An injury to one is an injury to all

Volume 3 No. 125 24 January 2008 S& WoORlKiEdRS’a LIBrERiTtY y 30p/80p CAPITALISM IS CRAZY Private profits, social CREDIT CRASH PAGE 3 NORTHERN losses ROCK PAGE 4 2 NEWS Iranian regime murders student activist: protest to free our comrades!

BY SOFIE BUCKLAND, NATIONAL UNION OF When the authorities informed the family of of 37 universities have protested, issuing a have been against not just the sharp edge of his death, they added that he had already been joint statement in which call for an end to theocratic repression, but the regime itself; STUDENTS NATIONAL EXECUTIVE buried; when the family visited the grave, they harrassment against the student movement. against a US-Iranian war and the militarisation found that it had been covered with concrete - Almost seven weeks have now passed since of Iranian society; for the liberation of politi- N December last year, several dozen left- to prevent exhumation and autopsy. the initial arrests; in that period, families have cal prisoners; and for the unity of students, wing Iranian students were arrested for There are similarities between this case and been permitted only one short visit with their workers and women in the struggle for politi- Iorganising or taking part in action on 16 that of another student, Zahra Bani Yaghoub, children; a number have also had their houses cal and social democracy. Socialists in the Azar (7 December), Iran’s traditional “Student who died in prison last October after the raided and searched and family members west who hesitate before an idiotic fear of Day” of protest. Since then, many more morality police arrrested her for taking a stroll questioned. weakening the struggle to prevent a US attack activists have been arrested in a continuing with her boyfriend. Officials also claimed that Solidarity with the Iranian students is vital on Iran should be reminded as sharply as crackdown, and one of the detained has now she committed suicide, but her family say that for the left, for two reasons. necessary: these are our comrades and they been murdered by the police of the Islamist her body was severely bruised and that there As consistent democrats, socialists should need our support! regime. was blood in her ears; they are convinced that make solidarity with these brave fighters for • For more information, see the website of On 6 January, 27 year old law student she was murdered. democratic and human rights (their slogan: the “Seeking Committee to Free the Ebrahim Lotfollahi was arrested in front of In the last two weeks, repression against “nothing can stop us”), regardless of their University Students” 13azar.blogspot.com Payame Nur University in Sanandaj, the capi- student activists, and in particular members of politics. What good is the socialist internation- (though the English section is not as well tal of Iranian Kurdistan, minutes after finish- the left-wing Azadikhah va Barabari-talab alism if it does not mean raising a storm of updated as the Farsi one) ing an exam. Nine days later his family were (For Freedom and Equality) alliance, has been protest against the Islamic Republic’s brutal • Workers’ Liberty students are campaigning informed that he committed suicide in prison, stepped up, with dozens of new arrests bring- repression of the students — if we do not do to free our Iranian comrades. Part of our dying due to “suffocation”. ing the known total to more than fifty. everything we can to prevent other Iranian campaign is an attempt get one of them, Ebrahim’s brother, Esmail, saw him two (Meanwhile, three students from Tehran activists suffering Ebrahim Lotfollahi’s fate? Anoosheh Azaadbar, elected as Honorary days after his arrest and reported that he was Polytechnic have been acquitted by a court These general considerations are strength- Vice-President of NUS. For more information in good spirits and expecting to be released and formally cleared, but security and prison ened by the fact that most of those under the or if you want to help us campaign, get in shortly. He says the idea that Ebrahim officials have refused to release them.) Even knife are not only democrats but socialists, or touch: [email protected] committed suicide is simply not plausible. the officially tolerated “Islamic associations” at least influenced by socialism. Their protests The arguments for Nottingham students nuclear don’t add up fight for free speech BY CHARLIE SALMON If students wish to circulate a petition, BY STUART JORDAN leaflet or hold a campaign stall they must seek TUDENTS at Nottingham University are authorisation. The criteria for accepting or AVING already announced his plans to calling a demonstration for 23 February refusing requests is not published and no build a new generation of nuclear against attempts to quash their rights to reasoned explanation offered to students. But S even if such information were available, the Hpower stations in November 2007, protest and organise. One student has been Gordon Brown has just completed a “consul- arrested and others banned from the library for very idea that students should seek permission tation” on the issue and officially announced failing to ask permission to demonstrate and to protest is grotesque. the “new” energy policy! A policy which, circulate petitions. Activists are planning a firm response. surprise, surprise, proposes up to twenty Shortly before the Christmas holidays, About 900 students have already pledged nuclear power stations, which will start administrators called in the police after support for the campaign and a recent organis- coming on line around 2017. students from the Palestinian Society refused ing meeting agreed on a number of measures The government plan is for the power to disband a small protest on campus. One to overturn these rules culminating in the stations to be financed through private enter- student was arrested (see protest on 23 February. Students from prise but there will be plenty of public money www.youtube.com/watch?v=uZLwtit8GXM Manchester and Sheffield universities have to bail out the companies if they get into diffi- for a video of events). But this is just the most already pledged support along with local trade regimes, with fossil fuel prices escalating. culty. While New Labour tries to make a busi- extreme example of the bureaucratic measures unions and activists in Nottingham. By 2017 there should already have been ness case for nuclear, they are finding it hard. deployed against voices of dissent — with the • For more information contact ENS activist massive cuts in our carbon emissions if the In reality there is not a single nuclear power effective consent of the right-wing-dominated Teodora Todorova at planet is to avoid irreversible climate change. station in the world run by a private company. student union. [email protected] In his announcement to the Commons, John That has to mean a massive investment in Hutton, argued that public money had to be renewables, energy storage and carbon available to nuclear providers in order to capture technology. For this technology to be create a “level fiscal playing field” with other effective we would need a giant international NO SWEAT STUDENT WEEK OF ACTION AGAINST SWEATSHOPS energy providers in the fossil fuels and renew- supergrid spreading throughout Europe and able sectors. Not for the first