Weapons of Mass Coercion the Hidden Use of Energy Weapons, HAARP, and Chemtrails for Political Control
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Weapons of Mass Coercion The Hidden Use of Energy Weapons, HAARP, and Chemtrails for Political Control Byron Belitsos “The use of mind-altering electronic emissions . effectively annuls every protection the Constitution provides.” —Professor Arno Roche, Columbia University It was late 1977, but early in the career of a Yale-educated attorney named Alfred Webre, a senior policy analyst at Stanford Research Institute (SRI). Webre had no reason to think that trouble was brewing; he was, in fact, on the verge of an historic success: The young lawyer had successfully initiated a process for a proposed high-level research project on extraterrestrial policy analysis. The project was the first of its kind, and would operate under the auspices of President Jimmy Carter’s new domestic White House staff. Carter had publicly claimed, while governor of Georgia, that he had personally witnessed a UFO in 1969; if the proposed project was approved, he would now reportedly bring the weight of his presidency into an investigation of the possible ET presence. Webre and SRI would take him up on it. Webre had gained SRI approval, and a White House review process was in place within the domestic policy staff of the White House; Webre had for several months been flying in to Washington with periodic reports to staffers in the Executive Office Building. But something was about to go very wrong: The Pentagon had a stake, too—what we today believe to be a perceived strategic imperative to cover up the ET presence. Accordingly, the Department of Defense notified the SRI liaison to the Pentagon, who in turn set up a special meeting with Webre and his boss at SRI; also present was Peter Schwartz (today the chairman of the Global Business Network). The Pentagon’s SRI liaison got right to the point: SRI had to terminate the project. The three were shocked. Project must end, they were told point blank, or the DoD would pull all Pentagon funding from SRI projects—which was considerable. SRI soon complied under pressure, but Webre was infuriated. Webre protested in every possible manner, letting it be known that he was also reflecting the displeasure of others in the U.S. civilian government. And then it happened—Webre describes it in his testimony to Steven Greer’s Disclosure Project: He was suddenly hit by powerful electromagnetic weapons (“EM weapons”) and related mind-control techniques, on three separate occasions. In the first hit, he became massively ill within minutes, having to cancel a very important meeting. He somehow made it back to Palo Alto and his office. He was then hit again and again, silently but severely, and was now reeling from the effect. He also now found himself under constant surveillance by agents, both plain- clothed and in uniform. Before long, Webre, at this point under continuous pressure and surveillance, experienced a health crisis and even a breakdown. Alfred Webre soon fully recovered, but the damage was done. Through blackmail and intimidation, the Pentagon had unlawfully terminated a project at a prestigious institution that had been authorized by the White House in connection with NASA and the National Science 1 Foundation. It had, apparently, deployed EM weapons against a prominent U.S. citizen, presumably to teach Webre—and those around him, including President Carter—an unforgettable lesson.1 Fast forward 28 years to 2005. About a dozen activists in the San Francisco Bay Area and elsewhere are organizing around the issue of “9/11 truth.” (In this account, initials are used for all names to protect their privacy.) The loose-knit group is fervently building a citizen’s movement around a newly founded umbrella organization called “911truth.org.” This new national group had, for example, just assembled a now-famous petition called the “9/11 Truth Statement” that contained the names 100 prominent Americans calling for a new 9/11 investigation. (One of the signatories was Van Jones, who was later forced out of a position at the Obama White House for his involvement with this petition.) 