Constructivism: the Limits of Bridging Gaps
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The Dynamics of Russian Foreign Policy in the 2014 Crimean Crisis
THE DYNAMICS OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 2014 CRIMEAN CRISIS ASSESSING THE EMPIRICAL AND THEORETICAL COMPLEXITIES By Salman Tahir Submitted to Central European University Department of International Relations and European Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts International Relations and European Studies Supervisor: Professor Michael Merlingen CEU eTD Collection Word Count: 15,342 Budapest, Hungary 2015 Abstract In early 2014, Russian forces entered Crimea and after a successful referendum, annexed the territory to Russia. The dynamics of Russian foreign policy towards Crimea are complex and multifaceted. There is extensive amount of international relations literature that discusses Russian foreign policy that led to the 2014 Crimean War. Neorealists argue that this was a response to Western policies of NATO expansion, EU enlargement and democracy promotion in Eastern Europe. Constructivists blame the history of hostile relations between Russia and the West shaping a Cold War mentality, as well as the threats that Moscow believes Russian citizens faced from Ukrainian radicals and extremists after Euromaidan. Liberalism makes it all about competing economic interests of Russia and the EU. However, there are many other theoretical and empirical complexities and nuances that can help explain Putin’s decision to annex Crimea. This paper will explore the relative theoretical and empirical understandings of the international crisis in Crimea under the international relations theories of neorealism, constructivism and liberalism and disclose the variations and complexities that are inherent within and outside these explanations, as discussed by intellectuals, political experts and media. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I would like to take this opportunity to extend my deepest gratitude to Michael Merlingen, who was tasked with the supervision of my research by the department and whose valuable guidance is a great part of the reason I was able to conduct this research. -
Constructivism Meets Critical Realism
466572EJT20210.1177/1354066112466572European Journal of International Relations2012Fiaz EJIR Article European Journal of International Relations Constructivism meets critical 2014, Vol. 20(2) 491 –515 © The Author(s) 2012 realism: Explaining Pakistan’s Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav state practice in the DOI: 10.1177/1354066112466572 ejt.sagepub.com aftermath of 9/11 Nazya Fiaz National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan Abstract This article investigates the theoretical added-value of critical realist incursions into International Relations constructivism. While constructivism focuses on providing multi- causal explanations, its conceptual horizon and subsequent methodological framework fundamentally obscure and limit the opportunity to conceptualize social dialectic and multi-causality in world politics. In this respect, a critical realist meta-theory can provide constructivism with a greatly expanded conceptual framework that transcends material–ideational divisions, and a framework that is able to envision more clearly the process of social dialectic. Second, critical realism affords a methodological diversity that can withstand simultaneous constructivist investigations into the material, agential, ideational, or structural. Using the synthesis of critical realism and constructivism, I illustrate by way of example by employing Pakistan’s participation in the ‘war on terror’ as a case study. While constructivism can show that Pakistan’s role in the war on terror was preceded by a legitimizing narrative, it is a critical realist depth analysis that sheds new light on how a complex social reality was achieved through the convergence of multi-causal explanatory factors. Keywords Agency, constructivism, critical realism, discourse, meta-theory, multi-causality, Pakistan, social dialectic, structure, war on terror, world politics Corresponding author: Nazya Fiaz, Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan. -
UNU/CRIS E-Occasional Papers O-2003/5 Is There a Comparative
UNU/CRIS e-Occasional Papers O-2003/5 Is There a Comparative Perspective between the European Union and NAFTA? Alejandro Chanona* * Director of the Center Of European Studies, National University of Mexico, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences ([email protected]) Is There a Comparative Perspective between the European Union and NAFTA? Introduction In 1991, a Conference was held in London regarding the launching of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). A member of the audience asked the speaker if he considered whether there was any chance for the NAFTA to be like the European Community; the answer was negative. The NAFTA was seen since its beginning as a simple Free Trade Agreement, maybe similar to an EFTA, rather than as a potential community. Time has proven that the respectable scholar was wrong; however, we cannot blame him for thinking