time, public North Africa, to offset fluctuations that occur 11-18 FEBRUARY money will top up the profit margins of with weather changes and which would cause private shareholders. a smaller grid to collapse. Why is the government so keen on nuclear? The current nuclear policy runs very much against the internationalist logic. If everyone Take action for workers' rights! According to Hutton, nuclear power is the key to staving off climate change: “The entire life- followed Britain’s lead and went nuclear, cycle emissions of nuclear — that’s from global uranium deposits would run out in less This is the third annual No Sweat campus week of action, with an anti- than 10 years. Sadly, the climate change issue uranium mining through to waste management sweatshop speaker tour and meetings, actions and events in towns, — are only between 2% and 6% of those from is being used to shore up narrow nationalistic gas for every unit of electricity generated,” he sentiments at the expense of an international universities and colleges across the country. Whether you want to solution. says. Apparently we also need “energy secu- organise a mass meeting or a mini-picket, a film showing, fashion rity” to reduce our dependence on Islamist or The nationalism inherent in the nuclear Russian regimes. And we also need to plug policy is further revealed when we focus on show or anything else, get active in this week of action! the “energy gap” that is likely to occur with the maniacal element of Brown’s nuclear the decommissioning of several power programme — the £70 billion Trident replace- Supersize My Pay stations. ment project. Remind ourselves of the family Leaving the specific problems of nuclear connections involved — Brown’s brother is a In New Zealand, since 2005, thousands of mainly young fast food major lobbyist for the French nuclear aside (see Solidarity 3/119) these arguments workers have waged an innovative campaign called Supersize My Pay. do not really add up. While the “energy gap”, company, EDF — and we see public policy “energy security” and “climate change” are guided by self-interest, short-sidedness and Low-paid Starbucks workers organised in the Unite union nepotism. like noble causes, the planned proposals do (http://www.unite.org.nz) walked off the job and formed a picket little or nothing to solve them. Unfortunately the leaders of Britain’s Even the most optimistic of guesses have largest trade union, Unite, has welcomed the line. They were joined by workers from other low-paying fastfood the first of the new nuclear power plants energy plan in a statement echoing Brown’s restaurants. And they won! “British jobs for British workers” TUC coming online in 2017. The only comparable During the week of action, Michael Treen, Supersize My Pay activist example this decade, Finland's Olkiluoto 3 speech. reactor, is already two years behind schedule. Now more than ever we need a rank-and- with Unite, will tour UK cities including Oxford, Brighton, Norwich, file movement to wrest control of the unions By the time we get a lightbulb’s worth of elec- Cambridge, Hull, Nottingham, Sheffield, London, Leeds and Glasgow to tricity out of these reactors we would be in the and the labour movement away from the middle of the energy gap and all things being short-sighted demagogues playing dangerous tell us how they did it. equal more dependent on all sorts of fascistic political games with the future of the planet. www.nosweat.org.uk or email [email protected] or more details WHAT WE SAY 3 Private profit, social losses

ILL the stock-market crash that took The consequences would be on quite place on 21 January continue, or another scale from anything seen so far. The Wease? We don’t know. But what USA has a huge trade deficit. Without that about the monolines? being balanced by the inflow of investment The monolines? They are a fairly money from Asia, the USA would see a specialised part of the financial sphere. Yet dramatic drain of dollars, and a collapse of the their current crisis could have huge repercus- relative value of the dollar. But the dollar is sions. That is how capital works. Hiccups in still the keystone of world trade. A collapse of the tricks and speculations of tiny cliques of the dollar would mean an implosion of world financiers can wreck the livelihoods of trade. millions. All these countervailing factors are, In early 2007, low-security, high-interest however, limited. Nouriel Roubini, a US econ- mortgage lending in the USA went into crisis. omist who has been warning about the credit By the end of 2006, those “subprime” mort- crisis much longer than others, and has had his gages totalled about $1.5 trillion, of which warnings confirmed pretty well so far, $600 billion had originated in 2006 alone. summed up his conclusions on 21 January: A lot of people had taken out mortgages “First, the US recession will be ugly, deep, and they couldn’t afford in the hope that house severe, much more severe than 1990-1 and prices would keep soaring and so they would 2001. Second, the rest of the world will not be able to get a new mortgage, based on an decouple from the US”. increased value of their house, to pay off the In the USA, housing starts are already down first mortgage. As soon as the house-price 38% (from December 2006 to December spiral slowed, they were sunk. 2007), house prices are slumping, and reces- By early 2007, 15% of those mortgages sion is clear. On 22 January the Federal were in foreclosure or sixty days or more in Reserve cut its “federal funds” interest rate to arrears of payment. 3.5% – the same as the USA’s rate of inflation, Why did that sectoral crisis spread? The meaning that you can (or rather, banks can) mortgage companies had gone in for clever borrow effectively interest-free in the USA. high finance. Rather than just holding on to Further cuts by the Fed will mean it effec- the mortgages and waiting for the regular tively giving money away (“negative real payments to come in, they reaped their profits interest rates”, as in the 1970s). faster by “bundling” the mortgages into pieces of financial paper — certificates promising to HE UK has not had an actual recession pay such-and-such a rate — and selling them since 1990-2. Manufacturing went into on. right swindles. (Remember Enron, which went processes are more complicated and opaque — recession in 2001, but not the whole down in the wake of the dot.com crash!) and have become still more complicated and T And then those hundreds of billions of economy. People under the age of about 30 dollars of paper value had spread through the As Marx put it: “The whole process opaque in recent years. A new sort of bit of generally have no living memory of a reces- system by further trading, and by new pieces becomes so complicated [with a developed paper, called “credit derivatives”, has sion. of financial paper in turn being based on them, credit system]... that the semblance of a very expanded from zero ten years ago to $26 tril- That is not because, globally, the system has so that no-one knew where the dubious credit solvent business with a smooth flow of returns lion today. become more stable. It has not. In large part it was, or who would suffer if the bubble burst. can easily persist even long after returns actu- A recent survey finds: “The Recent Period... is luck. Capital got a big boost