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Investigating the Dating of Enuma Elish Studia Antiqua Volume 9 Number 1 Article 5 April 2011 Give Me Back My Idol: Investigating the Dating of Enuma Elish E. Odin Yingling Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/studiaantiqua Part of the History Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Yingling, E. O. "Give Me Back My Idol: Investigating the Dating of Enuma Elish." Studia Antiqua 9, no. 1 (2011). https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/studiaantiqua/vol9/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Studia Antiqua by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Give ME Back MY Idol: Investigating THE Dating OF ENUMA ELISH E. Odin Yingling E. Odin Yingling is an ancient Near Eastern studies major, with an emphasis in the Greek New Testament. n December 3, 1872, George Smith announced the discovery of cu- neiform tablets that contained 1,100 poetic lines scholars called “The BabylonianO Epic of Creation.”1 However, the Babylonians and Assyrians knew the poem as Enuma elish (“When above”).2 Sir Austin Henry Layard initially located four tablets in the library of Ashurbanipal (668–626 b.c.e.).3 Later, the tablets were brought to the British Museum and translated by Smith in 1876. The subsequent publication would cause decades of theological battle and were known as the “Babel-Bible controversy.”4 Parallels between the two creation stories and their implications fueled the debate. The controversy propelled subsequent archaeological digs, which unearthed many more tablets. In all, the complete account of Enuma elish is divided into seven sections/tablets. Enuma Elish: Preliminary Scholarly Discussion and Thesis Formerly, scholars dated the poem’s origin earlier than 2000 b.c.e.5 However, consensus points to a later date put forth by scholars such as W. G. Lambert6 (1126–1105 b.c.e.), Thorkild Jacobsen7 and Alexander Heidel8 (1500–1400 b.c.e.), and W. von Soden9 (1894–1595 b.c.e.). This paper agrees 1. William Notz, “The Babel-Bible Controversy,” BSac 68.269 (1911): 641–57. 2. Alexander Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis: The Story of Creation (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1951), 1. 3. Morris Jastrow, “The Hebrew and Babylonian Accounts of Creation,” JQR 13.4 (1901): 620–54. 4. Notz, “The Babel-Bible Controversy,” 642. The debate was so popular at the time that all classes of society became embroiled in the conflict. Interestingly, Germany built a Babel-Bible library at this time. 5. Jastrow, “The Hebrew and Babylonian Accounts of Creation,” 622. 6. W.G. Lambert, “The Reign of Nebuchadnezzar I: A Turning Point in the History of Ancient Mesopotamian Religion,” in The Seed of Wisdom: Essays in Honor of T.J. Meek (ed. W.S. McCullough; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1964), 6. 7. Thorkild Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion (Yale: Yale University Press, 1976), 165–67. 8. Heidel, Babylonian Genesis, 14. 9. Wolfram von Soden, “Der hymnisch-epische Dialekt des Akkadischen,” Zeitschrift 34 yingling: investigating the dating of ENUMA ELISH with Lambert in asserting that Enuma elish in its complete form was originally composed after the return of the statue of Marduk from Elam. The article advances new evidence based on internal evidence within Enuma elish. Before engaging fully in this topic, some parameters must be established. Though the dating of Enuma elish has bearing on understanding historical issues dealing with the Hebrew Bible, this paper will solely focus on Enuma elish and not on parallels with the Genesis narrative. Also, this paper will be re- stricted to historical and textual evidence rather than the philological approach put forth by scholars such as von Soden and Jacobsen.10 In addition, something must be said about the challenges in matching literary compositions with his- torical activity. Because we do not have the original copies of Enuma elish, the process of ascertaining exactly when the document was originally composed can be problematic. Furthermore, the period we are examining is riddled with textual and archeological gaps that are difficult to fill in. Additionally, even the most scientific approach can still be debated and, in the end, is subjective. The majority of the tablets of “The Epic of Creation” have been dated from 750 to 200 b.c.e., with four fragmented copies from Assur dating to ap- proximately 900 b.c.e. In reality, the so-called “Epic of Creation” is a misno- mer and, according to Benjamin Foster, might be called “The Exaltation of Marduk.”11 In fact, most of the text does not focus on creation but on Mar- duk’s rise to kingship over the Babylonian pantheon. Therefore, the composi- tion of Enuma elish is inextricably linked with the rise to power of Marduk in the Babylonian pantheon. Consequently, this paper will follow the history of the rise of Marduk as a framework