like that. On the contrary, it was pretty ambitious to consider that NAFTA could take a step beyond what a FTA involves, theoretically speaking. There are currently several expectations around NAFTA that clearly foresee something beyond a simple FTA. Moreover, there are several analytical studies of a comparative nature, with the EU as the standard of comparison, that raise doubt over the idea of a North American Community1. If we agree that the NAFTA is a region in the making and its objectives tend to be overtaken by the dynamics of the region, we are in business. North America has become a real region for security reasons, for economic advantages and for political interests. The point is whether the NAFTA represents a distinctive model or its evolution reveals common features with the European experience. -
"Democratic Deficit": Reassessing Legitimacy in the European Union
JCMS 2002 Volume 40. Number 4. pp. 603–24 In Defence of the ‘Democratic Deficit’: Reassessing Legitimacy in the European Union* ANDREW MORAVCSIK Harvard University Abstract Concern about the EU’s ‘democratic deficit’ is misplaced. Judged against existing advanced industrial democracies, rather than an ideal plebiscitary or parliamentary democracy, the EU is legitimate. Its institutions are tightly constrained by constitu- tional checks and balances: narrow mandates, fiscal limits, super-majoritarian and concurrent voting requirements and separation of powers. The EU's appearance of exceptional insulation reflects the subset of functions it performs – central banking, constitutional adjudication, civil prosecution, economic diplomacy and technical administration. These are matters of low electoral salience commonly delegated in national systems, for normatively justifiable reasons. On balance, the EU redresses rather than creates biases in political representation, deliberation and output. Introduction Is the European Union democratically legitimate? It is an appropriate mo- ment to pose this question. The last decade has witnessed the emergence of a stable institutional equilibrium – let us call it the ‘European Constitutional Settlement’ – that serves as a de facto constitution for Europe. The Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice failed to alter its structure significantly. Deliberations now underway, despite being turbo-charged with constitutional rhetoric, are unlikely to achieve much more. The most ambitious proposals still under se- rious -
An Evaluation of the Constructivist Critique in International Relations
A world of their making: an evaluation of the constructivist critique in international relations Article (Published Version) Palan, Ronen (2000) A world of their making: an evaluation of the constructivist critique in international relations. Review of International Studies, 26 (4). 575 - 598. ISSN 0260-2105 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/12407/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Review of International -
Bridging the Gap: Toward a Realist-Constructivist Dialogue
International Studies Review (2004) 6, 337–352 THE FORUM Bridging the Gap: Toward A Realist-Constructivist Dialogue EDITED BY PATRICK THADDEUS JACKSON School of International Service, American University Editor’s Note: J. Samuel Barkin’s International Studies Review article ‘‘Realist Con- structivism’’ (2003) makes the important point that the opposition between realist and con- structivist schools of thought in international relations (IR) may not be as clear-cut as is commonly supposed. In doing so, he focuses on how certain classical realist notions are compatible with constructivist sensibilities about the role of norms and other intersubjective factors in producing social and political outcomes. In effect, Barkin proposes a fusion of certain elements of realism and constructivism to produce a novel IR perspective. Although Barkin is not the first or only scholar to advocate a more evenhanded dialogue between realism and constructivism, his piece is one of the most comprehensive attempts to articulate points of agreement between the two approaches and to delineate the contours of a ‘‘realist- constructivist’’ research program. As such, Barkin’s piece provides an excellent opportunity for exploring and elaborating the nature of and possibilities for ‘‘realist constructivism.’’ Barkin’s emphasis on the tension between normative transformation and the limits imposed by power in the international arena is one way to initiate a dialogue between realism and constructivism. The contributors to this Forum are each trying, in their different ways, to further this dialogue and to explore the possibilities raised by dissociating constructivism from the liberal tradition. They share Barkin’s basic contention that realism and constructivism are not implacably opposed. -
On Systemic Paradigms and Domestic Politics on Systemic Kevin Narizny Paradigms and Domestic Politics a Critique of the Newest Realism