in 1989-91 That is why the “subprime” crisis was ally come in only at the expense of swindled more [financial] crisis-prone than any other from the collapse of Stalinism in Eastern followed in late 2007 by the bosses of huge money-lenders and partly of swindled produc- period except for the Interwar Years. In partic- Europe and Russia; the UK, uniquely well- investment banks like Merrill Lynch and ers. Thus business always appears almost ular, it seems more crisis-prone than the Gold connected to the markets of both the USA and Citigroup losing their jobs, after their compa- excessively sound right on the eve of a crash... Standard Era, the last time that capital markets continental Western Europe, has done rela- nies had to “write down” billions — i.e. admit Business is always thoroughly sound and the were globalised as they are now”. (Franklin tively well in capitalist terms. that much of the financial paper they were campaign in full swing, until suddenly the Allen and Douglas Gale, An Introduction to But the “successes” of UK capital could holding was worth only a fraction of previous debacle takes place”. Financial Crises). The Asian-centred financial well contribute to crisis hitting harder here valuation. Once credit has been shown to be over- crisis of 1997, and the dot.com bubble-burst- than in other countries. For example, “private But eventual losses are likely to be much stretched, it shrinks; and when it shrinks, spec- ing which started in March 2000, were both equity” banditry — where capitalists borrow greater than those “write-downs”. That is ulation that previously might have been sound substantial crises, although they did not money to buy out companies, chop them where the monolines come in. now in turn becomes “excessive”. No capital- become full global slumps. about, and then sell them off again a few years Financiers are not fools. If they buy dodgy ist can afford to offer easy credit when others Three factors might restrain this crisis. First, later at a higher price — has been proportion- paper, even offering high returns, they want are tightening. The “debacle” comes at a point increased rates of exploitation have pushed ately bigger in the UK than even in the USA. some insurance. Monolines are companies when many business failures or outright swin- industrial profit rates fairly high, and so indus- It depends on high levels of debt and quick which, for a fee, insure bonds. dles have developed and had been hidden only trial firms have some protective fat. In the UK, returns. They used to insure bonds issued by small because of easy credit. in fact, the average profit rate was 16% in A study of “private equity” published in local authorities. It was fairly safe business. In The credit squeeze snowballs, and beyond 2007 quarter 3, the highest since the current November 2006 by a Greenwich University recent years, they have started insuring much the financial markets into trade and produc- run of statistics started in 1965. Usually, profit researcher quoted officials as saying even then more exotic bonds, some based on the mort- tion. Fewer capitalists make new productive rates sag in the later stages of a boom, before that these deals “make companies more gage-based bonds. investments. Workers are laid off. Both capi- any actual crisis. vulnerable to swings in the economy” and They have suffered large losses, and now talists and workers cut spending. And so Second, Citigroup and Merrill Lynch were even that “the default of a large private-equity- the financiers are not sure that the insurers are production lurches down another round of the able, on 15 January, to replenish their shaky backed company is increasingly inevitable”. sound. On Friday 20 January, the second- spiral. reserves with $21 billion invested mostly by The vastly disproportionate place of interna- biggest monoline in the USA, Ambac, lost its the governments of Singapore, Kuwait, and tional high finance in the UK economy — triple-A (i.e. “very safe”) rating. South Korea. Oil states, and manufacturing- “financial and business services” are now The Financial Times quotes a financier’s N top of the basics, the last 20 or 30 exporter Asian states, have vast stocks of reckoned at 30% of the economy — also comment that this “has opened up a very nasty years have added something new. As a dollars available to lend. According to The makes the UK more vulnerable. scenario. Financial institutions may very well Oreaction to the crises of the 1930s, up Economist magazine, so-called “sovereign Jack Straw seems to feel more of a need to face another hefty round of write-offs, which to the 1970s credit and banking were quite wealth funds” based in poorer countries have theorise than other New Labourites,. In a would reduce their future potential to extend closely regulated in the big capitalist put a total of $69 billion into restoring the recent Fabian lecture he repeated the argument credit to business, thus causing a vicious spiral economies. That was the era of “managed reserves of big Western investment banks. he made at the time of Labour abolishing to develop”. capitalism”, the era when social-democrats On the same sort of lines, China and other Clause Four (its nominal commitment to Another financier said: “There are no public smugly imagined that capitalism was becom- big export-surplus countries are still buying public ownership and to “the workers by hand markets open to the monolines in their quest to ing more and more “socialistic” every year. US Treasury bonds, and so the economic and brain”) in 1995. raise capital... The only solution that would The crises of the 1970s produced the oppo- turmoil in the USA has resulted in only a “The choice at elections was often presented enable triple-A ratings to be retained now is a site reaction to those of the 1930s. Economies gentle relative decline of the value of the as one between competing whole life systems. coordinated bail-out by banks and/ or politi- were deregulated and privatised — initially, dollar compared to other currencies. No more. In the key ideological battle of the cians”. mostly, as a ploy to meet more intense global As economist Brad Setser puts it, “the twentieth century, western liberal capitalism competition and to turn the blade of that world’s central banks aren’t adding to their emerged the clear winner... Some of the argu- LL this is rooted in the very nature of competition against the working class. Those [dollar commitments] because they want more ment now is more shades of grey, more tech- capital. A capitalist boom means rival measures “worked”, as slicker credit set-ups dollars. Rather, they fear the consequences of nocratic, more about the means than ends”. capitalists racing to be first to grab the generally do for capital, to make the system stopping”. Western capitalism was of course the winner A more flexible and agile. But they also store up Towards the USA, the rest of the world, expanding loot and get into position to stamp against Stalinism. But against socialism? No! on the slower ones. By its nature, it breeds vast instabilities. with its huge dollar holdings, is like the bank Capitalism is not the only “whole life system” debt-bubbles, speculation, unsustainable floods The ratio of global financial assets to annual in Maynard Keynes’s saying: “If you owe your possible, nor even tolerable. It is a limited, of investment in particular areas, and down- world output rose from 109% in 1980 to 316% bank a hundred pounds, you have a problem. inherently inhuman and destructive, system. in 2005 (and 405% in the USA). The But if you owe a million, it has”. www.solidarity-online.org Editor: Cathy Nugent [email protected] 4 WHAT WE THINK

