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The Long Con of Civility
University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2021 The Long Con of Civility Lynn Mie Itagaki Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Itagaki, Lynn Mie, "The Long Con of Civility" (2021). Connecticut Law Review. 446. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/446 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 52 FEBRUARY 2021 NUMBER 3 Article The Long Con of Civility LYNN MIE ITAGAKI Civility has been much on the minds of pundits in local and national political discussions since the 1990s. Periods of civil unrest or irreconcilable divisions in governance intensify concerns about civility. While its more archaic definitions refer to citizenry and civilization, civility is often promoted as the foundation or goal of deliberative democracies. However, less acknowledged is its disciplinary, repressive effects in maintaining or deepening racial, gendered, heteronormative, and ableist hierarchies that distinguish some populations for full citizenship and others for partial rights and protections. In Part I, I examine a recent series of civility polls, their contradictory results, and how these contradictions can importantly expose the fissures of our contemporary moment and our body politic. In Part II, I describe the historical background of civility around race, gender, and sexuality and the unacknowledged difficulty in defining civility and incivility. In Part III, I extend this discussion to address the recent cases before the Supreme Court concerning LGBTQ+ employment discrimination and lack of accessibility. In conclusion, I identify what it would mean to analyze civility in terms of dignity on the basis of these cases about the equal rights and protections of their LGBTQ+ and disabled plaintiffs. -
Media Interaction with the Public in Emergency Situations: Four Case Studies
MEDIA INTERACTION WITH THE PUBLIC IN EMERGENCY SITUATIONS: FOUR CASE STUDIES A Report Prepared under an Interagency Agreement by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress August 1999 Authors: LaVerle Berry Amanda Jones Terence Powers Project Manager: Andrea M. Savada Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540–4840 Tel: 202–707–3900 Fax: 202–707–3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage:http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/ PREFACE The following report provides an analysis of media coverage of four major emergency situations in the United States and the impact of that coverage on the public. The situations analyzed are the Three Mile Island nuclear accident (1979), the Los Angeles riots (1992), the World Trade Center bombing (1993), and the Oklahoma City bombing (1995). Each study consists of a chronology of events followed by a discussion of the interaction of the media and the public in that particular situation. Emphasis is upon the initial hours or days of each event. Print and television coverage was analyzed in each study; radio coverage was analyzed in one instance. The conclusion discusses several themes that emerge from a comparison of the role of the media in these emergencies. Sources consulted appear in the bibliography at the end of the report. i TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ................................................................... i INTRODUCTION: THE MEDIA IN EMERGENCY SITUATIONS .................... iv THE THREE MILE ISLAND NUCLEAR ACCIDENT, 1979 ..........................1 Chronology of Events, March -
THE PRESS in CROWN HEIGHTS by Carol B. Conaway
FRAMING IDENTITY : THE PRESS IN CROWN HEIGHTS by Carol B. Conaway The Joan Shorenstein Center PRESS ■ POLI TICS Research Paper R-16 November 1996 ■ PUBLIC POLICY ■ Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government FRAMING IDENTITY: THE PRESS IN CROWN HEIGHTS Prologue 1 On the evening of August 19, 1991, the Grand Bystanders quickly formed a crowd around the Rebbe of the Chabad Lubavitch was returning car with the three Lubavitcher men, and several from his weekly visit to the cemetery. Each among them attempted to pull the car off of the week Rabbi Menachem Schneerson, leader of the Cato children and extricate them. Lifsh tried to worldwide community of Lubavitch Hasidic help, but he was attacked by the crowd, consist- Jews, visited the graves of his wife and his ing predominately of the Caribbean- and Afri- father-in-law, the former Grand Rebbe. The car can-Americans who lived on the street. One of he was in headed for the international headquar- the Mercury’s riders tried to call 911 on a ters of the Lubavitchers on Eastern Parkway in portable phone, but he said that the crowd Crown Heights, a neighborhood in the heart of attacked him before he could complete the call. Brooklyn, New York. As usual, the car carrying He was rescued by an unidentified bystander. the Rebbe was preceded by an unmarked car At 8:22 PM two police officers from the 71st from the 71st Precinct of the New York City Precinct were dispatched to the scene of the Police Department. The third and final car in accident. -
Systemic Racism, Police Brutality of Black People, and the Use of Violence in Quelling Peaceful Protests in America
SYSTEMIC RACISM, POLICE BRUTALITY OF BLACK PEOPLE, AND THE USE OF VIOLENCE IN QUELLING PEACEFUL PROTESTS IN AMERICA WILLIAMS C. IHEME* “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.” —Martin Luther King Jr Abstract: The Trump Administration and its mantra to ‘Make America Great Again’ has been calibrated with racism and severe oppression against Black people in America who still bear the deep marks of slavery. After the official abolition of slavery in the second half of the nineteenth century, the initial inability of Black people to own land, coupled with the various Jim Crow laws rendered the acquired freedom nearly insignificant in the face of poverty and hopelessness. Although the age-long struggles for civil rights and equal treatments have caused the acquisition of more black-letter rights, the systemic racism that still perverts the American justice system has largely disabled these rights: the result is that Black people continue to exist at the periphery of American economy and politics. Using a functional approach and other types of approach to legal and sociological reasoning, this article examines the supportive roles of Corporate America, Mainstream Media, and White Supremacists in winnowing the systemic oppression that manifests largely through police brutality. The article argues that some of the sustainable solutions against these injustices must be tackled from the roots and not through window-dressing legislation, which often harbor the narrow interests of Corporate America. Keywords: Black people, racism, oppression, violence, police brutality, prison, bail, mass incarceration, protests. Summary: 1. INTRODUCTION: SLAVE TRADE AS THE ENTRY POINT OF SYSTEMIC RACISM. -
