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The Daily Eucharist at the Council As Stimulus and Test Case for Liturgical Reform

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The Daily Eucharist at the Council As Stimulus and Test Case for Liturgical Reform QL 95 (2014) 28-51 doi: 10.2143/QL.95.1.3030644 © 2014, all rights reserved THE DAILY EUCHARIST AT THE COUNCIL AS STIMULUS AND TEST CASE FOR LITURGICAL REFORM In order to study the contribution of Vatican II to liturgical reform, most scholars spontaneously will turn to the redaction history of Sacrosanctum Concilium. In this paper I am more interested in the question of how the daily Eucharist celebrated at the beginning of each of the General Congregations was experienced by those present. Were these celebrations experienced as an illustration of the reforms proposed in the Constitution on the Liturgy, or rather as a counter-witness to the sorely needed liturgical reform? My major sources are council diaries, at least those that are attentive to this aspect of the Council’s life. I especially rely on accounts of their liturgical experiences offered by two Latin rite Catholic “observers” of the Council liturgies, the French Dominican, Yves Congar and the Irish journalist and Redemptorist, Xavier Rynne; one Oriental rite Catholic Council father, the Melkite archbishop, Neophytos Edelby; and two “real” observers: the United Church of Christ representative, Douglas Horton and the Presbyterian minister, Robert McAfee Brown. It will soon become clear that two types of Eucharistic celebrations received most attention in their diaries and chronicles: the divine liturgies celebrated in rites other than the Latin one and the opening and concluding ceremonies of each session. Especially in the first session the exposure of the mostly Latin-rite Council Fathers to liturgies celebrated by Byzantine and Oriental Catholic Council Fathers may have cured them of some of their prejudices concerning important issues of liturgical debate such as concelebration, the vernacular and communion under both species. The opening and concluding liturgies of the Council also received many comments, since as of the second session these liturgies apparently functioned as an occasion to put certain aspects of the liturgical reform of Sacrosanctum Concilium into practice and to draw lessons from this. In relation to the debate on the liturgy during the first session I also reread the oral and written interventions by Council Fathers in the Acta Synodalia and was able to retrieve a few small comments reflecting their liturgical experiences during the Council. The Daily Eucharist at the Council 29 Two more facts need to be mentioned before I start my overview of the four sessions. In The History of Vatican II Hilari Riguer describes a tension between the ‘Technical-Organizational Commission’ and the ‘Office of Sacred Ceremonies’. In the case of the former, Cardinal Testa was in favor of starting each Congregation with the singing of the Veni Creator followed by a moment of prayer but not with a mass. The latter was in favor of having a mass each day. Even if in the months before the start of the Council a consensus was growing not to have a daily mass, Pope John decided to remain with the latter option.1 Also for the Protestant observer Douglas Horton the daily Eucharist as such was not a surprise: This was just such a combination of worship and business as we should like to see in local churches everywhere. It began with a celebration of the mass. A Congregationalist might have wished that the form of this service had not been so hard and fast as to prevent it from being specifically oriented to the business in hand; but that the business in hand was laid before Christ in the often repeated and familiar words of the regular mass may be taken for granted.2 A second preliminary remark pertains to the fact that we should not forget that the Eucharist preceding each Congregation was not the only one which the Council Fathers attended. The problem is formulated sharply by Alberto Melloni: “The experience of celebrating privately in the morning, then assisting at the mass of another, and finally attending mass in St. Peter’s confirmed the need to do something about a practice whose limitations all could see.”3 The observers for their part gathered twice a week, early in the morning on Monday and Friday, for a prayer meeting which each time was entrusted to a different observer.4 Robert McAfee Brown explains the motivation for these extra prayer meetings: “This gives us a chance to express the unity we have despite our denominational differences, and it also gives us an opportunity to pray together for the work of the Council.”5 A critical note on these services is 1. Hilari Riguer, “An Initial Profile of the Assembly,” History of Vatican II. Vol. II: The Formation of the Council’s Identity: First Period and Intersession October 1962 – September 1963, ed. Giuseppe Alberigo & Joseph A. Komonchak (Leuven: Peeters, 1997) 169-232, at 183-184. 