The capitalist state today The insurance society of the ruling class

N editorial in the Financial Times (21 made sure that Railtrack bosses and sharehold- tals are built with finance from private-sector tries and services were run directly by the January) summed up well the ers got a good pay-off. companies, which then pocket a yearly state — actually according to the overall inter- AGovernment’s new plan for the If the private contractors do well, they “repayment” for 30 years or more. ests of the national capitalist class, but at least collapsed bank Northern Rock. pocket the profits, and the Government tells us This is nothing like the “free market” of the notionally with some public accountability — “The plan is this. Northern Rock will issue that, for the market to work, winners must be economic textbooks, since the “market we have moved to one where those industries billions of pounds in new bonds... and repay allowed to win. If they run into trouble, then, demand” and the repayments are effectively and services are controlled by an oligopoly of its debt to the Bank of England. Private as with Northern Rock, the Government will guaranteed by the Government. Yet, as of competing giant multinationals. Each investors will [take over the bank]. And to help out the big shareholders. 2006, the PFI contractors were set to pocket Government’s role is redefined as making its make it work the bonds — all £30 billion or Lawyers, accountants, consultants and so on £150 billion for outlays of £43 billion. national economic arena advantageous for the so — will carry a government guarantee... make huge profits from the processes of fran- As extras, the PFI contractors can impose operation of those multinationals. “The package amounts to a subsidy [from chising and contracting-out, without any risks huge charges for small repair and renewal What is wrong about it is not the multina- the Government to the Northern Rock share- at all. jobs. And, on the side, accountants, lawyers, tionality, but the profiteering and the debase- holders and its putative buyers] and it may be Another example is the Private Finance and consultants enrich themselves. ment of government. Northern Rock is yet worth billions of pounds... Initiative, under which new schools and hospi- From a world in which many basic indus- another example. “[But] the political attractions are obvious. The Government would avoid nationalisation, which would have an uncomfortable left-wing sound to it...” It’s a vignette of post-1980 capitalism. Open Ken’s books, Everything is privatised. The market is Heaven. But there is a priest sedulously fleec- ing the flock to maintain the welfare of the but don’t back Boris! Gods who inhabit this Heaven. Namely, the Government. Vast areas of the economy are “socialised” HE knives are out for Ken left available for improving public transport. by regulation But the Government regulation Livingstone. He is targetted by the On top of that, apparently cars and buses are serves mostly to guarantee the profits of the main London paper, the Evening slower than before, despite 15% less traffic. private operators and contractors. T Standard. He is the subject of a sustained Livingstone apparently spent £23m on It is neither free market, nor public owner- smear campaign — he’s a drunk, a secret advertising and PR as well as £31,000 on a ship serving public interests, but the State as “Trotskyite”. Some of his advisors run a report on Islamophobia in the media, and guarantor for capital. Marx once wrote that the careerist mafia, which for god knows what more on promoting some very unpleasant State was an “executive... committee for reason calls itself Socialist Action. We in people such as Islamist cleric Yusuf al- managing the affairs of the whole bour- Solidarity are no friends of Livingstone, but Qaradawi. He also spent £14,000 on research geoisie”. It is now also an insurance society a lot of this is like the Tory candidate of by another Socialist Action member, Ann for the bourgeoisie. whose election campaign this assault is Kane, which was used to attack Trevor Take another example: the railways. The meant to serve — ridiculous! Phillips’ record during his bid to become railways were privatised in 1994. The Tory Now Channel Four has done a hatchet job chair of the Commission for Equalities and election manifesto of 1992 had declared: The programme contained nothing on on the future Lord Ken of Newt Hall. Livingstone’s climbdown on rail privatisation Human Rights. However the problem here is “Competition and private ownership are the But “The Court of Ken”, Martin Bright’s more the politics promoted by Livingstone most powerful engines of economic efficiency, — which was the central question on which Dispatches film on Ken Livingstone he was elected in 2000. It said nothing on the rather than spending money on reports. innovation and choice... Companies which (Monday 21 January) was very disappoint- The most serious legal allegation made by looked inwards to Whitehall are now listening privatisation of the East London line or ing, lacking both perspective and coherence. indeed on his relationship in general to big programme was that in the 2004 election, to their customers and shareholders. Based largely on the testimony of former GLA civil servants (such as Singh) were “We will end British Rail’s monopoly. We business in the capital, never mind on his GLA employee Atma Singh and other former shameful attitude toward rail workers taking asked to work for Livingstone’s campaign, will sell certain rail services and franchise associates like Marc Wadsworth, the by writing articles, raising money and organ- others”. strike action. programme “revealed” that Livingstone The “hard-left conspiracy” story, as well as ising supporters. 13 years on, there is no flowering of “effi- employs John Ross, Simon Fletcher, Mark All these matters are important for the ciency, innovation and choice” on the rail- the not-very-secret disclosure that Watts and Redmond O’Neill and other Livingstone drinks whisky during work time, labour movement. We should call for a work- ways. Railworkers’ jobs and conditions have members of Socialist Action as a “coterie of ers’ enquiry into the allegations. Open the been cut, services are poor, fares are often also obscures the more substantial points unaccountable advisers” on £120,000+ made in the film about Livingstone’s use of books! exorbitant. But the Government subsidy to salaries a year. For us there is also the bigger picture. For passenger railways now runs at nearly £5 public money. Singh, himself a former Socialist Action The programme stated that Livingstone Bright and others on the neo-con left/ex-left, billion (2005/6), or 51% of their total revenue. member, “revealed” that until 2000 they used Livingstone is a disappointment, someone For British Rail in the late 1980s the subsidy spends a lot of money on foreign trips and to meet in the Cedar Room pub in Islington cultivating relations with overseas states