Do Guns Preclude Credibility?: Considering the Black Panthers As a Legitimate Civil Rights Organisation
Do Guns Preclude Credibility 7 Do Guns Preclude Credibility?: Considering the Black Panthers as a legitimate Civil Rights organisation Rebecca Abbott Second Year Undergraduate, Monash University Discontent over social, political and racial issues swelled in the United States during the mid- sixties. Even victories for the Civil Rights movement could not stem the dissatisfaction, as evidenced by the Watts riots that broke out in Los Angeles during August 1965, only two weeks after the Voting Rights Act was signed.1 Rioting had become more frequent, thus suggesting that issues existed which the non-violent Civil Rights groups could not fix. In 1966, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders reported that forty-three race riots had occurred across the country, nearly tripling the fifteen previously reported for 1964.2 The loss of faith in mainstream civil rights groups was reflected in a 1970 poll of black communities conducted by ABC-TV in which the Black Panther Party for Self Defense (BPP) was the only black organisation that ‘respondents thought would increase its effectiveness in the future.’3 This was in contrast to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, which the majority thought would lose influence.4 Equality at law had been achieved, but that meant little in city ghettoes where the issues of poverty and racism continued to fester.5 It was from within this frustrated atmosphere that in October 1966, 1 See Robert Charles Smith, We Have No Leaders: African Americans in the Post-Civil Rights Era, (New York: State University of New York Press, 1996), 17. -
The Rodney King Riots
1 Framing Perspective: How Video has Shaped Public Opinion An Honors Thesis (HONR 499) by Jason W. Puhr Thesis Advisor Terry Heifetz Signed Ball State University Muncie, Indiana May 2015 Expected Date of Graduation May 2,2015 q,pCo) J U nd Ci d h c- J-zc' -r 2 L Abstract Video cameras have come a long way since Charles Ginsburg created the first practical videotape recorder in 1951. Today millions ofAmericans live with cameras in their pockets. The growth of video has changed the communication industry into one that is shown rather than described. Video has created a direct window into the world, one that cannot be achieved equally by other communication methods and one that reaches into the hearts of its viewers. This window has shaped public opinion, as we know it, bringing images directly into the homes of millions from who knows how far away. In this thesis, I will examine major moments in U.S. history that influenced public opinion. I will explain the event itself, what was captured on camera, the effects and aftermath of the video and how the world may be different without the coverage. Acknowledgements I want to thank all the members of the Ball State faculty and staff who helped me to come up with the idea for this project, particularly Terry Heifetz and Stephanie Wiechmann. I also want to thank Terry for working and editing this project with me over the last ten months. I am very grateful to Indiana Public Radio as well, for providing a quiet and productive workspace. -
Private Conflict, Local Organizations, and Mobilizing Ethnic Violence In
Private Conflict, Local Organizations, and Mobilizing Ethnic Violence in Southern California Bradley E. Holland∗ Abstract Prominent research highlights links between group-level conflicts and low-intensity (i.e. non-militarized) ethnic violence. However, the processes driving this relationship are often less clear. Why do certain actors attempt to mobilize ethnic violence? How are those actors able to mobilize participation in ethnic violence? I argue that addressing these questions requires scholars to focus not only on group-level conflicts and tensions, but also private conflicts and local violent organizations. Private conflicts give certain members of ethnic groups incentives to mobilize violence against certain out-group adversaries. Institutions within local violent organizations allow them to mobilize participation in such violence. Promoting these selective forms of violence against out- group adversaries mobilizes indiscriminate forms of ethnic violence due to identification problems, efforts to deny adversaries access to resources, and spirals of retribution. I develop these arguments by tracing ethnic violence between blacks and Latinos in Southern California. In efforts to gain leverage in private conflicts, a group of Latino prisoners mobilized members of local street gangs to participate in selective violence against African American adversaries. In doing so, even indiscriminate forms of ethnic violence have become entangled in the private conflicts of members of local violent organizations. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, The Ohio State University, [email protected]. Thanks to Sarah Brooks, Jorge Dominguez, Jennifer Hochschild, Didi Kuo, Steven Levitsky, Chika Ogawa, Meg Rithmire, Annie Temple, and Bernardo Zacka for comments on earlier drafts. 1 Introduction On an evening in August 1992, the homes of two African American families in the Ramona Gardens housing projects, just east of downtown Los Angeles, were firebombed. -
UD 010 515 Vogt, Carol Busch Why Watts?
