stifling atmosphere of partisan and of f icial life. " His personal friends were pleased to have the old war-horse browse on the free grass in the University pasture. In 1885 a bitter struggle took place between the supporters of the University and those of the College concerning appropriations for the two. Calling the Ireland 149 administration extravagant, the Galveston ~Dail News thought the reason it attacked Roberts and his place as head of the law department at the University was because Ireland could not attack him on fiscal management since Roberts had accumulated a cash balance and his relationship with the University was the only avenue open to attack. The News thought the competition between the two institutions was unfortunate. The College had not been a success; in fact, it had a seven or eight year history of failure. Roberts had reorganized it in an attempt to "cure the perversion and misdirection. " His "sturdy effort" had been ably seconded by George Pfeuffer in an effort to create an agricultural and mechanical college. The News believed the College had fallen back into its old ruts, however, and this would bring it into conflict with the University. Moreover, the News thought it unfortunate that the Univer- sity had more students in the second year than the College had in its eight. The University was "too formidable" a

March 8, 1885. 637 competitor in its educational offering. The later declarations and actions of the state' s press, the Board of Directors, the old faculty, John C. Crisp, and Governor Roberts explain to some extent the events that occurred at the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College in 1879; in addition, the legislature of the state played a role as well. Soon after the investigation, the Austin Statesman believed that the legislature should remove the Board of politicians if it expected to avoid similar troubles the future as the College had just experienced in the past and if it expected the College to fulfill the original purposes for which it had been established. The Statesman believed that two-thirds of the College students were "not only children of professional men, but that they 158 too, expect to enter the professions. The next legislature needed to make a close examination of College affairs, and if the College could not be made an agricultural and mechanical college in reality, "its existence should not be tolerated. " Its purpose was to apply scientific agriculture to make "two blades of grass where one grows now" and to produce "enough cotton to supply the world. " The politicians had made the College's "rich endowment a farce to defeat such ends as these. " Until there was 151 change, disgraceful results would no doubt continue.

150 Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, November 28, 1879. Ibid. , November 29, 1879. 638 152 The Galveston ~Dail News posed the question of whether it had been right for the state to borrow the En- dowment Fund and give six or seven percent bonds of its own to cover the loan. Furthermore, it questioned whether it would be right for the state to soon take up these bonds and issue five percent bonds, and the succeeding legislature issue four percent bonds in place of the fives, and so on. Wall Street holders of our sixes and sevens do not submit to such financial legerdemain, but the college fund is unfortunately under the same control as the university fund, and the school fund and other trust funds, and that control is always the state's officials whose political interests are to some extent in conflict with the trusts in their keeping . . . when Coke inaugurated the policy of selling the United States bonds and other securities belonging to the various trust funds in order to use the money, and substituting state bonds, the News condemned it as a step in the direction of repudiating her obligations . . . in the near future a large sentiment will demand that the bonds be can- celed, on the ground it is an intolerable legal fiction that the state should owe the state and the people be taxed to pay interest on a debt due themselves by themselves. 153 The San Augustine Saxon contended that the term "agricultural" should be dropped from the name of the College should it be continued. It had not graduated a farmer and would never do so even though the people were taxed in order to educate farmers. "Down with it! Down

152 December 21, 1879. 153Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 23, 1879. 639 with everything that unnecessarily taxes the people! It is a pretty come-off that hard-working farmers must be taxed to educate lawyers, railroaders, etc! It is an outrage on the laborers, many of whom sell eggs to pay their taxes. " The Galveston ~Dail News 154 commented on the Saxon's criticism of the taxes being used to support the A. and M. College; such an idea was a delusion still being cultivated by some papers. Instead, the disbandment of the College would mean that taxes would have to be raised to pay the United States for its endowment gift. Under one pretext or another the state had borrowed the entire fund; $174, 000 was in state seven percent bonds and $35, 000 in state six percent bonds. Since the state had sold the United States bonds and replaced them with state bonds in order to run the state government without additional taxation, future generations would have to sell eggs to pay the debt. If this species of fruit, however, maintains the present prices, a limited number of old hens would soon relieve the bonds. I suggest, in connection with this idea that president James establish a hennery at College Station as a branch of the agriculture depa. -tment, with an adjunct professor selected from among those laborers who sell eggs to pay the taxes to support this college, the selection to be made by the Saxon. It is perhaps generally considered honest dealing to endeavor to devote the available fund of the college to instruction in agriculture and mechanics, rather than as has been the rule there, in the literary branches, but after a boy leaves, certainly he should be