like who once brought hope but has since gone was 25% of revenue. and used a printer’s shop in Hackney. All of wrong. For us, Livingstone has always been Christian Wolmar, an expert on rail privati- China, Cuba and Venezuela, including three- this is well-known — and rather misses what quarters of a million travelling business class a venal careerist and these allegations come sation, says that even those figures do not say should be the political target — what as no surprise. But in the forthcoming it all. They do not “show the right position and staying in posh hotels in India. Livingstone and his friends have been doing The London Development Agency, “Ken’s mayoral election the choice will unfortu- because Network Rail’s borrowing is not for/to workers while running London, why nately most likely between Livingstone, included. That has been increasing at about £2 Piggy Bank” spends, nearly £600m on they should get these inflated sums etc. sustainable development and regeneration. warts and all, and Tory buffoon Boris billion per year and will clearly never be paid All the red-baiting, with wild claims that Johnson. This film, lacking any kind of posi- back”. Between 2003 and 2006 it gave £1.8m to the ex-Trots are bent on introducing “city- organisations that then liquidated or failed to tive, coherent alternative, largely ends up To be sure, the contractors and franchisees state” socialism in London (under the noses feeding the right. compete, and sometimes companies lose fran- file accounts. of the bourgeoisie across the water from City The programme claims that half the chises. Sometimes franchise-holders go bust, • The strange history of Socialist Action - see Hall!), is frankly laughable given their pro- revenue from the congestion charge is spent as Railtrack did in 2002. But the Government p12 business record in power for eight years. on operating costs, and so there is much less LABOUR MOVEMENT NEWS 5 Call to unite workers against BNP

BY PETRA HALL downgrading and destruction of channels for in particular those with extensive trade union political representation through the Labour backing like Searchlight/ Hope not Hate and ORE than 100 people attended the Party” and “the failure of …unions to act as Unite against Fascism. A campaign is needed regional conference that took place a pole of attraction for workers angry at the that is independent of the government and in Nottingham on January 19th way society is run”. It also accepted that “it other capitalist parties, mobilizing the trade M is an essential aspect of effective anti-fascist unions and working class communities called by Nottinghamshire Stop the BNP and sponsored by a number of trade unions and campaigning …that we against both racism and the causes of racism. campaigning organisations in the Notts area • encourage genuine non-racist action for Such a campaign could send the BNP and and other parts of the East Midlands. working class interests on housing, employ- the Voice of Change split from the BNP back The conference was called to discuss a ment and welfare rights as well as into the political margins. campaign to stop a repeat of the 2007 BNP • promote non-racist democratic working But that will require an end to the “lowest “Red, White and Blue festival” in Codnor class organisations, such as trade unions, to common denominator” politics of the major near both Derby and Nottingham. organise around such issues.” national campaigns and their conciliation on It attracted significant representations The campaign noted a split in the BNP the one hand (UAF) to religious reactionar- from a number of unions particularly the which had led to many leading BNP figures ies such as in the Muslim Council of Britain FBU from Lincoln, Loughborough, Derby locally, including Broxtowe councillor Sadie or on the other hand to supporters of the and Leicester. FBU delegates came even Graham, leaving the BNP and setting about government as seen in the Hope not Hate from as far away as Gloucester. forming their own party. It was noted that campaign. The conference decided to continue to this new party looked as though it was going The Nottingham conference showed that organise against BNP events as the Notts to be essentially the same as the BNP with such politics are not necessary to create a the same racist policies, the same connection vibrant campaign. In fact the experience of Stop the BNP campaign had done in October Unite Against Fascism demonstration when it peacefully blockaded a meeting of with individuals and organisations promoting the Nottinghamshire campaign over less than the BNP that was to be addressed by their race hate and having Nazi histories. The 10 months showed that a desire to revitalize meeting decided it would deal with this new critical political life in working class party leader Nick Griffin, thereby preventing generally against racism and for their own “party” in the same way as it does the BNP. communities is essential for the success of it going ahead. interests. A call was made from the conference to any anti-fascist campaign. The conference agreed to continue to The Midlands TUC spokesperson, Alan call for a major mobilisation against any “actively seek out and work with black and Weaver, and Christine Shawcroft of the attempt to repeat the 2007 BNP Red, White • A mass leafleting of Brinsley by over 20 minority ethnic communities including Labour Party National Executive argued that and Blue festival in the region including activists on the day following the conference Muslims” and to “collaborate with religious the focus had to be on getting the major • demanding that councils block permis- informed local residents of the mutual Nazi organisations against racism and against the “credible” parties elected against the BNP. sion for any repetition of this event; allegations being made by each side of the far right” but “at the same time (to) be However most delegates spoke against • calling on trade unions to refuse to do current internal BNP civil war, and called on explicit in … (its)… support for the rights becoming defenders of the government’s or any work that might facilitate the BNP event Brinsley people to demand the resignation of and liberation of LGBT people and the rights of other parties’ records. • calling on thousands of local people to Sadie Graham as Broxtowe councillor. Great of women including the right to choose The conference agreed, without any votes join the campaign in filling the surrounding pleasure was taken in delivering a copy of whether or not to have an abortion.” being cast against, to recognise that the area in mass protest should any such event the leaflet directly to Sadie Graham’s door, A speaker from the successful Kirklees actions and policies of the Labour take place in 2008. to the anger of a group of burly men who campaign gave examples of the way women Government had in fact created the environ- The organisations represented at the came out of the door but decided to take no from the Muslim communities, normally not ment that had helped the BNP grow. It noted conference will now need to make represen- action against the large group of anti-fascist encouraged to take part in political actions that BNP growth had resulted from “the could be drawn into political action both tations to national anti-fascist organisations, leafletters.

