A Short History of Ireland: Third Edition John O’Beirne Ranelagh Frontmatter More Information
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The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust. -
Classified List of Acts in Force in Ireland Updated to 17 September 2021
Classified List of Acts in Force in Ireland Updated to 17 September 2021 28. Oireachtas (National Parliament) and Legislation 28.1. Houses of the Oireachtas Service Public Exp1 Houses of the Oireachtas Commission Act 2003 28/2003 • Oireachtas (Ministerial and Parliamentary Offices) (Secretarial Facilities) (Banking Inquiry) Regulations 2014, S.I. No. 564 of 2014 • Oireachtas (Ministerial and Parliamentary Offices) (Secretarial Facilities) (Amendment) Regulations 2015, S.I. No. 164 of 2015 Finance Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) Act 2006 39/2006 Finance Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) Act 2009 44/2009 Finance Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) (No. 2) Act 2012 50/2012 Finance Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) Act 2013 3/2013 • Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) Act 2013 (Commencement) Order 2013, S.I. No. 198 of 2013 Finance Houses of the Oireachtas (Appointments to Certain Offices) Act 2015 34/2015 Finance Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) Act 2015 53/2015 Public Exp Houses of the Oireachtas Commission (Amendment) Act 2018 41/2018 28.2. Committees of the Oireachtas 28.2.1. Witnesses Public Exp Houses of the Oireachtas (Inquiries, Privileges and Procedures) Act 2013 2 33/2013 • Houses of the Oireachtas (Inquiries, Privileges and Procedures) Act 2013 (Commencement) Order 2013, S.I. No. 362 of 2013 Public Exp Comptroller and Auditor General and Committees of the Houses of the 47/1998 Oireachtas (Special Provisions) Act 1998 28.3. Legislation and Law Reform 28.3.1. Adaptation of Pre-1922 Charters Taoiseach Adaptation of Charters Act 1926 6/1926 • Saint Patrick’s Hospital, Dublin (Adaptation of Charters) Order 1926 [Vol. -
ATTACHMENT for IRELAND (Rev
ATTACHMENT FOR IRELAND (Rev. November 2002) 1. QI is subject to the following laws and regulations of Ireland governing the requirements of QI to obtain documentation confirming the identity of QI’s account holders. (i) Criminal Justice Act 1994, as amended by the Criminal Justice (Miscellaneous Provision) Act 1997; (ii) Guidance Notes for Financial Institutions (Excluding Credit Institutions); (iii) Guidance Notes for Credit Institutions; (iv) Guidance Notes for Stockbrokers. 2. QI represents that the laws identified above are enforced by the following enforcement bodies and QI shall provide the IRS with an English translation of any reports or other documentation issued by these enforcement bodies that are relevant to QI’s functions as a qualified intermediary. (i) Central Bank of Ireland (ii) Irish Stock Exchange 3. QI represents that the following penalties apply to failure to obtain, maintain, and evaluate documentation obtained under the laws and regulations identified in item 1 above. Failure to make a report required under the Criminal Justice Act 1994 is punishable by up to 5 years imprisonment or a fine or both. 4. QI shall use the following specific documentary evidence (and also any specific documentation added by an amendment to this item 4 as agreed to by the IRS) to comply with section 5 of this Agreement, provided that the following specific documentary evidence satisfies the requirements of the laws and regulations identified in item 1 above. In the case of a foreign person, QI may, instead, use a Form W-8 in accordance with section 5 of this Agreement. Either QI, or a banking or securities association in Ireland, may request an amendment of this item 4. -
Violence and the Sacred in Northern Ireland
VIOLENCE AND THE SACRED IN NORTHERN IRELAND Duncan Morrow University of Ulster at Jordanstown For 25 years Northern Ireland has been a society characterized not so much by violence as by an endemic fear of violence. At a purely statistical level the risk of death as a result of political violence in Belfast was always between three and ten times less than the risk of murder in major cities of the United States. Likewise, the risk of death as the result of traffic accidents in Northern Ireland has been, on average, twice as high as the risk of death by political killing (Belfast Telegraph, 23 January 1994). Nevertheless, the tidal flow of fear about political violence, sometimes higher and sometimes lower but always present, has been the consistent fundamental backdrop to public, and often private, life. This preeminence of fear is triggered by past and present circumstances and is projected onto the vision of the future. The experience that disorder is ever close at hand has resulted in an endemic insecurity which gives rise to the increasingly conscious desire for a new order, for scapegoats and for resolution. For a considerable period of time, Northern Ireland has actively sought and made scapegoats but such actions have been ineffective in bringing about the desired resolution to the crisis. They have led instead to a continuous mimetic crisis of both temporal and spatial dimensions. To have lived in Northern Ireland is to have lived in that unresolved crisis. Liberal democracy has provided the universal transcendence of Northern Ireland's political models. Northern Ireland is physically and spiritually close to the heartland of liberal democracy: it is geographically bound by Britain and Ireland, economically linked to Western Europe, and historically tied to emigration to the United States, Canada, and the South Pacific. -