154 December 21, 1879. 640

permitted to become a lawyer or doctor if he chooses. If the adjunct professor, to take charge of the poultry, should in exemplifica- tion set some of the state's old hens upon nests to hatching out young chicks and ducks, he would find the farmer soon pecking in the state's dunghills, while the ducklings would be dabbling in the ponds. So some of the alumni will go to plowing and some as naturally turn to the law and medicine. The young chick is horrified at the water, and so the born lawyer (unless mixed with something stronger) is horrified at the idea of dowdling over a hoe- handle. The state might by sufficiently liberal inducements in cash, induce some of the sons of the ar'istocracy to become horny-fisted yeo- manry, and so, also, it might be a good policy to pension off some of our noisy old politicians. Probably the state is under contract to teach a certain number of young men to theorize in agriculture, but considering that the college at Bryan is also the State Uni- versity for the time being, every branch of polite learning should be taught, and if students who intend to be farmers are educated in the sciences and literary schools, it is as much, in my opinion, as can reasonably be expected. If the Saxon's idea is well-founded that farmers are taxed to educate lawyers--how is it with merchants who pay nearly half of the taxes and stockmen, physicians, printers, preachers, etc. should be taxed to train young men for agricultural pursuits? No such question. Such notions are pure demagogism. 155 Th ~LD~th bl' deh Coll g hd served only as a political plum; Governor Davis had made the College a "sugar teat for his pack, and they sucked it with great alacrity; and then Coke came in and put fresh sweetness on it and called forth a hungry set, and they began their feast. " However, the "cormorants" had become so greedy

155 Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 24, 1879. 641 that they were unwilling to divide the public spoils and began to growl.

The Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman thought the trouble was that politicians controlled the College, and the politicians always want the masses poorly educated. Hence it is that this miserable free school system has been established, that the masses may skim along upon it while the politician and learned may have their sons educated at public expense at Bryan for learned and soft positions. Praising the Austin school of President James, the

' ' H'lib o~E'to g ttd 't t* pt' o 't an honor to the state; the "Bryan thing can hardly ever be made an honor to anybody. " The disastrous results were the effect of government control of educational affairs and a "radical and despotic" departure. Government should encourage private educational institutions but not compete with them. Almost fifteen years after the College had been reorganized, or the faculty massacred, depending upon one' s point of view, a reporter, describing the history of the College as "complex and varied, " visited President L. S. Ross at the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas.

He noted that the very history of the State of Texas was reflected in the pictures that hung upon the walls of Ross'

November 30, 1879.

Quoted in Austin ~Dail Democratic Statesman, December 11, 1879. 642 study. There were pictures of famous Texas statesmen-- Houston, Coke, Hubbard, Roberts, Ireland, Ross, and James S. Hogg; and there were others as well, "and Gathright and Alexander Hogg look down upon the Old Alcalde and his war- like directory with a smile that has long since been cremated by the scent of mystic, yet unforgotten lore. The picture of the investigating committee of the last legislature is not yet in position. " However, in spite of recent legislative criticism, President Ross thought the College had now been placed on a "substantial life-preserving basis. " Perhaps those who participated in the events connected with the State Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas from 1871 to 1879 would have chosen different courses had they been able to foresee the future, and the rapid advances that were to be made in all facets of human knowledge and industry, and had they been able to foresee events in

their own personal lives. It is certain, had they been able to see into the future as it changed into the present and then became a part of the past, that many of those individuals and groups who played such an important role in the affairs of the College would have made different and wiser choices. However, it is not to those who try and fail that history assigns the greater condemnation; rather, it is to those who never try at all, for out of

198 Galveston ~Dail News, May 14, 1894. 643 the failures of the past, as well as the successes, are the accomplishments of the present made. 644

