Latvian Foreign and Security Policy Yearbook 2016
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Press Release Latvian Political Party Representatives Running for EP Support Increasing National Contributions to the EU Budget
15 May, 2019 Press release Latvian political party representatives running for EP support increasing national contributions to the EU budget In the European Parliament pre-election debate that took place 14 May at the Riga Graduate School of Law top-level representatives from six Latvian political parties running for election in the European Parliament elections shared their views and outlook towards the main challenges currently faced by the European Union (EU) and their possible solutions. The MEP candidates also emphasized the critical need for Latvian citizens to participate in upcoming elections to ensure effective representation of Latvia's interests at this institution. Six party representatives participated in the EP pre-election debate on May 14, which was organized by seven foreign chambers of commerce in Latvia and which was probably the only debate in the run-up to the elections that took place in the English language. Among the debate participants were Baiba Rubesa (Attīstībai / Par! ), Dana Reizniece - Ozola (Union of Greens and Farmers), Gatis Eglītis (New Conservative Party), Roberts Putnis (The Progressives), Roberts Zile (National Alliance) and Valdis Dombrovskis (New Unity). It has to be noted, that an invitation to participate in the pre-election debates were sent to all political parties in Latvia whose rating according to SKDS sociological survey, released on April 18, exceeded 2%. Neither the social democratic party “Harmony”, nor the Latvian Russian Union responded to the invitation to participate in the debate. The pre-election debate was moderated by the acting Rector of the Riga Graduate School of Law Dr. Jānis Ikstens, who in his introductory remarks highlighted the increasing role of the European Parliament within the EU decision-making framework. -
2020 Women’S Tennis Association Media Guide
2020 Women’s Tennis Association Media Guide © Copyright WTA 2020 All Rights Reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced - electronically, mechanically or by any other means, including photocopying- without the written permission of the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA). Compiled by the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) Communications Department WTA CEO: Steve Simon Editor-in-Chief: Kevin Fischer Assistant Editors: Chase Altieri, Amy Binder, Jessica Culbreath, Ellie Emerson, Katie Gardner, Estelle LaPorte, Adam Lincoln, Alex Prior, Teyva Sammet, Catherine Sneddon, Bryan Shapiro, Chris Whitmore, Yanyan Xu Cover Design: Henrique Ruiz, Tim Smith, Michael Taylor, Allison Biggs Graphic Design: Provations Group, Nicholasville, KY, USA Contributors: Mike Anders, Danny Champagne, Evan Charles, Crystal Christian, Grace Dowling, Sophia Eden, Ellie Emerson,Kelly Frey, Anne Hartman, Jill Hausler, Pete Holtermann, Ashley Keber, Peachy Kellmeyer, Christopher Kronk, Courtney McBride, Courtney Nguyen, Joan Pennello, Neil Robinson, Kathleen Stroia Photography: Getty Images (AFP, Bongarts), Action Images, GEPA Pictures, Ron Angle, Michael Baz, Matt May, Pascal Ratthe, Art Seitz, Chris Smith, Red Photographic, adidas, WTA WTA Corporate Headquarters 100 Second Avenue South Suite 1100-S St. Petersburg, FL 33701 +1.727.895.5000 2 Table of Contents GENERAL INFORMATION Women’s Tennis Association Story . 4-5 WTA Organizational Structure . 6 Steve Simon - WTA CEO & Chairman . 7 WTA Executive Team & Senior Management . 8 WTA Media Information . 9 WTA Personnel . 10-11 WTA Player Development . 12-13 WTA Coach Initiatives . 14 CALENDAR & TOURNAMENTS 2020 WTA Calendar . 16-17 WTA Premier Mandatory Profiles . 18 WTA Premier 5 Profiles . 19 WTA Finals & WTA Elite Trophy . 20 WTA Premier Events . 22-23 WTA International Events . -
Us Open August 31 – September 13, 2020 Women’S Tennis Association Match Notes
US OPEN AUGUST 31 – SEPTEMBER 13, 2020 WOMEN’S TENNIS ASSOCIATION MATCH NOTES FLUSHING MEADOWS, NEW YORK | AUGUST 31 - SEPTEMBER 13, 2020 | $21,656,000 GRAND SLAM TOURNAMENT wtatennis.com | facebook.com/WTA | twitter.com/WTA | youtube.com/WTA Tournament Website: www.wimbledon.com | @Wimbledon | facebook.com/wimbledon WTA Communications: Estelle LaPorte, Chase Altieri, Teyva Sammet US OPEN - DAY 1 MATCH-UPS [1] KAROLINA PLISKOVA (CZE #3) vs. ANHELINA KALININA (UKR #145) First meeting Pliskova seeded No.1 for the second time in her career at a major... Kalinina bidding for first Top 20 win of career... Pliskova’s runner-up finish here in 2016 remains best major result [4] NAOMI OSAKA (JPN #9) vs. MISAKI DOI (JPN #81) Osaka leads 1-0 Osaka beat her compatriot en route to Tokyo final in 2016...Doi has never overcome a Top 10 player in her career... Osaka is one of six former US Open champions in the draw IRINA CAMELIA BEGU (ROU #73) vs. [6] PETRA KVITOVA (CZE #12) Kvitova leads 4-0 Kvitova beat Begu during title runs at 2018 St. Petersburg and 2015 Madrid... Begu has not upset a Top 20 player since 2018 clay court season... US Open is only major where Kvitova has failed to reach SF TEREZA MARTINCOVA (CZE #136) vs. [8] PETRA MARTIC (CRO #15) First meeting (at main draw, tour level) Martic won when the two met in qualifying at 2015 Bad Gastein... Martincova is lowest-ranked of eight Czechs in the draw... Martic lost to Williams in R16 here last year TATJANA MARIA (GER #95) vs. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Latvia's 'Russian Left': Trapped Between Ethnic, Socialist, and Social-Democratic Identities
Cheskin, A., and March, L. (2016) Latvia’s ‘Russian left’: trapped between ethnic, socialist, and social-democratic identities. In: March, L. and Keith, D. (eds.) Europe's Radical Left: From Marginality to the Mainstream? Rowman & Littlefield: London, pp. 231-252. ISBN 9781783485352. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/133777/ Deposited on: 11 January 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk This is an author’s final draft. The article has been published as: Cheskin, A. & March, L. (2016) ‘Latvia’s ‘Russian left’: Trapped between ethnic, socialist, and social-democratic identities’ in, L. March & D. Keith (eds.) Europe’s radical left: From marginality to the mainstream? Rowman and Littlefield: London, pp. 231-252. Latvia’s ‘Russian left’: trapped between ethnic, socialist, and social- democratic identities Ammon Cheskin and Luke March Following the 2008 economic crisis, Latvia suffered the worst loss of output in the world, with GDP collapsing 25 percent.1 Yet Latvia’s radical left has shown no notable ideological or strategic response. Existing RLPs did not secure significant political gains from the crisis, nor have new challengers benefitted. Indeed, Latvia has been heralded as a ‘poster child’ for austerity as the right has continued to dominate government policy.2 This chapter explores this puzzle. Although the economic crisis was economically destructive, we argue that the political responses have been consistently ethnicised in Latvia. Additionally, the Latvian left has been equally challenged intellectually and strategically by the ethnically-framed Ukrainian crisis of 2014. -
Riga City Council Election Report
RESULTS OF THE EXTRAORDINARY ELECTIONS TO THE RIGA CITY COUNCIL August 29, was the official date of the extraordinary elections to the Riga City On February 13, 2020, the Parliament Council, where the elligable inhabitants of Riga could choose one of the 15 adopted the Law on Dissolution of the submitted lists of candidates to give their vote to. Based on the results from Riga City Council, which entered into all 156 polling stations, the joined list of Development/For! and the force on February 25 after Progressives had a clear win, gathering 26.16% of the votes in that way promulgation by the President of breaking the long lasting pro-russian party Harmony being in power in the Latvia Egils Levits. The election, Riga City Council. originally scheduled for April 25, was first put off until June 6, but due to the state of emergency declared in Latvia and the security measures eligible residents voted in the Riga City Council extraordinary introduced to prevent the spread of 40.58% elections, and this was the historically lowest turnout in the Covid-19 the election took place on municipal elections in Riga since 1997 August 29. LEADER OF THE All together, seven out of 15 lists of candidates reached the 5% threshold gaining the seat in the Council. From all the WINNING LIST elected members of the Council, only 21 members of the 26.16% previous term were elected, but 39 will be newly elected members.. s e v i s 16.89% s n e 15.24% a r i v g t o a r L P s n e n o & i h o a ! i n s T r / g g e 9.64% ī U o e e v R i F c n / t R 7.72% t n e a f a i v a n 6.52% 6.39% v o s r i r l e s l e n e y u S A s y t o m i i l R n n o t p n a t o o n a o i n r l U C a c i o o e m i v o r v t w n w t s e a e e a o s a MĀRTIŅŠ STAĶIS H N N N A D H L (DEVELOPMENT/FOR! AND THE PROGRESSIVES) Member of Parliament and a former Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Defence. -
Group Cohesion and Minority Bargaining: the Case Of