911truth.org had also compiled a lengthy dossier of 9/11 evidence (still available at justicefor911.org) that it presented to Eliot Spitzer, then attorney general of New York state, calling upon him to investigate; the call was supported by a petition and press conference. I myself was an inaugural 911truth.org board member and owner of a small book publishing company. In late 2004, I produced a regional conference called “9/11 Truth Convergence” that showcased activists and authors, including a New York Times bestselling journalist Jim Marrs, whose exposé on 9/11—entitled Inside Job—I had just published. Other board members were producing events, contacting the press, managing websites, producing podcasts, and generating essays and pamphlets; one closely affiliated group of activists based in Los Angeles had even convened a “9/11 Citizens’ Grand Jury.” And this was the situation on the ground—when “it” happened. Just as the work of this motley collection of activists, whistleblowers, and writers was gaining traction nationally, people in and around the group began falling sick. Individuals reported strange symptoms, mysterious physiological effects without a known source. The reports soon began to reflect a familiar pattern, albeit with variations: Generally, many (but not all) of the activists experienced an odd, sometimes flu-like, “electrical” feeling; the more sensitive or discerning ones reported that a discrete energy had seemingly—and silently—entered their body. They could feel an unfamiliar, stinging, tingling, painful sensation sometimes centered at the throat, other times the heart or the hara (so-called third “chakra” just below the belly button), or at times infusing the entire body, often moving and branching out quickly from the point of entry. The feeling was immediately disagreeable and negative, they reported, and was often accompanied by sleeplessness, disorientation, exhaustion, depression, or anxiety— and almost always a foul physiological feeling. These were some of the more personal reports I collected: “It was a nondescript toxic feeling.” “I had a spasm in my back on the ribs—whole area was swollen—and the effect was debilitating. Had difficulty even turning over in bed.” “It’s oppressive, can’t move—can’t even ask for help. Immobilizing.” “Some days it is purely emotional: I was losing it all day and crying.” “The typical attack started with a pain at the base of head, basically the brain stem. Then it would shoot up into the head and envelop the whole head.” “It came in and my whole body was electrified. Came in at the chest.” “All my thoughts were ‘terminal.’” “For the first 40 minutes my heart was uncontrollable, just racing and racing. My 2 chest was so constricted that I thought I couldn’t breathe!” [More detail on this latter report that involves the executive director of 911truth.org is provided at Appendix B] In my own case, I would feel the gradual onset of a negative stinging or tingling sensation, usually beginning in the hara or in the heart center, and then extending from the front to the back of the body within 20 minutes. This incoming “electrical” sensation was always accompanied by involuntary muscle contraction, an appearance of redness, and a rise in temperature in the area of contact; it would be mild at first, and then increasingly painful, sickening, and debilitating. Within the first hour, the energy usually spread to the head area, where a rapidly tingling and disturbing sensation would afflict sensitive areas of the tongue, mouth, and eyes. It soon became clear that attacks were usually designed to strike the victim at regular times and on particular days of the week; but for some it was as if a remote device had been beamed at the person 24/7, although in these cases it was less discernable. It was clear that these were intended to be nonlethal “warning” attacks that would let up once the individual was somewhat “neutralized.” For those who experienced periodicity, there was a different pattern for each one. M.J. was every three days. F.C. every two days. C.B. was once a week. Another person was hit 5 to 6 times per week. In my own case, I was usually hit for two to three hours on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and sometimes Saturdays—over a period of three months. Others, perhaps less sensitive, simply went to bed sick or depleted, without the felt experience of an energy source hitting them at a specific time or place on the body; they were sick nonetheless for no clear reason. Some just seemed to get “upset” and negative. The variable response is likely the result of a medical phenomenon known as “electrical sensitivity.” With so many reporting strange effects or illnesses, the group soon compared notes. Some of us at first thought that these energetic hits must be powerful “psychic attacks”—and we soon learned that, indeed, such human-generated energetic attacks are well noted in the literature of shamanism and parapsychology, and that they can be interdicted by a well-trained psychic. Everyone was desperate to halt the attacks on them. Given the emergency circumstances, we were most fortunate to locate and work with an advanced healer and psychic. This man, who worked primarily pro bono over many months, was sympathetic to our 9/11 work. He acted, in effect, as our “psychic body guard,” as he had done for others, including celebrities. But this person, P.G., soon determined, to his great surprise, that our particular attacks were different in kind: they were unstoppable. During the designated time that the signal was “on,” one had to suffer through it.