CHAPTER XV

CONCLUSIONS

A more unfavorable time could scarcely have been picked (or decreed) by the national government for the state of Texas to adopt a new concept in education than the period immediately following the Civil War. The terms of the Morrill Act of 1862 were quickly accepted by those states remaining in the Union, and in 1866 a five year extension allowed those states which had seceded an opportunity to accept the grant. Either Texas accepted the Federal grant, which most Texans still regarded as an unconstitutional usurpation of a state's right to control its own education, or it refused the allocation of a fund that most states had already accepted. The state had been relieved of any real choice since acceptance under such circumstances was a foregone conclusion, and especially when one considers the political forces then controlling the destinies of the state. Texas was financially and spiritually prostrated by the war, and at its end was faced with the immediate necessity of reorganizing its government, its society, and its economic system, at a time when the state's wealth had been reduced by more than one half. At the end of the war Texas was placed under military rule; a new constitution had been written in 1866; and an attempt had been made by a 645

Democratic controlled state government to take advantage of the Federal land grant. However, after a brief respite from military control, the state government was removed and the State again placed under military rule. From July, 1867, to January, 1869, Texas was ruled by Republican-appointed officials, under military supervision, and from 1869 to 1874 by Radical Republicans, who were to establish the State Agri- cultural and Mechanical College of Texas by legislative act on April, 1871, and then to squander the funds for its establishment while they created a public debt of more than $5, 000, 000, according to a report of the State Comptroller in 1876. Six months before the expiration date for the acceptance of the Morrill Fund, Governor Davis proposed its acceptance, but the legislature did not act until April, three months before the expiration of the time that the College was supposed to be organized. After three years, the Commissioners chosen by Governor Edmund J. Davis had spent $36, 000 of the 875, 000 appropriation, and had nothing to show for their efforts, except a reputation for graft. More than any other single factor, the ineptness and poor judgment on the part of the Commissioners created a hostile attitude on the part of the general public and a resentment during a period when the state was undergoing the heaviest taxation in its history and when farm prices had seriously declined during the depression of the 1870's and even more during the period following the Panic of 1873. 646

As a result, a great distaste and distrust was created for the A. and M. College during the distasteful Republican administration. The Democrats made the College a branch of the University of Texas in the Constitution of 1875. The College thus became the state's step-child and was thereby brought into conflict with the yet unborn "parent, " the University envisioned and talked Of since 1839. Governor Coke and those he appointed as Commissioners, as well as the Board of Directors elected by the legislature in March, 1875, set out to make the Agricultural and Mechanical College a popular state institution that would fill the demand for the traditional classical education of that day, as well as meet the requirements for the new agricultural and mechanical education envisioned under the Morrill Act. The legislature that met in 1874 made an additional appropriation to finish the Main Building at College Station and in 1875 to construct a second building. However, some public distaste remained as a result of the Radical Republican legacy. Unable to open the College as soon as originally planned in 1875, because the legislature had made no provision for a separate Negro institution, the Board was delayed until legislative action could take place on that question, as well as to make an additional legislative appropriation for the construction of professors' houses, a barn, and furnishings for the Main Building and Steward's Hall. While the Main Building was reportedly the finest building in the state, any successful 647 college would require more than mere bricks and mortar. The ambiguous relationship between the still unborn University of Texas and the College also created problems. The Act of April 17, 1871, provided that the laws passed in 1858 to regulate the University of Texas would also govern the College. In 1875 the Board of Directors realized that the interest from the Endowment Fund, amounting to about $14, 000 annually, would be insufficient to maintain the College, and that the College would need funds from the generous land endowment belonging to the University, ostensibly the "parents"; accordingly, some of the Board members who were delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1875, supported by delegates who were Grange members, succeeded in inserting a provision in the Constitution that made the College a branch of the University. In fact, many suggested that the College be adopted as the University of Texas. From 1876-1879 the College received no state appropriation. In desperate need of equipment to teach properly agricultural and the mechanical arts, the friends of the College in 1879 in the legislature proposed and obtained an appropriation of $15, 000 to the State Agriculture and Mechanical College from the University Fund. Regarding this as a distinct threat to the future University of Texas, Governor Roberts led the fight to reduce the College to a more or less self —supporting manual labor school for training skilled labor so that no more funds would be expended from the Available University Fund, and set out to secure the 648 establishment of the University during his lifetime, and with a "chair of law" to be filled by "EIis Excellency. " Another important factor in the development of the College that elicited serious acrimony for many years detrimental to harmony involved the College location: its distance from a town which could have furnished housing for professors; a serious problem of a reliable source of water that was to plague the College throughout the remainder of the century; and the problems with other utilities, with poor agricultural land, and with the delivery of goods and services to the College. The College was forced to spend much of the money it received to provide these services. The A. and M. College, not only the pioneer in state- supported higher education in Texas, was also .expected to pioneer in the development of agricultural and mechanical education at a time when the explosion of knowledge required even more pioneering and innovation. There were not enough trained teachers in the sciences to staff all the colleges demanding their services. Furthermore, the legislature did not provide adequate funds for even a bare minimum of equipment for a farm and shop. Yet, the College was increasingly condemned rather than aided by those who should have known better, the farmers themselves; suffering through depression and drought during the 1870's, the farmers took out their own frustration by criticizing the College for not teaching practical agriculture. Yet, the sons they sent to the College were generally not 649 interested in returning to the farm. They went to college to get away from the farm and with the expectancy of finding employment after college in the rising urban centers. Students who enrolled were inadequately prepared to receive a higher education. Many students who enrolled were forced to do preparatory work at the College. This fact as well as the increasing popularity of the College led to criticism. In 1877-1878 serious overcrowding and the attendant evils in a rural setting resulted in unhappiness