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 041 997 24 UD 010 515 AUTHOR Vogt, Carol Busch TITLE Why Watts? An American Dilemma Today: Teacher's Manual; Student's Manual, INSTITUTION Amherst Coll., Mass. SPONS AGENCY Office of Education (DHEW), Washington, D C. Bureau of Research. BUREAU NO BR-5-1071 PUB DATE [67] CONTRACT OEC-5-10-158 NOTE 46p.; Public Domain Edition EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF-$0.25 HC-$2.40 DESCRIPTORS *Activism, Civil Disobedience, Community Problems, *Demonstrations (Civil), Family Characteristics, Ghettos, Instructional Materials, *Negro Attitudes, Police Action, Poverty Programs, Prevention, Student Attitudes, Teaching Guides, Unemployment, *Violence IDENTIFIERS California, Los Angeles, *Watts Community ABSTRPCT Designed to invite the senior and junior high school student tO investigate the immediate and underlying causes of riots and what can be done to prevent them, the student manual of this Unit begins with a description of the Watts riots of 1965, The student is encouraged to draw his own conclusions, and to determine the feasibility of a variety of proposed solutions to this problem after consideration of the evidence drawn from a variety of sources, including novels. Ultimately, the student confronts the dilemtna that the riots pose for American values and institutions, and is asked to articulate his personal role in meeting this challenge. The suggestions in the accompanying teacher manual are considered not to restrict the teacher, but the goals and interests of each teacher and each class are held to determine the exact use of the materials. (RJ) EXPERIMENTAL MATERIAL SUBJECT TO REVISION PUBLIC DOMAIN EDITION TEACHER'S MANUAL WAX WATTS? AN AMERICAN DILEMMA TODAY Carol Busch Vogt North Tonawanda Senior High School North Tonawanda, New York U,S. -
Historical Timeline of the Palms-Mar-Vista-Del
HISTORICAL TIMELINE OF THE Events Significant to Local Development PALMS-MAR-VISTA-DEL REY 1875 Arrival of the Los Angeles & 1920 Independence Railroad into region Formerly known as Barnes 1886 City, Del Rey becomes the Palms (The Palms) is the winter home for Al Barnes’ 1940 first community to be Wild Animal Circus Zoo (zoo Housing subdivisions established in Rancho La moves from Venice, CA) constructed at an 1930 Ballona accelerated rate 1915 Barnes City is officially accommodated Palms is 1927 declared part of the defense-industry annexed to th Special Collections, UCLA Young Research Library Mar Vista is the 70 City of Los Angeles workers during and the City of annexation to Los after World War II Los Angeles Angeles Public domain 1904 1925 Over 500 acres in Ocean Park Heights 1919. California Historical Society Collection, Ocean Park renamed Mar Vista University of Southern California Heights are subdivided and offered for sale 1700 1800 1850 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1932 1926 LA hosts Olympic Los Angeles City Hall Games. Later, 1781 athletes’ cottages are constructed 1941 El Pueblo de Los Angeles placed on the beach Pearl Harbor founded as a summer resort. bombed, US enters World War II 1850 California Statehood 1934 1945 US Congress passes the End of World Overland Monthly, August-September 1931 National Housing Act, creating War II Drawing by William Rich Hutton, 1847. USC Digital Library the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) Olympic.org Public Domain 1929 Stock Market Crash Events Significant to the Development of the City of Los Angeles 1939 HOLC "redlining" map of central Los Angeles, courtesy of LaDale Winling and urbanoasis.org. -
The Flawed Emergency Response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riots (C)
KS1029 Case Number 1588.0 The Flawed Emergency Response to the 1992 Los Angeles Riots (C) In many respects, it was not surprising that Governor Pete Wilson would offer the services of the California National Guard to help quell the riots that had engulfed South Central Los Angeles. The Guard had played a prominent role in responding to civil disturbances during the 1960s, with more than 13,000 troops deployed during the Watts riots alone. As in other parts of the country, Guard troops had also been mobilized to respond to anti-Vietnam protests and other student demonstrations in the 1960s and early 1970s. But over the following two decades, federal and state support to fund National Guard preparedness for civil disturbance responses had tailed off as law enforcement agencies’ need for military support seemed to lessen. Beginning in 1989, staff officers from the Guard had attended a series of meetings with the state Office of Emergency Services (OES) and other law enforcement groups, in part to