upon which to draw conclusions, using a chronology that moves from early possibilities to later ones. Early Chronology Composition Theory: The Accession of Hammurabi (1792) Marduk first appeared as an inconsequential god in the Sumerian pan- theon around 3000 b.c.e.12 Lambert states that although Babylon rose to prominence during the early years of the Babylonian dynasty its patron god Marduk remained relatively insignificant.13 However, during the reign of Ham- murabi Marduk was made the national god. All this attention to Marduk was fertile ground for a composition such as Enuma elish, in which the gods loudly proclaim the epic’s purpose, “Marduk is king” (Epic 4:25). Hammurabi took both Babylon and Marduk from obscurity to prominence. Because of Ham- murabi’s influence, Heidel favors a dating during his reign. Heidel believes that the Babylonians promoted Marduk to the head of the pantheon in order to establish ideological and political dominance over rival cities.14 In fact, the code für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete 41 (1933): 90–181. 10. For a linguistic analysis see: von Soden, “Der hymnisch-epische Dialekt des Akkadischen,” 177–81. Also see: Jacobsen, The Treasures of Darkness, 165–67. 11. Benjamin Foster, “Epic of Creation,” in William W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger Jr., eds., The Context of Scripture: Canonical Compositions from the Biblical World, (3 vols.; Boston: Brill, 2003), 391. The translation used in this article will be based off their translation, see 1:391–402. 12. John D. Pleins, “Marduk,” ABD 4:522–23. 13. Lambert, “Reign of Nebuchadnezzar I,” 6. 14. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, 14; see also: Amelie Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East studia antiqua 9.1 - spring 2011 35 of Hammurabi asserts Marduk’s new authority by saying: “[Enlil] committed the sovereignty over all the people to Marduk; . they made him great among the Igigi; . they made [his name] unsurpassable in the regions of the world; . they established for him an everlasting kingdom whose foundations are as firm as heaven and earth.”15 By analyzing the code of Hammurabi, it becomes clear that Marduk is receiving absolute dominion. Marduk’s name is completely “unsurpassable,” and he is ranked among the Igigi gods. Heidel suggests the above passage from Hammurabi’s code is evidence that Marduk was made head of the pantheon during the reign of Hammurabi. The only problem with Heidel’s assertion is that it contradicts the internal evidence found in Enuma elish. First, in the epic Marduk’s absolute dominion is not over “the people” but over the gods.16 Marduk bargains with the other gods, giving them protection from Tiamat in return for autocracy. The gods agree and state that they will let Marduk “ordain destinies instead of [themselves]” (Epic 3:120). Second, Marduk is not just great among the Igigi gods but is told by them: A) You are the most important among the great gods, B) your destiny is unrivalled, your command is supreme. A) O Marduk, you are the most important among the great gods, B) your destiny is unrivalled, your command is supreme! (Epic 4:1–5, emphasis added) The composers of Enuma elish did not think that Marduk was just a fellow brother among the gods but rather the supreme ruler.17 Memorably, the authors of Enuma elish made sure to underscore the ideology of Marduk’s unrivalled godly kingship by using dual sets of poetic repetition. The authors probably wanted Marduk’s exalted status among the gods to be remembered. Most likely, Hammurabi’s priests would not have composed an epic focusing on Marduk’s kingship over the gods, when he was considered in Hammurabi’s code to be a ruler over only the people, not the gods. Furthermore, Hammurabi’s code was not composed until his fortieth regnal year, and he died in his forty-second regnal year.18 Therefore, there is not much of a possibility for any later ideologi- cal shift concerning Marduk’s kingship during the reign of Hammurabi. In the end, because Marduk was not made king over the gods during the reign of Hammurabi, Enuma elish most likely was not composed during his reign. (2 vols.; London: Routledge, 1995), 1:111. After Hammurabi’s defeat of Rim-Sin of Larsa (1763 b.c.e.) Hammurabi conquered, Isin, Uruk, Ur, Nippur, Larsa, Eshnunna, and Mari. His territory became so big that it resembled the Ur III empire. This created a need to assert Babylon’s religious prominence, and unify the empire ideologically, and thus politically. Hammurabi (who appointed cultic leaders) would have had no better time to influence the priests to compose Enuma elish. 111. 15. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis, 14. 16. Lambert, “Reign of Nebuchadnezzar I,” 5 expresses that making Marduk king of the gods, when he is only mentioned as a ruler over the people is simply “not sound exegesis.” 17.
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