On Systemic Paradigms and Domestic Politics On Systemic Kevin Narizny Paradigms and Domestic Politics A Critique of the Newest Realism The late 1990s was a fertile time for new thinking about how to incorporate domestic politics into international relations theory. First, in “Taking Preferences Seriously,” Andrew Moravcsik formulated a new paradigm to integrate diverse strands of existing scholarship on the topic.1 The result, which he called “liberalism,” made so- cietal preferences the analytic foundation of state behavior. Then, in “Neo- classical Realism and Theories of Foreign Policy,” Gideon Rose argued that several recently published books had successfully synthesized structural real- ism with ªne-grained insights about the domestic factors that mediate sys- temic pressures.2 Rose dubbed this research program “neoclassical realism” and championed it as an alternative to established theories both within and outside the realist paradigm. In short, both Moravcsik and Rose sought to draw new conceptual boundaries for the study of international relations. Thus far, the ªeld’s response to these two works has been quite different. Most scholars have accepted Moravcsik’s characterization of liberalism as a paradigmatic alternative to realism, but few have described their own work as liberal, even when it qualiªes as such. Meanwhile, neoclassical realism has generated considerable enthusiasm. Rose has not developed it further, but others have written theoretical essays that expand on its logic. Even more im- portant, numerous individuals have identiªed their empirical research with it. As of 2017, more than forty published works have used the term “neoclassical realism” or “neoclassical realist” in their title, and countless others have aligned themselves with it. -
Read Book After Hegemony Cooperation and Discord
AFTER HEGEMONY COOPERATION AND DISCORD IN THE WORLD POLITICAL ECONOMY 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Robert O Keohane | 9780691122489 | | | | | After Hegemony Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy 1st edition PDF Book This book is a comprehensive study of cooperation among the advanced capitalist countries. Sign In Forgot password? Structure may very well require a supporting authority, as realists might argue. In observing the world today, and the stress the UN has come under because of US unilateralism, it is clear to see that Keohane is right on target. Huntington Robert Jervis Peter J. More filters. While military power is an essential requirement of a hegemon, it also needs the tacit acceptance by other states to maintain its status. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Return to Book Page. Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. International relations theory. Hegemony, even limited, seems to still wield enough power to hold most regimes at bay or at least in check. In order to minimize the costs while maximizing the benefits, states cooperate with each other in international institutions. Katzenstein George F. This article about a book on international relations is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. Keohane attempts to explain why the standard Realist assumption of the existence of international discord in the absence of a hegemonic power might not be the future we A classic response to the power theories. Such cooperation persists even in the absence of a hegemon or world government because it benefits states to do so. A nice step beyond hegemonic stability theory and Waltz's neorealism. -
Cross-Strait Relations and the Way Forward: Observations from a European Integration Perspective, In: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 41, 3, 117–142
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China aktuell Fleischauer, Stefan (2012), Cross-Strait Relations and the Way Forward: Observations from a European Integration Perspective, in: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 41, 3, 117–142. ISSN: 1868-4874 (online), ISSN: 1868-1026 (print) The online version of this article and the other articles can be found at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies in cooperation with the National Institute of Chinese Studies, White Rose East Asia Centre at the Universities of Leeds and Sheffield and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. To subscribe to the print edition: <[email protected]> For an e-mail alert please register at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is part of the GIGA Journal Family which includes: Africa Spectrum ●● Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs ●● Journal of Politics in Latin America <www.giga-journal-family.org> This Taiwan edition has been published and edited in cooperation with the European Research Center on Contemporary Taiwan (ERCCT) at Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 3/2012: 117142 Cross-Strait Relations and the Way Forward: Observations from a European Integration Perspective Stefan FLEISCHAUER Abstract: The new policy platform in Taiwan of economic liberalization toward the Chinese mainland which was inaugurated by President Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu) in 2008 has been the source of both expectation and anxiety. -
Tommaso Pavone