2. Douglas Horton, Vatican Diary 1962: A Protestant Observes the First Session of Vatican Council II (Cleveland, OH: United Church Press, 1964) 22. 3. Alberto Melloni, “The Beginning of the Second Period: The Great Debate on the Church,” History of Vatican II. Vol. III: The Mature Council: Second Period and Intersession, September 1963 – September 1964 (Leuven: Peeters, 2000) 1-115, at 56. 4. Horton, Vatican Diary 1962, 74. 5. Robert McAfee Brown, Observer in Rome: A Protestant Report on the Vatican Council (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1964) 27. 30 Peter De Mey found in the diary of the Canadian Anglican observer, Eugene Fairweather: “In general, the Orthodox and Anglican observers are unenthusiastic about these gatherings, but one can hardly detach oneself completely from an enterprise of this character approved by the observers’ meeting.”6 First Session Among the positive experiences written down in Council diaries on the occasion of the opening liturgy on October 11, 1962, many observers are attentive to the fact that not only Latin was being used. Xavier Rynne mentions that “the Epistle and the Gospel were chanted in both Greek and Latin, to signify the unity of both parts of the Church, East and West.”7 On the basis of a comparison between the detailed information about the upcoming service in La Croix and the actual liturgy, Sébastien Antoni knew that the Roman Curia had originally selected Mt 16,13-19 as the Gospel reading to be read during the opening ceremony of the Council, a passage which tells of the promises made to Peter and his successors. Apparently Pope John himself decided that the final verses of the Gospel of Matthew, containing Jesus’ promise of assistance to the entire Church, had to be read.8 Bishop Edelby describes in his diary how the mass is followed first by “a short office in Latin for the inauguration of the Council” and then by an abbreviated form of the ectenia, a Byzantine supplication rite, at which the Pope and three Byzantine bishops presided. The different parts were sung and read in Arabic, Church Slavonic and Greek. Edelby adds that “the Greek ceremony pleased everyone.” In his opinion this “happy innovation was the fruit of the profound love of the Pope for the East.”9 It is remarkable, however, that the opening service also provoked many negative reactions. The following description by Rynne is a good summary: 6. Eugene R. Fairweather, Vatican II Diary, ed. Michael Attridge & Gilles Routhier (Leuven: Peeters, forthcoming), entry of September 21, 1964. 7. Xavier Rynne, Vatican Council II (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1999) 46. 8. Sébastien Antoni, “La liturgie dans la vie d’un concile: un regard sur Vatican II à partir de La Croix,” La Maison-Dieu 272/4 (2012) 13-42, at 20-21. Cf. Deuxième Concile Œcuménique du Vatican, Cérémonie solennelle d’ouverture en la Basilique Saint-Pierre le 11 octobre 1962, p. 67 (D. ‘Le chant solennel de l’Évangile, en Latin et en Grec’). 9. Neophytos Edelby, Il Vaticano II nel diario di un vescovo arabo, ed. Riccardo Cannelli (Milano: Edizioni San Paolo, 1996) 46. Cf. Cérémonie solennelle d’ouverture, 67-80 (E. ‘La supplication en rit Oriental [Grec]’). The Daily Eucharist at the Council 31 Despite the brilliance of the opening ceremonial, it was felt that there was an incongruity between the outward show, largely reflecting the court etiquette of a by-gone age, and the pastoral purpose of the Council. Some Fathers regretted, in particular, that they were mere passive auditors of a polyphonic symphony, magnificently chanted as this was, instead of being allowed to join the celebrant in a mass that would have given better expression to the corporate feeling of the assembly.10 A well-known critic of the opening session, which he even left before the opening discourse by Pope John, was the French Dominican, Yves Congar. He immediately notices that the chants are being sung exclusi- vely by the Capella Sistina from which he concludes that: “The liturgical movement has not yet reached the Roman Curia. This immense assembly says nothing, sings nothing.”11 He recalls Oscar Cullmann making a similar comment: “Is that what your liturgical movement is?”12 Congar knows pretty well what could have been the alternative: What would it have been if those 2,500 voices had together sung at least the Credo, if not all the chants of the Mass, instead of that elegant crooning by paid professionals?13 Congar is also dissatisfied about the lack of attention for the Word of God in Roman Catholic liturgy: It is said that the Jews are the people of hearing, the Greeks of sight. There is nothing here except for the eye and the musical ear: no liturgy of the Word. No spiritual word. I know that in a few minutes a Bible will be placed on a throne in order to preside over the Council.
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