Genre and Identity in British and Irish National Histories, 1541-1691
“NO ROOM IN HISTORY”: GENRE AND IDENTIY IN BRITISH AND IRISH NATIONAL HISTORIES, 1541-1691 A dissertation presented by Sarah Elizabeth Connell to The Department of English In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the field of English Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts April 2014 1 “NO ROOM IN HISTORY”: GENRE AND IDENTIY IN BRITISH AND IRISH NATIONAL HISTORIES, 1541-1691 by Sarah Elizabeth Connell ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University April 2014 2 ABSTRACT In this project, I build on the scholarship that has challenged the historiographic revolution model to question the valorization of the early modern humanist narrative history’s sophistication and historiographic advancement in direct relation to its concerted efforts to shed the purportedly pious, credulous, and naïve materials and methods of medieval history. As I demonstrate, the methodologies available to early modern historians, many of which were developed by medieval chroniclers, were extraordinary flexible, able to meet a large number of scholarly and political needs. I argue that many early modern historians worked with medieval texts and genres not because they had yet to learn more sophisticated models for representing the past, but rather because one of the most effective ways that these writers dealt with the political and religious exigencies of their times was by adapting the practices, genres, and materials of medieval history. I demonstrate that the early modern national history was capable of supporting multiple genres and reading modes; in fact, many of these histories reflect their authors’ conviction that authentic past narratives required genres with varying levels of facticity. -
1 Demographic Change and Conflict in Northern Ireland
Demographic Change and Conflict in Northern Ireland: Reconciling Qualitative and Quantitative Evidence Eric Kaufmann James Fearon and David Laitin (2003) famously argued that there is no connection between the ethnic fractionalisation of a state’s population and its likelihood of experiencing ethnic conflict. This has contributed towards a general view that ethnic demography is not integral to explaining ethnic violence. Furthermore, sophisticated attempts to probe the connection between ethnic shifts and conflict using large-N datasets have failed to reveal a convincing link. Thus Toft (2007), using Ellingsen's dataset for 1945-94, finds that in world-historical perspective, since 1945, ethno-demographic change does not predict civil war. Toft developed hypotheses from realist theories to explain why a growing minority and/or shrinking majority might set the conditions for conflict. But in tests, the results proved inconclusive. These cross-national data-driven studies tell a story that is out of phase with qualitative evidence from case study and small-N comparative research. Donald Horowitz cites the ‘fear of extinction’ voiced by numerous ethnic group members in relation to the spectre of becoming minorities in ‘their’ own homelands due to differences of fertility and migration. (Horowitz 1985: 175-208) Slack and Doyon (2001) show how districts in Bosnia where Serb populations declined most against their Muslim counterparts during 1961-91 were associated with the highest levels of anti-Muslim ethnic violence. Likewise, a growing field of interest in African studies concerns the problem of ‘autochthony’, whereby ‘native’ groups wreak havoc on new settlers in response to the perception that migrants from more advanced or dense population regions are ‘swamping’ them. -
249 Nathalie Rougier and Iseult Honohan CHAPTER 10. Ireland