GROUP COHESION AND MINORITY BARGAINING: THE CASE OF ESTONIAN AND LATVIAN RUSSIAN-SPEAKERS AFTER 2004 By Kristiina Silvan Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Béla Greskovits Word count: 17,230 CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the repertoire of bargaining measures employed by the Estonian and Latvian Russian-speaking minorities to improve their position in the post-2004 era. Ever since the re-establishment of Estonia and Latvia as independent states, Russophone minorities have suffered from restrictive policy measures stemming from the majority elites' monoethnic state and nation building projects. According to the literature on minority mobilisation and ethnic bargaining, Russia's interest in promoting the causes of its compatriots abroad that has been clearly pronounced in recent years should translate into increased bargaining leverage and radicalisation of the minorities that suffer from the policies of the "nationalising" state. However, as the cases of Estonia and Latvia demonstrate, group cohesion among both the minority and majority is an important variable affecting claim-making efforts. In the case of a fragmented minority, competing interpretations of bargaining opportunity that emerge within different sub-groups can decisively hamper effective claim-making – especially if the minority is trying to challenge a majority that is united in opposition to the minority's demands. Drawing from both theoretical frameworks of ethnic bargaining and political opportunity structure as well as descriptive quantitative data and elite statements, this thesis demonstrates that external support does not thus automatically translate into intensifying minority claim-making. -
Latvian Foreign and Security Policy
LATVIAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY FOREIGN LATVIAN POLICY LATVIAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY YEARBOOK 2020 YEARBOOK 2020 Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA) Address: 21 Pils street, LV-1050, Riga, Republic of Latvia www.lai.lv | www.jzc.lai.lv The Latvian Foreign and Security Policy Yearbook 2020 aims to contribute to the understanding of Latvia’s foreign and security policy decisions and considerations in 2019, as well as assess the oppor- tunities and concerns that await Latvia in 2020. During the past year Latvia saw considerable impro- vements in its security situation, while simultaneously met with new international and regional chal- lenges. 2020 promises to be a similarly dynamic year full of opportunities and challenges. Latvia will have to make brave and strong choices in its foreign and security policy. Supported by: The Parliament of the Republic of Latvia and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia In cooperation with Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Editors: Andris Sprūds, Sintija Broka Authors: Māris Andžāns, Aldis Austers, Reinis Āboltiņš, Una Aleksandra Bērziņa-Čerenkova, Artūrs Bikovs, Ilvija Bruģe, Jānis Eichmanis, Vineta Kleinberga, Rihards Kols, Imants Lieģis, Gunta Pastore, Gunda Reire, Edgars Rinkēvičs, Toms Rostoks, Silvestrs Savickis, Ēriks Kristiāns Selga, Andris Sprūds, Inna Šteinbuka, Vita Anda ēT rauda, Elizabete Vizgunova, Yinglu Xu Project coordinator: Sintija Broka The opinions expressed here are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the positions of the Latvian Institute of International Affairs, Parliament of the Republic of Latvia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Latvia or Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or represent the opinion of any government authority or ministry. -
Majority and Minority Ethnic Voting in New Democracies
Identity and Agency: Majority and Minority Ethnic Voting in New Democracies Benjamin P. McClelland Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2020 Benjamin P. McClelland All Rights Reserved Abstract Identity and Agency: Majority and Minority Ethnic Voting in New Democracies Benjamin P. McClelland This dissertation examines how ethnic identities are politicized through elections in new democracies. Using the cases of post-communist Latvia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, I compare the electoral success of campaigns which appeal to voters on the basis of ethnicity to those do not. I argue that ethnic parties are most likely in groups for whom two conditions are met. First, ethnicity must meaningfully differentiate ethnic insiders from outsiders, in such a way that voters will believe policy benefits will likely result from political representation for the group. Second, electoral institutions must ensure that the political mobilization of the group will result in electoral victory. These two conditions create fundamentally different incentives for ethnic majority groups and ethnic minority groups simply because of differences in group size. In most democracies with a large minority population, ethnic voting will be more likely among the majority group than the minority group, unless institutions encourage minority group voting by lowering barriers to entry. The results demonstrate the qualitatively different ways groups use ethnic identities as a resource to achieve political objectives, with important implications for minority group representation, political participation, and democratic governance in diverse societies. Contents 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Why Study Ethnic Voting? . -