among many of the students and their parents. The College's inadequate water supply, poor sanitary facilities, and insufficient living and dining space bred unrest. These shortages and inadequacies were no fault of the president and the faculty. Religious colleges, envious of the A. and M. College Endowment Fund, and faced with competition from the College as a result of the depression and drought, soon seized upon the College's failure to provide agricultural and mechanical education as a cudgel to wield against the College. Increasing public criticism led the Board of Directors to require students to engage in some semblance of agricultural observation; however even those who were sons of farmers, did not demand nor desire agricultural education. They looked upon education as a means to leave the farm and its uncertainties and the drudgery of farm work. In fact, at the opening of the College, the Board of Directors thought 650 it necessary to point out that agricultural labor at the college would be strictly voluntary. The College faculty might have eventually solved all these problems if the faculty had not permitted dissensions to grow among themselves until the situation demanded, and the faculty requested, a Board investigation of their long accumulated complaints. Whether the Board acted rightly or wrongly, it decided it had no other choice than to dismiss the President and all the professors, and Governor Roberts, who had contributed to the dissension through his own dis- interest and neglect, was only too happy to oblige in dis- mantling both the faculty and the College. President Gathright has been criticized for establishing a traditional literary college rather than grasping the significance of establishing an agricultural and mechanical college. Facts, however, do not support this generalization. He had proposed the investigation of successful colleges which taught agriculture and mechanics as well as the initiation of these courses at the Texas A. and N. College. However, he had no funds available for any permanent improvements other than small amounts paid by the students to the contingent fund. Furthermore, had the College offered a superior practical education in agricul-- ture, it is highly unlikely that more than a handful of students would have enrolled. In 1881, President John G. James was given state funds to provide free education to 651

"state students, " half of whom were compelled to enroll in agriculture, but even that did not prove successful. The undertaking of the first eight years must not, however, be regarded as a failure, since the determination to make the College succeed had crystallized among its supporters, who constantly struggled to maintain the academic standards of the College as a true college as well as to secure enough legislative support to initiate agricultural and mechanical education. Additionally, in spite of all the difficulties, a true A. and N. College spirit had developed in the student body. 652