IN BRIEF

Brown offers millions shown, may become isolated and those who Burslem strike have been victimised will be forced to rely on lengthy employment tribunals where they can continues only win compensation, rather than reinstate- for shareholders and ment. ROUND 600 postalworkers and other Matthew Thompson trade unionists took part in a national Ademonstration called by the Vote for action! pennies for workers Communication Workers’ Union in Stoke on 19 January. Over a hundred CWU members at the Burslem office have been on strike since Canary Wharf: London Underground 18 December in support of twelve victimised management have sacked two Canary colleagues suspended by Royal Mail manage- Wharf Station Supervisors over some miss- From page 16 the strike will go ahead. ing KitKats! The Government is trying to build on its This is because the union executive in the ment last September. The background to this action is the CWU victory in 2007, when, despite millions of Department (dominated by the Socialist STATION staff often have to put up with postal executive’s vote to call off national litres of talk from union leaders about “coor- Party) is desperately signalling to manage- commercial promotions on the stations, and it action over pay, pensions and jobs and leave has become the norm for staff to get a few dinated action”, it got more or less what it ment that it does not want to go ahead with discussions over new “flexible conditions” to goodies in return for co-operation. Now this wanted with only piecemeal and half-hearted the action. local negotiations. This has left local managers has become a sacking issue! resistance or (from some unions) with no It asked that the Department agree to go attempting to push through new working Any Underground worker could be next in resistance at all. with the union to ACAS, and in return they arrangements, knowing they will be backed by line in this discipline clampdown, so it is Public sector unions should: will call the strike off. That did not work, so national Royal Mail management. important that all rally round these sacked • Mobilise to resist, and build solidarity now the union leadership has written to the More militant offices who resist will be staff. Their union, RMT, is balloting for action around the sections that take action, rather DWP Secretary of State, Peter Hain, asking most likely to be subjected to these attacks. in defence of one of the sacked workers who than using “coordination” as an excuse to for the ACAS meeting. The bosses know the CWU will only fight is a member. The other worker is in the cleri- postpone action into an ideal future; DWP might agree to meet PCS. If so, the branch by branch, rather than with national cal union TSSA. Unfortunately, so far there no • Demand pay agreements guaranteeing strike will not take place. Or, DWP bosses action. This a point was made by the Burslem news of action from them. that wages beat inflation; may calculate the current SP tactic of one or strikers who lobbied the recent meeting between CWU leaders and national Royal • Fight for a minimum wage of at least £8 two day strikes separated by a month or Mail management. Defend Giles an hour in the public sector, including for months of no action will not hurt them At the rally at the end of the demonstration “contracted-out” workers; organise the unor- enough that it worth even going through the — addressed by General Secretary Billy ganised; formalities of a meeting in order to head it Hayes and Postal Deputy General Secretary S Henry • Insist on the right to negotiate wages off. Dave Ward — the strikers and their reps made LONDON Underground has sacked a worker freely (instead of having settlements Either way the current tactics are highly clear their determination to continue the strike at London Bridge over an alleged incident imposed by the Government, as with teach- unlikely to win rate of inflation pay awards until their colleagues are reinstated. They with a customer. But the company’s only stressed the importance of maintaining the ers and health workers) and refuse multi- for 2007 and in the coming years. Gordon “evidence” against Gyles is the say-so of a financial support they have received, and year deals; Brown has set his stall out. To break his different customer who admitted there was no winning the planned ballot of the 1,500 • Aim for common settlement dates and three-year wage-cut policy requires different violence involved, but speculated that there postalworkers in other North Staffordshire “levelling-up” across the public sector. tactics, including selective action in areas might have been! CWU branches. A DWP union activist writes: We are now with economic clout and more effective over- RMT is balloting members for industrial As they argue, without extending the action heading for a one day strike on 31 January. time bans (many parts of the DWP are run action. Vote Yes! and putting further pressure on Royal Mail, At the time of writing we don’t know whether on overtime). More: www.workersliberty.org/tube the tremendous solidarity the strikers have 6 ACTIVISM

Abortion rights — weak response from MPs

BY AMY FISHER When speakers from the floor got a chance, they were almost all more activist-focused and N January 16, a parliamentary rally posed more radical demands. A Green Party organised by Abortion Rights packed member raised a few heckles when she claimed out two committee rooms with over 300 they’re the only party with a pro-choice “line” O on abortion rights — despite the complaints of people. Speakers included various MPs and Lords from all three parties, the TUC women’s staunch Labour hacks, this is technically true as officer, an adviser to Ken Livingstone and the the three main parties all allow a free Fawcett Society. “conscience” vote in the Commons. Various In the usual mould of such meetings the plat- contributions posed the need for direct action, form was full and speeches took the majority of which thankfully appears to (finally) be listened the time, leaving little for contributions from the to by Abortion Rights — they’re staging a floor. Activists were told of the parliamentary picket of Ann Widdecombe’s forthcoming anti- threat and the possibility of a victory in repeal- abortion speaker tour on 6 February. ing the “two doctors” rule when the Human Questions raised by Feminist Fightback Fertilisation and Embryology act passes and activists about unity with the trade union move- assured that the support for abortion rights ment, mass direct action and demands around crosses the “parliamentary divide”. real choice for working class women (living The most radical speech of the evening came minimum wage, free universal childcare, ending (surprisingly) from Diane Abbott, denouncing NHS privatisation etc.) were not picked up on by speakers replying to the audience, and still ENS activists on the small October 2006 NUS demonstration - the left must unite to reorient NUS the anti-choice lobby and explaining they’re towards actual campaigning! motivated by hatred of women, not concern for appear a step too far for a cross-party lobbying children (she highlighted their lack of interest in campaign. The move to direct action is a posi- child poverty