Tommaso Pavone Postdoctoral Fellow • PluriCourts Centre, University of Oslo Kristian Augusts gate 17, Oslo, Norway 0164 [email protected] • https://www.tommasopavone.com/ Academic Appointments PluriCourts Centre, University of Oslo, 2019 - present Postdoctoral Fellow in Political Science Education Princeton University, 2013 - 2019 Ph.D., Politics • Thesis: “The Ghostwriters: Lawyers & the Politics Behind the Judicial Construction of Europe” • Advisors: Kim Scheppele (chair), Andrew Moravcsik, R. Daniel Kelemen, & Paul Frymer M.A., Politics (2015) University of Chicago, 2011 - 2012 M.A., Social Sciences, concentrations in political science & public law University of Michigan - Ann Arbor, 2007 - 2010 B.A., Public Policy, Political Science Minor (with distinction, Phi Beta Kappa) Professional History • Graduate Fellow, Princeton Institute for International & Regional Studies (PIIRS), 2018 - 2019 • Graduate Associate, Princeton European Union Program, 2014 - 2019 • Graduate Associate, Princeton Program in Law and Public Affairs (LAPA), 2013 - 2019 • Editorial Assistant, World Politics, 2015 - 2016 • Consultant, World Bank, May 2016 • Research Tech. Senior, Inter-univ. Consortium for Pol. & Social Research (ICPSR), 2010 - 2013 Book Project 1. Pavone, Tommaso. In progress. The Ghostwriters: Lawyers and the Politics Behind the Judicial Con- struction of Europe. Draft manuscript available upon request. Peer-Reviewed Articles 1. Pavone, Tommaso and R. Daniel Kelemen. 2019. “The Evolving Judicial Politics of European Integration: The European Court of Justice and National Courts Revisited.” European Law Journal 25 (4): 352-373. https://doi.org/10.1111/eulj.12321 2. Pavone, Tommaso. 2019. “From Marx to Market: Lawyers, European Law, and the Contentious Transformation of the Port of Genoa.” Law & Society Review 53 (3): 851-888. https://doi.org/10. -
The European Constitutional Compromise and the Neofunctionalist Legacy Andrew Moravcsik1
Journal of European Public Policy 12:2 April 2005: 349–386 The European Constitutional Compromise and the neofunctionalist legacy Andrew Moravcsik1 ABSTRACT Neofunctionalism, a framework rather than a theory, has long played an important role in EU scholarship. Yet initial versions were overly comprehensive, incompletely specified and, as a result, non-falsifiable. Once concrete claims about the history of the EU are specified more precisely, they tend to be invalid: national preferences rarely result from unintended spillover, supranational entrepreneurs are rarely decisive – findings often disguised by poor theoretical specification and selection bias in EU scholarship. For the study of the EU today, the most important weakness of neofunctionalism is that its focus on ‘ever closer union’ obscures the emergence over the past decade of a stable constitutional equilibrium – a European Constitutional Compromise. This compromise is unlikely to be undermined by sub- stantive, institutional, or ideological developments over the medium term – because current constitutional arrangements are substantively effective, institutionally pro- tected, and democratically legitimate. The EU has reached constitutional maturity. KEY WORDS Compromise; constitution; democratic; legitimate; stable. Over the past half-century the European Union (EU) has evolved until its pol- icies and institutions are of a scope and significance without parallel among international organizations. Within Europe, tariffs, quotas, and most customs barriers have been all but eliminated. In regulatory areas such as environmental policy, competition, agricultural and industrial standardization policy, the EU is a dominant regional and global force. Similarly the EU is a bone fide superpower in the area of global trade. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) has established the supremacy of EU law, the right of individuals to file suits, and constitutional review for consistency with the Treaty of Rome, which is binding through the near-uniform acceptance of its decisions by domestic courts. -
Humanitarian Intervention and the Constructed Duty of Justice Claire Malcolm
BEING AND BECOMING: HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION AND THE CONSTRUCTED DUTY OF JUSTICE CLAIRE MALCOLM 99- 123 - 125-4 CARDIFF UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES PhD IN POLITICS 2009 A dissertation submitted at the School of European Studies, Cardiff University in candidature for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy UMI Number: U585B56 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U585B56 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 .. dedicated to my Parents, my Brother, Leigh, Vicky, and Oscar” Contents Dedication i. Table of Contents ii. Abstract vi. Acknowledgements vii. Glossary viii. Chapter One: Introduction 1 I. Traditional Conceptions of International Justice 5 II. Why Social Constructivism? 9 III. Why Humanitarian Intervention? 12 IV. Humanitarian Intervention, the Ontology of Becoming and the Constructed Duty of Justice 16 V. Outlining the Project 23 Chapter One: Hybridising Constructivism 25 I. Introduction 25 II. Humanitarian Intervention: Illegal but Moral? 28 III. Conventional Constructivism 35 i. The Significance of Norms 35 ii. Continuity and Change 37 iii. The ‘Middle Ground’ 39 iv. Empirical Constructivism 45 v.