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C~tl f th St t* A~lt 1 ' d M h 1 ~CLL f T, S* f 1876-7. Bryan, Texas. Pilot Book and Job Office, 1877. C~tl f th St t A~18. 1 and Mechani cal College of Texas, Session of 1877-8. Bryan, Texas: Pilot Book and Job Office, 1878. C~tl *f th St t A~le. 1 ~ dN h ' 1~C11 f T, 8 ' f 1878-9. Bryan, Texas: Pilot Job Printing Establishment, 1879. C~tl * f th A~kt 1 d N h 1 C~ll of T, 1880 —81. ( . p. , 1881J . ~Ct 1 of th A~lt 1 d ' M h 1 ~C11 *f T f 1883 4. [ n. p. , n. d.$ 1876 . . . . 1926, The Semi-Centen- 1 C 1 5 t' f th A~lb 1 d M ' h 1 ~C11 * of T d th ~I tion of Thomas Otto Walton as President College Station, Texas: A. and M. Press [192 6] . f th St t 1 ~ft'o' A~kt d N h 3 C~ll f 2', ~B, D to- t 4th, 1876; Add f H' ~8*13 ' Go . R' h d Cot, d Th . S. ~G th ht, P 'd t of th C~33 . 8 7, T Appeal and Post Book and Job Printing Estab- lishment, 1876. L ~83 t' t th A~lt 1 ' ~ d M h 3 ~Co33 f 1' d th ~P*dt' of th 8 d f D' t* f 8 'd C~ll* f J 1, 1875, to ~J 23, 1878. Arranged and published by A. J. Peeler, one of the Directors of the Board, under Its Authority. Austin, Texas: Institution for the Deaf and Dumb, 1878.

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B. SECONDARY SOURCES

1. Manuscripts and Typescripts. Langford, Ernest, "Getting the College Under way; A A Brief Outline of Events from April 17, 1871, to October 4, 1876. M Texas Aa." University Archives. Marshall, Elmer G. , "The History of Brazos County, Texas, " Masters' thesis, University of Texas, 1937. Smith, Ralph A. , MA. J. Rose, Agrarian Crusader of Texas, " Ph. D. dissertauion, University of Texas, 1938. 2. Printed Books.

Aiken, Wreathy. Education of Women in Texas. San Antonio, Texas: The Naylor Company, 1957. Barr, Alwyn. Reconstruction to Reform: Texas Politics, 1876-1906. Austin, Texas: Uni- versity of Texas Press, 1971. B d, 3 M. ~R' t f th 0~3 1 State Grancre, 1873 to 1896. P n. p. , 1962.& Bishop, Curtis and Bascom Giles. Lots of Land. Austin, Texas: The Steck Company, 1949. B g, A t' B. A 1 1 ~H' t* f 9 A. 6 M. C~ll* . [ . p j, 1916. Cody, C. C. The I ife and Labors of Francis A~sbur Mood, D. D. , Founder and First RecCent — f 6o th t ~U' t . Ch' g Illinois: F. H. Revell, 1886.

DeShields, James T. ~The Sat in High Places: The Presidents and Governors of Texas from the First American Chief Executive, 1835-36; 9 'd t f th ~Rbl, 1636 46; d Governors of the State, 1846-1939. San Antonio, Texas: The Naylor Company, 1940. 664

Ehy, F *d k. Th D~lo t f Ed t'o Texas. New York; The Macmillan Company, 1925.

Eddy, Ed d D. , J . ~CLL f 0 L d d Time: The Land Grant Idea in American Education. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957. Evans, Cecil E. The ~Stor of Texas Schools. Austin, Texas: The Steck Company, 1955.

G *d, H. G. A H~t* f A Ed t' New York: The Macmillan Company, 1956.

H t, kh tL. A~H' to f FM t in the Southwest, 1873— 1925~College Station: A. and N. Press, 1935]. James, Edmund J. The Oricrin of the Land Grant Act of 1862 (The So-Called Norrill Act) and Some Account of Its Author, Jonathan B. Turner. Urbana-Champaign, Illinois: Uni- versity Press, 1910. J h, F k M. A ~H' to f 1' d Texans, Brought up to Date by Eugene C. Barker with the Assistance of Ernest William Winkler. 5 vols. Chicago: The American Historical Society, 1914. Kandel, I. E. Federal Aid for Vocational Educa-t' t': A ~Rt t th ~C. F d fo th Ad t f ~fhi . E 11 t No. 10. New York: 1917 Kittrell, Norman G. Governors Who Have Been, and Other Public Men of Texas. Houston, Texas: Dealey-Adey-Elgin Co. , 1921. L . J. J. H~to f th U»'t f T* Based on Facts and Records. Austin, Texas: Henry Hutchings, 1891. Mky, th 1 . Et d~Po1D1 and the Madness of Crowds, New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1932.