discuss the National Guard role in mutual aid. Based on the meetings, some officials at the National Guard headquarters concluded that the state’s improved mutual aid system had largely negated the need for Guard troops to respond to civil unrest. As stated in the OES Law Enforcement Mutual Aid Plan, dated October 1991, “Normally, military support will be provided to local jurisdictions only after a request is made by the chief executive of a city or county or sheriff of a county, and only after the disturbance has been determined to be, or to likely become, beyond the capabilities of local law enforcement forces, as supplemented by forces made available under the existing mutual aid agreements.” Under the mutual aid plan, therefore, a police department such as the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) would first call on the Sheriff’s Department and other local agencies before considering state or federal resources. -
Property Coverage for Riot-Related Claims Is Not Automatic by Scott Seaman, Judith Selby and Matthew Ferlazzo (June 18, 2020, 6:54 PM EDT)
Portfolio Media. Inc. | 111 West 19th Street, 5th Floor | New York, NY 10011 | www.law360.com Phone: +1 646 783 7100 | Fax: +1 646 783 7161 | [email protected] Property Coverage For Riot-Related Claims Is Not Automatic By Scott Seaman, Judith Selby and Matthew Ferlazzo (June 18, 2020, 6:54 PM EDT) In the days following the death of George Floyd while in the custody of Minneapolis police officers, many Americans took to the streets to protest. The peaceful protests have been marred — and in some instances overshadowed — by extensive rioting, looting and vandalism, resulting in injuries to individuals and damage to the property of individuals and businesses in various areas of the country. Curfews have been imposed in some cities in an attempt to limit further violence. There has been a downturn in some of the violent activity as of the time this article was prepared, but the nation watches as events continue to unfold. Scott Seaman It is clear that losses arising from these events will be significant. For the first time in its history, the property claims services unit of the Insurance Services Office Inc., on June 1, designated the recent riots and civil commotion as a catastrophe event in more than 20 states, meaning that insured losses for each event are predicted to exceed $25 million. For context, according to the Insurance Information Institute, insurers paid $775 million for losses arising from the 1992 Los Angeles riots. Adjusted for inflation, that translates into $1.4 billion in 2020 dollars for losses in a single city. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Security and United States Immigration Policy a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Satisfact
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Security and United States Immigration Policy A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Robbie James Totten 2012 © Copyright by Robbie James Totten 2012 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Security and United States Immigration Policy by Robbie James Totten Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2012 Professor Deborah Larson, Chair What is the relationship between security and immigration to the U.S? How do security objectives factor into U.S. immigration policy? These questions are significant for the U.S. because the volume of international migration has been increasing in recent years and without sound policy planning immigration will serve as a source of conflict with foreign states, tax the ability of domestic systems to assimilate diverse peoples without violence, and expose citizens and immigrants to crime, contagious disease, and terrorism. This dissertation answers the above questions and presents the strategic logic for U.S. immigration policy by providing a typology of security policy objectives for America in this area. It identifies three general categories of security objectives that U.S. leaders have attempted to reach with immigration from the colonial era to the present-day: (1) domestic security (prevent crime, espionage, and terrorism; epidemics; and ethnic violence); (2) foreign relations; and (3) material and military interests. The analyses accompanying the categories draw from government documents, International Relations (IR) and security studies theories, legal statutes, primary sources such as private letters, and works by demographers and historians to specify the relationships amongst the security areas and immigration, identify the policy ii instruments used by leaders to influence immigration for security, and present a large body of cases of historical U.S.