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La Flor Y Muerte De Un Barrio

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La Flor Y Muerte De Un Barrio La Flor y Muerte de un Barrio An Ethnography on Comprehensive Gentrification and Class Struggle in Urban Majorca Marc Morell ADVERTIMENT . La consulta d’aquesta tesi queda condicionada a l’acceptació de les següents condicions d'ús: La difusió d’aquesta tesi per mitjà del servei TDX ( www.tdx.cat ) i a través del Dipòsit Digital de la UB ( diposit.ub.edu ) ha estat autoritzada pels titulars dels drets de propietat intel·lectual únicament per a usos privats emmarc ats en activitats d’investigació i docència. No s’autoritza la seva reproducció amb finalitats de lucre ni la seva difusió i posada a disposici ó des d’un lloc aliè al servei TDX ni al Dipòsit Digital de la UB . No s’autoritza la presentació del seu contingu t en una finestra o marc aliè a TDX o al Dipòsit Digital de la UB (framing). Aquesta reserva de drets afecta tant al resum de presentació de la tesi com als seus continguts. En la utilització o cita de parts de la tesi és obligat indicar el nom de la perso na autora. ADVERTENCIA . La consulta de esta tesis queda condicionada a la aceptación de las siguientes condiciones de uso: La difusión de esta tesis por medio del servicio TDR ( www.tdx.cat ) y a través del Repositorio Digital de la UB ( diposit.ub.edu ) ha sido autorizada por los titulares de los derechos de propiedad intelectual únicamente para usos privados enmarcados en actividades de investigación y docencia. No se autoriza su reproducción con finalidades de lucro ni su difusión y puesta a disposición de sde un sitio ajeno al servicio TDR o al Repositorio Digital de la UB . No se autoriza la presentación de su contenido en una ventana o marco ajeno a TDR o al Repositorio Digital de la UB (framing). Esta reserva de derechos afecta tanto al resumen de present ación de la tesis como a sus contenidos. En la utilización o cita de partes de la tesis es obligado indicar el nombre de la persona autora. WARNING . On having consulted this thesis you’re accepting the following use conditions: Spreading this thesis by the TDX ( www.tdx.cat ) service and by the UB Digital Repository ( diposit.ub.edu ) has been authorized by the titular of the intellectual property rights only for private uses placed in investigation and teaching activities. Reproduction with lucrative aims is not authorized n or its spreading and availability from a site foreign to the TDX service or to the UB Digital Repository . Introducing its content in a window or frame foreign to th e TDX service or to the UB Digital Repository is not authorized (framing). Tho s e rights affect to the presentation summary of the thesis as well as to its contents. In the using or citation of parts of the thesis it’s obliged to indicate the name of the au thor. 1. THE PATH, THE FIELD, THE ROAD MAP AND THE TOPIC ... a house where no one lives is in fact not a real house ... (Marx 1973: 91). Spaces where chances are plotted, where seeds are sleeping, where the minute is an abysm, in glass landscapes, and magnetic storms (Lefebvre 1983: 248). This neighbourhood is one reborn from its ashes, just like the Phoenix. Because it now has young people, married couples, small children. They are all coming in now! (Catalina, at the meeting of the Canamunt – Ciutat Antiga Neighbours’ Association held on 28th March 2008).1 1.1. The path (to the field and of this thesis) 1.1.1. Voices on heritages and neighbourhoods; but not classes The path to the field was not straight. Despite being born and brought up in Ciutat, I never knew Es Barri, even though, as a child I stayed at my grandparents’ apartment a two-minute-walk away from it.2 I first took an interest in it when I began working for the Conselleria de Turisme [Ministry of Tourism] of the Govern Balear [Balearic Government] between 2001 and 2003, first as a grant holder carrying out research on heritage tourism and later employed by the Balearic eco-tax. The tax was charged on a per night basis for the duration of a tourist’s stay and its revenue was to be invested in cultural and environmentally friendly tourist projects. One such project involved the rescue of two heritage sites in Es Barri, the abandoned and derelict remains of which had long been the subject of real-estate speculation.3 1 Catalina (not her real name), who is in her mid-sixties, owns a 160-year-old family-run business in Es Barri: Ca’n Buades (not its real name either). Initially limited to selling matches, it now specialises in disguises and party material. Although throughout the thesis I have changed most of the names for the sake of anonymity, I have used the real ones for the most prominent characters. 