M'll*, Ed d T. A F' 1 H~t f 1' t' f' No. 37 E 11 th U~t f T, (July 1, 1916) . 665

N. Th ~H' N, J ph ~ET t f ~B d th ~HB' A . B T Hood's Brigade-Bryan Centennialy, Committee, 1962.

Nunn, W. C. Texas Under the Car etba ers. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1962.

U 1 y, Cl . ~H' t* f th A~lt 1 d M h 1 ~C11* *f T . (B 11 t' ' f th A~lt 1 d M h 1 ~C11 of Texas, December 1, 1935). College Station, Texas: Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, [ 1935$ . Perry, George Sessions. The ~Stor of Texas A. and M. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1951. Stambaugh, J. Lee and Lillian Stambaugh. At' ~H' to f C 11' C~t, T . A Texas: Texas State Historical Association, 1948.

Steen, Ralph W. and Frances Donecker. Our Texas. Austin, Texas: The Steck Company, 1954. Webb, Walter P. and H. Bailey Carroll (eds. ). The Handbook of Texas. 2 vols. Austin, Texas: Texas State Historical Association, 1952.

Wh't, M' h 1 A. ~H' t f ~B1o ~U- 't 1845-1861. Waco, Texas: Texian Press, 1968.

Winkler, Ernest W. Platforms of Political Parties in Texas. Bulletin of the Universit of Texas, No. 53 (September 20, 1916

' Wo*1 h, W. R. d Uth* . N f ~I't from Beneath the Orancre Tower, 1884-1964; Th ~C11 f th U ~t f T Ef. A t, T h: Th Engineering Foundation~ of the College of Engineering, University of Texas, 1964.

' W ot, U dl y G. ( d. ( A C h ~H' to of Texas, 1685 to 1897. 2 vols. Dallas, Texas: William O. Scarff, 1898. 666 b. Articles Arrowood, Charles F. , "The Election of Jefferson Davis to the Presidency of the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas, " South- t H' t ' I ~Qt XLZX (9 tot 1945), 293-295. I,

Geiser, Samuel W. , "George Washington Curtis and Frederick Arthur Gulley, " Field and ~LH to, XIV (I o I, 1946(, I I, in Louis L. McInnis Papers. Hooper, William T. , "Governor Edmund J. Davis, Ezra Cornell, and the A&M College of Texas, " 6 tt t H' t ' I Q~tl, LXXVZZI (January, 1975), 307-312. Langston, Rosalind, "The Life of Colonel P. . T. ' M'Z, H 6* tt t H' t 1~Qt I XLIV (April, 1941), 407-451. Moore, Walter B. , "Hamilton Stuart, " Texana, IV (Spring, 1966), 23-32. Sneed, Edgar P. , HA Historiography of Recon- struction in Texas; Some Myths and Problems, " Southwestern Historical Quarterly, LXII (April, 1969), 435-448. 667

VITA

Narie Guy Tomlinson was born in Bledsoe, Texas, on September 28, 1928, to Allen G. and Irma Bean Guy. She graduated from Kirbyville High School in 1945 and promptly enrolled in the Texas State College for Women and the following year in Sam Houston State College. While her husband, Bill T. Tomlinson, was completing requirements for a Master's degree, she attended summer terms at the Texas College of Arts and Industries and at Texas A. and

M. College. She and her husband are the parents of three sons--Joey Marshall, Michael Alan, and Mark Seth--whose needs and demands provided a different kind of education in the years from 1947 until 1964, when she enrolled in South- west Texas State University. She taught in the Boerne High School from 1964-1966, following which time the family moved to Austin. She obtained her Bachelor of Science degree in Education from Southwest Texas State University in Nay, 1967. She thereafter enrolled in the University of Texas, but upon her husband's employment by Texas ASN Uni- versity in September, 1967, the family moved to Bryan.

Enrolling at Texas A&M University in January, 1968, she commenced study toward an M. A. degree in History. She became a teacher in the Bryan Public Schools in 1969 and has spent the summers in doing research for this thesis. Her permanent address is 3408 Parkway Terrace, Bryan, Texas. Typist: Nelinda Karnok