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The Developmental State Instrumentalities and Their Relevance to the Discourse on Socio-Economic Challenges in Africa Adekunle Amuwo

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The Developmental State Instrumentalities and Their Relevance to the Discourse on Socio-Economic Challenges in Africa Adekunle Amuwo BRIEFING NO 12 FEBRUARY 2010 BRIEFINGG NR 2 APRIL 2008 The Developmental State Instrumentalities and Their Relevance to the Discourse on Socio-Economic Challenges in Africa Adekunle Amuwo As far as the relative autonomy and power of the African post-colonial state to decide the whys and wherefores of economic development is concerned, what colonialism/neocolonialism started, contemporary globalisation has seemingly fi nished off. But because capitalist globalisation is not an immutable Leviathan, its power, reach and import can be limited by African countries that put their political house in order and do their policy homework properly. An effective historical way of doing this (as the Asian ‘Tigers’ or ‘Dragons’ have shown) is through the developmental state (DS). This brief interrogates the instrumentalities of the DS against the backdrop of Africa’s socio-economic challenges. It argues that, in order for the DS to begin to have social resonance and relevance on the continent, a democratic DS needs to be constituted to tame and domesticate globalisation, as well as genuinely democratise politics and development. Explicating the Developmental State lost their relative autonomy and power to decide the direction and fi nality of economic development. The DS, which sees the state as the primary agent of Unlike in the past when national strength controlled socio-economic development, has, since the 1970s, global presence, the reverse is the case today.1 elicited a lot of scholarly and policy attention glo- The DS has been explicated as a type of state bally, including in Africa. For one, the economic that is at once “able and willing to create and sus- development evinced by the East Asian experiences tain a policy climate that promotes development by has impressed itself on African political, policy and fostering productive investment, exports, growth academic elites. For another, African governments and human welfare”.2 The raison d’être of the DS, have become increasingly frustrated that, under its social objectives and the basis of its legitimacy contemporary capitalist globalisation, they have are all tied up with the promotion and sustenance Professor Amuwo teaches Political Science & International Relations at the School of Politics, Howard College Campus, University of Kwa-Zulu Natal (UKZN), Durban. He is, amongst others, an expert on International Political Economy and Francophone Africa. © Africa Institute of South Africa AISA POLICYbrief Number 12 – February 2010 1 of development, in particular human development as a process of the long haul. The fi nal destination and human security. It is a state that promotes na- is national self-reliance, which foreign capital can tional development through institutionalised and hardly spur. Development also goes through an ac- systematic patterns of policy interventions. Indeed, tive engagement with labour, politics and sites of the idea of the interventionist state looms large: dif- counter-power often not in a democratic manner, ferent patterns of state interventions take place on but with a view to curtailing exploitation by both account of different resource bases at the disposal foreign and domestic capital. This is because, with- of different DSs. out capital, capital accumulation and socialisation The historic role of the DS is to foster a rapid of capital, neither meaningful nor relevant devel- process of capital accumulation, industrialisation opment will take place. The reduction of social and massive investments in social infrastructure inequalities and the strengthening of individual and human capital. The political elite in charge of opportunities – including, in some cases, gender- this project often attempts at the ideational level related ones – are high on the agenda. to defi ne the public interest in such a way that Further, prescriptively, the DS, with its ideologi- it would elicit an appeal across sundry societal cal and structural/institutional components, is root- cleavages. The aim is to narrow the gap between, ed in a strong sense of nationalism with a core of on the one hand, market profi t maximisation, political, bureaucratic, economic and technological and on the other, life-saving and life-bequeathing elites devoted to the public interest and the welfare Keynesian type of state interventions. of the public sphere. The experiences of East Asian The market is equally important within the countries in this respect are illuminating insofar as matrix of development in a DS, though more as a they did not follow the deregulation mantra of the politically regulated mechanism. It is less important Washington Consensus (WC). For MacEwan,5 these than the state because of its many failures when experiences indicate that successful economic devel- it is most needed. Undoubtedly, the state and the opment is not associated with unrestricted access market are best valorised when they operate in by foreign fi rms to a country’s national economies. tandem. Thus, the eminent suggestion by Stiglitz3 South Korea achieved its growth success by actively that appropriate roles of the state and the market favouring its national fi rms in a manner similar in the development matrix have to be clobbered as to that employed in Japan. The country’s Foreign a function of the failures and strengths of markets Capital Inducement Act required that all foreign and governments. In this way, salient issues such as direct investment be evaluated by the government social justice, distributional politics, equity and, to bureaucracy… in all these countries there was an some extent, democracy, are factored into the devel- effort to control and regulate foreign investment opment process. towards national development. Armed with the ideology of developmentalism, the DS not only disciplines capital, it also guides, directs and uses the market for specifi c national Instrumentalities of the DS projects. Though it cannot replace the market, there is more to the state than meets the eye of the mar- The transition from prescriptive to empirical or con- ket. This is because, historically, no developmental crete DS requires the agency of several instrumen- state has emerged, let alone thrived, without a judi- talities. The most salient are the following: cious blend between the public and private sectors ● State-structure nexus, which is coherent, state of the political economy. Two types of blend come to agencies capable of formulating critical and so- the fore: between market values and social values; cially relevant public goals and implementing/ and between credit contract and social contract.4 delivering key public goods. Arguably, the most A successful DS is partly a market economy, but important state agency is a relatively autono- hardly a market society. Yet, the latter is exactly the mous, disciplined and competent bureaucracy image that orthodox market reforms seek to cast in and technocracy; Africa. ● State capitalism with emphasis on national in- Development in DS has tended to be about dustrialisation policy and export production; change; it is a premeditated, deliberate and, per- ● Sound macro-economic growth and stability, force, deliberative choice by a compact set of the balanced with equity to achieve national stabil- ruling elite. Development has not been left to ity and integration; chance. Whilst the state is little more than ‘a spe- ● Sound social policies anchored on a stock of cifi c modality of class domination’ – to paraphrase well-trained human capital; Claude Ake – and democracy is largely putative ● Massive investments in physical and institu- and prescriptive, development is conceptualised tional infrastructure; 2 AISA POLICYbrief Number 12 – February 2010 © Africa Institute of South Africa ● A governed market approach, which is another structural adjustment regime imposed by the World way of enunciating the role of the state: not so Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), much the scope, but the type of intervention; and administered as a shock therapy, beginning ● The nature of the political regime, and a more in the 1980s. Orthodox market reforms have also inclusive approach to public policy: ‘good gov- halted the industrialisation agenda of many African ernance,’ rule of law, nature of democracy, ques- states. Mkandawire8 has made the important point tions of welfare and equity, state-society nexus, that “one of the arguments raised by the World Bank and political inclusion, enunciated below, but against the wisdom of emulating Asian industri- many a DS is gradually transiting into a DDS); alisation policy was that in this WTO (World Trade ● Nature of parties and party systems: how this Organisation) era, many of the policies would go fosters implementation of programmes of social against trade conventions in which African govern- welfare and redistribution, and accountability ments are signatory.” He adds: “this may prove to be through inter-party processes and inter-party the most formidable constraint to the edifi cation of competition; developmental states in Africa.” ● Constitutional system of government in terms of Perhaps most signifi cantly, from the point of the extent to which it can engender and promote view of the people as the major element of develop- coherent and authoritative (rather than authori- ment, market reforms equally drove a wedge be- tarian) governance; tween African governments and African people. The ● State-business alliance (and, as far as a DDS is hallowing out of the African state through the policy concerned, the state’s relations
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