CHAPTER 10. IRELAND Nathalie Rougier and Iseult Honohan School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin Introduction Ireland’s peripheral position has historically often delayed the arrival of waves of social and cultural change in other parts of Europe. Part of its self-identity has derived from the narrative of its having been as a refuge for civilisation and Christianity during the invasions of what were once known as the ‘dark ages’, when it was described as ‘the island of saints and scholars’. Another part derives from its history of invasion, settlement and colonisation and, more specifically from its intimate relationship with Great Britain. The Republic of Ireland now occupies approximately five-sixths of the island of Ireland but from the Act of Union in 1800 until 1922, all of the island of Ireland was effectively part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- land. The war of Independence ended with the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, and on 6 December 1922 the entire island of Ireland became a self-governing British dominion called the Irish Free State (Saorstát Éireann). Northern Ire- land chose to opt out of the new dominion and rejoined the United King- dom on 8 December 1922. In 1937, a new constitution, the Constitution of Ireland (Bunreacht na hÉireann), replaced the Constitution of the Irish Free State in the twenty-six county state, and called the state Ireland, or Éire in Irish. However, it was not until 1949, after the passage of the Republic of Ireland Act 1948, that the state was declared, officially, to be the Republic of Ireland (Garvin, 2005). -
A History of Modern Ireland 1800-1969
ireiana Edward Norman I Edward Norman A History of Modem Ireland 1800-1969 Advisory Editor J. H. Plumb PENGUIN BOOKS 1971 Contents Preface to the Pelican Edition 7 1. Irish Questions and English Answers 9 2. The Union 29 3. O'Connell and Radicalism 53 4. Radicalism and Reform 76 5. The Genesis of Modern Irish Nationalism 108 6. Experiment and Rebellion 138 7. The Failure of the Tiberal Alliance 170 8. Parnellism 196 9. Consolidation and Dissent 221 10. The Revolution 254 11. The Divided Nation 289 Note on Further Reading 315 Index 323 Pelican Books A History of Modern Ireland 1800-1969 Edward Norman is lecturer in modern British constitutional and ecclesiastical history at the University of Cambridge, Dean of Peterhouse, Cambridge, a Church of England clergyman and an assistant chaplain to a hospital. His publications include a book on religion in America and Canada, The Conscience of the State in North America, The Early Development of Irish Society, Anti-Catholicism in 'Victorian England and The Catholic Church and Ireland. Edward Norman also contributes articles on religious topics to the Spectator. Preface to the Pelican Edition This book is intended as an introduction to the political history of Ireland in modern times. It was commissioned - and most of it was actually written - before the present disturbances fell upon the country. It was unfortunate that its publication in 1971 coincided with a moment of extreme controversy, be¬ cause it was intended to provide a cool look at the unhappy divisions of Ireland. Instead of assuming the structure of interpretation imposed by writers soaked in Irish national feeling, or dependent upon them, the book tried to consider Ireland’s political development as a part of the general evolu¬ tion of British politics in the last two hundred years. -
Scotch-Irish"
HON. JOHN C. LINEHAN. THE IRISH SCOTS 'SCOTCH-IRISH" AN HISTORICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL MONOGRAPH, WITH SOME REFERENCE TO SCOTIA MAJOR AND SCOTIA MINOR TO WHICH IS ADDED A CHAPTER ON "HOW THE IRISH CAME AS BUILDERS OF THE NATION' By Hon. JOHN C LINEHAN State Insurance Commissioner of New Hampshire. Member, the New Hampshire Historical Society. Treasurer-General, American-Irish Historical Society. Late Department Commander, New Hampshire, Grand Army of the Republic. Many Years a Director of the Gettysburg Battlefield Association. CONCORD, N. H. THE AMERICAN-IRISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY 190?,, , , ,,, A WORD AT THE START. This monograph on TJic Irish Scots and The " Scotch- Irish" was originally prepared by me for The Granite Monthly, of Concord, N. H. It was published in that magazine in three successiv'e instalments which appeared, respectively, in the issues of January, February and March, 1888. With the exception of a few minor changes, the monograph is now reproduced as originally written. The paper here presented on How the Irish Came as Builders of The Natioji is based on articles contributed by me to the Boston Pilot in 1 890, and at other periods, and on an article contributed by me to the Boston Sunday Globe oi March 17, 1895. The Supplementary Facts and Comment, forming the conclusion of this publication, will be found of special interest and value in connection with the preceding sections of the work. John C. Linehan. Concord, N. H., July i, 1902. THE IRISH SCOTS AND THE "SCOTCH- IRISH." A STUDY of peculiar interest to all of New Hampshire birth and origin is the early history of those people, who, differing from the settlers around them, were first called Irish by their English neighbors, "Scotch-Irish" by some of their descendants, and later on "Scotch" by writers like Mr. -
Irish Immigration to America, 1630 to 1921 by Dr