2 Ciutat, also known as Palma, is the capital city of both Majorca and the Balearic Islands (Spain). The Centre is the old town and Es Barri is one of its neighbourhoods, where most of my fieldwork took place. Not one of these places has just one name and in the case of Es Barri even its borders are contended. Names and borders are set by different groups inhabiting Es Barri. On the odd occasion these groups are business groups. See Image 1, Appendix of images. 3 Valdivielso (2001) offers a brief compilation of views on this tax and highlights the hegemonic struggle for power it embodied, thus transcending the initial assumption that economy is void of politics. Amer (2006) evinces this struggle in the tension between Balearic developers and hoteliers. I wrote my MA final dissertation on how the eco-tax was aimed at expanding the extractive base of tourism towards culture and the environment (Morell 2000). 1 1.1. THE PATH (TO THE FIELD AND OF THIS THESIS) These buildings were Ca’n Serra and the Quarter d’Intendència. The first was a Gothic civilian palace dating back to the 14th and 15th centuries that always seemed too expensive to restore; the second were abandoned military barracks that date back to the 19th and 20th centuries (Mestre Quetglas 2003).4 Whereas the first still awaits decisive intervention, with time, the Quarter d’Intendència has been restored and used for many different activities such as conferences and exhibitions. Also, it is the headquarters of Palma Activa, the local development agency that cares for the promotion and wellbeing of entrepreneurship and «creative economy». Since the mid 1980s, Ca’n Serra, a heritage icon, has been used constantly of by politicians of all sorts who have made a series of promises about what they wish to do with the premises.5 However, it was not until I became an ethnographer for the Med-Voices project (Mediterranean Voices: Oral history and cultural practice in Mediterranean cities), that I began to confidently tread Es Barri. Med-Voices focused on heritage from the immateriality of everyday life found in historic centres, rather than on their monuments.6 Therefore, at the Med-Voices team of Ciutat, we explored the statement offered by the UNESCO Convention for the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage (2003). We did so by evincing the then fashionable concept of the intangible as an integral component of a series of strategies that brought together actors and institutions in the spheres of development, conservation, and tourism. Indeed, as it 4 This publication on the archaeological and historic evidence found in Quarter d’Intendència was commissioned by Diversitat 21 SA, the company managing the funds raised by the eco-tax. Diversitat 21 SA allocated these funds while working out the philosophy that legitimised the tax. 5 After a public competition in 2010, the City Council of Ciutat commissioned a comprehensive project for Ca’n Serra by a UTE (in Catalan, Unió Temporal d’Empreses). UTE is a Spanish legal term meaning that two or more companies or individuals who have previously submitted an expressly committed joint offer to a public bid, are finally awarded the contract. UTEs are incorporated through a public deed by a Notary Public and do not have legal personality. They extinguish at the end of the contract. The UTE at Ca’n Serra was to carry out archaeological and restoration interventions worth €425,000, and to write the rehabilitation project of the building, (http://www.palmademallorca.es/IMI/PORTAL/PRD/RecursosWeb/DOCUMENTOS/1/0_33313_ 1.pdf, 03/05/2010). In 2015, the rehabilitation has not started yet. 6 The Med-Voices website contained a fair amount of information on the 14 cities involved in the project in the form of a multimedia database. In addition to this, the local team of Ciutat produced many other outputs, such as publications, talks, conferences and an exhibition. Above all, though, we were devoted to networking with the organisations encountered in the field. 2 1. THE PATH, THE FIELD, THE ROAD MAP AND THE TOPIC would later be put, intangible heritage needed to be valued (Scott 2009). Where its value resided, though, was something to be assessed (Franquesa and Morell 2007). The project was part of the Euromed Heritage II Programme, financed by the European Union (EU) through the MEDA (Mediterranean Economic Development Area) Instrument of the European Commission’s EuropeAid Co-operation Office.7 It was a result of the Barcelona Declaration signed in 1995 in which cultural heritage had to play a major political role in the search for what the EU officially viewed as signs of respect, tolerance, peace and stability.
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