and the welfare of asylum-seeking tive step however, and socialist activists should children). intervene on demonstrations with our own demands for reproductive rights. The SWP and left Feminist Fightback unity — the case organises of the student he second Feminist Fightback open steer- organising a teach-in day on reproductive rights, ing meeting saw women from across the covering issues from sex education to interna- Ttrade union and student movements tional solidarity, with workshops and debates. discuss direct action on abortion rights, a pro- Watch this space for more. movement choice teach-in and plans for international We also discussed International Women’s women’s day. Day, and plan to go along to the “Million It was decided that the picket of the Christian Women Rise” demonstration against violence Medical Foundation should use the slogans against women, to join in but also to spread BY SACHA ISMAIL Galloway; meanwhile, they have had to work “Don’t turn back the clock on reproductive free- awareness about International Working with the AWL and ENS in the campaign to doms” and “women deserve choice” (a spin on Women’s Day, it’s history and why it matters. A IKE it or not, the SWP is the biggest defend what remains of NUS democracy the CMF’s declaration that “women deserve joint seminar with the Organisation for group on the socialist left. Any attempt from the leadership’s drive to abolish it. As a better” than abortion). We’ll be picketing Women’s Freedom in Iraq was also proposed – to unite will necessarily involve them, result, they are much more willing to engage. outside the CMF headquarters from 4pm, more soon. L We have had extensive talks about whether, or at least substantial numbers of its activists. moving to Borough High Street at 5pm to Get involved – www.feministfightback.org.uk Nowhere is this more true than in the student given our work together on ground to fight leaflet the public. [email protected] or ring 07815 movement, where the AWL has some experi- for NUS democracy, unity at a national level Other suggested pro-choice action included 490 837. ence of practical unity with the SWP. is possible. As well as having regular contact with a Unfortunately but not surprisingly, the fair number of SWP activists on campuses, SWP students have not entirely changed their we know a number of their student organis- ways. They still insist on involving Student ABORTION RIGHTS ACTIVISM ers and have undertaken joint campaigns Broad Left; in fact, they have gone as far as with them as a group. Between 1998 and championing Ruqayyah Collector, the SBL- 2002, for instance, a major surge of anti-fees supporting NUS Black Students’ Officer activism helped us persuade them to work who, in addition to not being very left-wing, with us and our allies in united left slates for simply declared her candidacy last year with Don’t Turn Back the Clock on elections to the NUS National Executive no attempt to discuss it with or make herself (which take place every year at NUS confer- accountable to the wider student left. ence). Our unity drew in broader forces than Nonetheless, because the AWL believes unity Reproductive Rights! either group could mobilise alone, and is important, we have supported ENS in resulted in a stronger profile for the left in perservering with the discussions (at the time Feminist Fightback picket of the Christian Medical Foundation national student politics. Thus in 1998 and Solidarity went to press, it was still persever- 1999, at a crucial time for the fight against ing!) Friday 25th Jan 4pm, 6 Marshalsea Road, SE1 1HL London (nearest fees, Campaign for Free Education chair and We will see what happens: it looks very AWL member Kate Buckell came very close possible that the SWP and Student Broad tubes London Bridge and Borough High Street) to winning NUS president. Left will scupper the hope of unity by This unity broke down as a result of the bureaucratic stubbornness. Nevertheless, The Christian Medical Foundation is lobbying the government hard over the Human SWP’s turn towards the politics of reac- progress which would have been unthinkable Fertilisation and Embryology Bill currently being discussed in parliament, in favour of reducing tionary “anti-imperialism”; from 2004 to this a year ago has been made — for instance in the time limit on abortions. The Christian Medical Foundation was recently exposed when at least year, they refused to even discuss unity with persuading the SWP, and through them, SBL eight of its members gave evidence to the government Inquiry by the Science and Technology us, preferring to cooperate with the (so- that the programme for a slate would need to Committee into the future of abortion law in Britain which claimed that abortion harmed a called) Student Broad Left, a front for the include a clear statement of solidarity with woman’s health — without disclosing their membership of the CMF. Stalinist Socialist Action group, who share workers’ and other democratic movements in The CMF also hosts the minority report produced by the Conservative MP Nadine Dorries who much of the SWP’s politics on Iraq, Palestine Iraq and Iran. Even if a slate does not has also in the past introduced a Bill to cut back the time limit. and so on. happen, these discussions will help us in the For more information call Laura on 07890 209479 or email In 2007, at a meeting called by an inde- bigger task of debating with and persuading pendent left activist to discuss unity, the SWP members in our colleges, workplaces [email protected] SWP declared that unity with the AWL was and cities. inconceivable and in effect walked out. The In any case, whatever the outcome, they result was that at NUS conference there were have proved that the SWP post-Galloway is a Protest at anti-choice roadshow two left slates for NUS executive, one organ- somewhat different creature from what it was ised by Education Not for Sale and another before — and that revolutionaries should not duck the vital task of engaging it to help re- Tory MP Ann Widdecombe is touring the country spreading anti-abortion propaganda with the by “Student Respect” and Student Broad Left. Clearly this was not ideal, but the SWP educate its membership about what Marxism charity “Life”. Join the protest! Called by Abortion Rights — www.abortionrights.org.uk precluded any other outcome. is and is not. This year, however, things are different. • For the latest on left unity in NUS see Outside Central Hall Westminster , Wednesday 6th The SWP has been chastened and, to a Education Not for Sale www.free- February, 6.30pm, subject to police permission limited extent, sobered up by their split with education.org.uk US ELECTIONS 7 US primaries: vote-herding for the Establishment