Irish Immigration to America, 1630 to 1921 By Dr. Catherine B. Shannon Reprinted courtesy of the New Bedford Whaling Museum Introduction The oft quoted aphorism that "Boston is the next parish to Galway" highlights the long and close connections between Ireland and New England that extend as far back as the 1600s. Colonial birth, death, marriage, and some shipping records cite the presence of Irish born people as early as the 1630s. For instance, in 1655 the ship Goodfellow arrived in Boston carrying a group of indentured servants, and John Hancock's ancestor, Anthony Hancock, arrived from Co. Down in 1681. According to the story of The Irish Gift of 1676, which provided aid after King Phillip's War, Rev. Cotton Mather and Governor Winthrop corresponded with their Irish friends and relatives, with as many as 105 soldiers of Irish origin serving in various militias during the war. However, up until 1715, the numbers of Irish in New England were less than 1%, a small percentage of the population.1 The First Wave of Irish Immigration, 1715 to 1845 The first significant influx of Irish immigrants to Boston and New England consisted primarily of Ulster Presbyterians and began in the early eighteenth century.2 They comprised about ten percent, or 20,000 of a larger migration of over 200,000 Ulster Presbyterians who fled the north of Ireland to America between 1700 and 1775. The majority arrived in Boston between 1714 and 1750, as most Ulster immigrants went to the mid-Atlantic area via Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston beginning in the 1750s. -
Republic of Ireland. Wikipedia. Last Modified
Republic of Ireland - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia What links here Related changes Upload file Special pages Republic of Ireland Permanent link From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Page information Data item This article is about the modern state. For the revolutionary republic of 1919–1922, see Irish Cite this page Republic. For other uses, see Ireland (disambiguation). Print/export Ireland (/ˈaɪərlənd/ or /ˈɑrlənd/; Irish: Éire, Ireland[a] pronounced [ˈeː.ɾʲə] ( listen)), also known as the Republic Create a book Éire of Ireland (Irish: Poblacht na hÉireann), is a sovereign Download as PDF state in Europe occupying about five-sixths of the island Printable version of Ireland. The capital is Dublin, located in the eastern part of the island. The state shares its only land border Languages with Northern Ireland, one of the constituent countries of Acèh the United Kingdom. It is otherwise surrounded by the Адыгэбзэ Atlantic Ocean, with the Celtic Sea to the south, Saint Flag Coat of arms George's Channel to the south east, and the Irish Sea to Afrikaans [10] Anthem: "Amhrán na bhFiann" Alemannisch the east. It is a unitary, parliamentary republic with an elected president serving as head of state. The head "The Soldiers' Song" Sorry, your browser either has JavaScript of government, the Taoiseach, is nominated by the lower Ænglisc disabled or does not have any supported house of parliament, Dáil Éireann. player. You can download the clip or download a Aragonés The modern Irish state gained effective independence player to play the clip in your browser. from the United Kingdom—as the Irish Free State—in Armãneashce 1922 following the Irish War of Independence, which Arpetan resulted in the Anglo-Irish Treaty. -
Ireland & England
GCC STUDY ABROAD Summer 2019 Ireland & England $2,895 plus airfare & GCC tuition/fees Based on a minimum of 30 participants and foreign currency exchange rates CA resident tuition/fees approx. $220 Airfare estimated at under $1,000 if purchased by early 2019 On Campus June 17-25, Abroad June 27- July 21, 2019 Dublin-Galway-Oxford-London English 048: English Field Studies (1) - Prof. Doyle Poli Sci 110: Contemporary World Problems (3) - Prof. Queen Ethnic St 111: European Immigrants in the US (3) - Prof. Kronbeck Students must enroll in a minimum of four (4) units of coursework Visit www.glendale.edu/studyabroad Get on the priority list to sign up. This program will sell out!! Glendale Community College - AD145 818-240-1000 x.5718 - [email protected] IRELAND-ENGLAND PRELIMINARY ITINERARY Saturday 6-April GCC Orientation I PRICE: $2,895 Monday 17-Jun GCC Orientation II and Classes plus airfare & GCC tuition/fees Tuesday 18-Jun GCC Classes Based on a minimum of 30 Wed 19-Jun GCC Classes participants and the currency Thursday 20-Jun GCC Classes Friday 21-Jun GCC Classes exchange rate. Monday 24-Jun GCC Classes Tuesday 25-Jun GCC Classes Thursday 27-Jun In the air Fly to Dublin INCLUDES: Friday 28-Jun Arrive Dublin Overnight at hotel near Dublin Airport (own expense) 23 nights accommodation in single and Sat 29 June Drive to Galway Possible stop at Trim Castle, then NUI/Galway Corrib Village twin rooms, daily breakfast, welcome Sunday 30-Jun NUI/Galway Free day to explore or option to Connemara dinner, farewell dinner, airport transfers,