2016 Annual Report
2016 Annual Report www.friendshipforce.org 1 Letter from Jeremi Longtime Friendship Force members have probably heard every quip, quote, and anecdote related to the immense value one gains by expanding their worldview and understanding of other cultures. Many people motivated by these types of expressions work toward the admirable and worthwhile goal of traveling abroad by any means. But these expressions can only take you as far as someone’s front door. The difference between a standard traveler and a Friendship Force member is that our members walk through that door and find new friends waiting. Earlier this year, Friendship Force International debuted a new tagline that fits the unique opportunity our organization provides to people around the world. For many, Experience Different Views. Discover Common Ground has become more of a call to action rather than just a tagline. In our quest to continue to evolve as global citizens, we know we must go beyond the threshold of one’s front door and into the spaces where people live day-to-day - where the nuances in their lives are most evident. That space is where they prepare their meals, talk with family and friends, share their art or their music. In other words, it is the place where lasting connections are made. But the world is changing, and with it, the boundaries of cultural tolerances. While our mission remains incredibly relevant throughout these changes, Friendship Force International is not immune to the demands imposed by rapidly evolving technology, global business development, and major world events. Each shift requires our organization to embrace new ways of continuing to offer this simple concept of peace through friendship, and indeed, we are. -
Structural Separation in Regulated Industries: 2016 Report
Structural separation in regulated industries Report on implementing the OECD Recommendation 2016 Structural separation in regulated industries Report on implementing the OECD Recommendation 2016 This work is published under the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD. The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of the OECD or of the governments of its member countries or those of the European Union. This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status or sovereignty over any territory, to the delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city, or area. Please cite this publication as: OECD (2016), Structural separation in regulated industries: Report on implementing the OECD Recommendation © OECD 2016 3 Foreword On 26 April 2001, the OECD Council adopted a Recommendation Concerning Structural Separation in Regulated Industries suggesting to OECD countries that when regulated firms have activities that are potentially competitive and linked to non-competitive activities, such as natural monopoly activities, governments should consider the benefits and costs of structural measures separating two activities. The Recommendation was accompanied by a detailed report, and both advocated careful consideration of the potential pros and cons of structural separation versus the potential pros and cons of behavioural measures. Since then, the OECD has conducted reviews of experience with structural separation in many countries and in a variety of sectors. The sectors have always included electricity, gas, railways and telecommunications, in addition to other sectors. In 2011, the Recommendation was modified to ensure that potential impacts on investment are taken into account when the possible appropriateness of structural separation is considered. -
Annual Report on the Situation of Asylum in the European Union 2016
European Asylum Support Office Annual Report on the Situation of Asylum in the European Union 2016 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office EASO Annual Report on the Situation of Asylum in the European Union 2016 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the internet (http://europa.eu). Print ISBN 978-92-9494-605-8 ISSN 1977-4826 doi:10.2847/827905 BZ-AB-17-001-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9494-604-1 ISSN 2314-9701 doi:10.2847/870 BZ-AB-17-001-EN-N © European Asylum Support Office, 2017 Neither EASO nor any person acting on its behalf may be held responsible for the use which may be made of the information contained therein. Annual Report on the Situation of Asylum in the European Union 2016 — 3 Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................ 5 Executive summary ........................................................................................................................................ 6 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 9 2. International protection in the EU+ ........................................................................................................10