BY BARRY FINGER ically they are the ones who hoist the flag of rights against an intrusive state have earned workers every two and four years, only to him some misplaced support as a “left- he current exercise in “participatory” engender excitement and then turn around and Jeffersonian” within the ranks of politically democracy, the American primaries — abandon the same constituency. This is now at untutored students and youngish profession- in which the public “selects” its Team the level of a practised ritual”. Rather than als. This relatively privileged sector is ever so T break with a party institutionally wedded to self-assured that they — and therefore all leaders is a particularly squalid show. It combines, at least on the Democratic side, the the system by building a mass progressive “worthy individuals” — can and should be inspiring promise of shattering the social alternative, Kucinch will no doubt exercise his able to privately handle social adversity and barriers of blacks and women to the highest influence over the Democratic Party left — retirement without the assistance of any the echelons of political office with an insipid and those outside the DP for whom his candi- “nanny state”. He offers the prospect of a scam of “change” and “hope” carefully dacy inspires — to remain steadfast and trans-ideological left-right coalition. But a crafted to withhold the power to put reforms actively work for the pro-corporate candidate closer look at his actual platform is rather into practice in ways that strengthen the polit- the Democrats ultimately agree to run. chilling. ical force of the working class and the The tragedy of the Democratic Kuciniches Beside the usual nut wing defense of the oppressed at the expense of the Establishment. is that, having fully recognised the problem, gold standard and opposition to every social The Democratic nominee for President will they nevertheless remain, at the end, vote program, including Social Security, Medicare, most likely be determined by February when herders for the Establishment. They fear noth- Medicaid, workers’ compensation, unemploy- huge voting blocks of large states will weigh ing more than the accusation of having acted ment insurance, federal disability insurance, in. This frontloading process, sold as a small as spoilers for the rightwing. Yet without etc. Paul also opposes the Food and Drug d- democratic initiative, reinforces the impera- sustained pressure from insurgent movements Administration, the Post Office and virtually tive to candidates of quickly raising huge independent of the Democrats, the entire any market regulation. sums of money to become and remain political centre invariably drifts to the right as Along similar lines Paul repudiates the right competitive — to buy television, radio and it has for decades since the demise of the civil to an abortion, gay rights, affirmative action print ads; and to hire “political strategists”, rights movement and the New Left. — that is all “collective rights” — and the advertising hucksters and an army of liaisons As for the Republicans, John McCain pres- extension of any social services and citizen- to the corporate world where candidates audi- ents himself as something of the Republican Barack Obama ship privileges to unregistered immigrants. Hillary Clinton, an experienced manager of The purpose of the American military is tion and sell their viability as corporate assets. Romney reminds people of the boss who laid It minimises the power of social movements the status quo without the elitist social not, for Paul, Empire, but protection of the baggage of the zelig-like Mitt Romney or the them off. Huckabee rales against corporate border against invasion by foreign hordes whose natural advantage is not fundraising greed and the economic inequality, which but mass mobilisation and reduces them to manifest incompetency of the Bushites. Yet it from the south. He is now known to have had is Michael Huckabee and Ron Paul who are shakes the Republican establishment and a bone chilling history of racist rants, includ- vote fodder. Most tragically, it cynically invites reprimands that his economic conditions large chunks of the poor and the the real anomalies and who deserve some ing past support for such luminaries of “white scrutiny for what they represent. populism would be more suited to the power” as David Duke. working class, as well as their spokespersons, Democratic Party. Nevertheless, his actual to strategise reflexively within the system, to Huckabee is a religious primitive with It is a rather heartbreaking commentary on respect to science, and to women and gay programme consists in little more than the American politics that some well-known left- dismiss as unrealistic those candidates such as replacement of the hated Internal Revenue Dennis Kucinich or even John Edwards, who rights. Still, he has raised the flag of plebian- ists, including those associated with ism within his party. He famously quipped Service with a national sales tax. CounterPunch magazine, have actually made present even modest anti-corporate agendas. Ron Paul presents himself as a “pro- Hillary Clinton is the candidate of corporate that the difference between Romney and the case for a Paul-Kucinich alliance. himself is that Huckabee reminds people of Constitution” libertarian. His opposition to • Abridged. Full text liberalism at home and empire abroad. She Empire and spirited defense of individual shies away from no business sector in her bid the fellow they work alongside, while www.workersliberty.org/node/9851 for the nomination — not big insurance companies, pharmaceuticals, defense contrac- tors or Wall Street hedge fund moguls. Unions have endorsed her in droves, despite her having placed known union busting consult- ing firms in positions of prominence within Debate: socialists her campaign. Clinton began her career as a corporate lawyer and once famously said that you cannot be a lawyer without working for should vote Democrat banks. She is inextricably bound to her husband’s administration, which shredded the federal safety net for the poor, reversed Sacha Ismail’s article on the election informs his views on a whole range of issues) compelling vision — borrowed from the fore- customer safety regulations that would have (Solidarity 3-124), prompted this response but then to say his career as a trial lawyer, and most American socialist of the late twentieth prevented the sub-prime meltdown now from Eric Lee the wealth he accumulated, is relevant is a bit century, Michael Harrington — of there being wreaking havoc on the working class, ended unfair. “two Americas”? No room in the article to Either you care about the man’s biography or mention any of that, let alone critique it. (But what was left of public control of the airwaves O write, as Sacha Ismail does, that US not. In any event, Edwards’ success as a trial there was room to mention the haircut.) clearing the way for a few mega-corporations “Republicans and Democrats are... almost lawyer did make him rich — but it also gave To say that socialists cannot support “any to consolidate their hold over public opinion, identical in policy terms” betrays either a and passed free trade legislation without a T him valuable experience doing battle against Democratic candidate” (even Kucinich?) startling ignorance of American politics or a greedy corporations. because it means giving up the task of building scinitilla of worker protection thereby acceler- form of ultra-leftism… And to ignore the incredible transformation an independent voice for workers in the US — ating the global race to the bottom. To put this as clearly as I can: on every single of Edwards that has taken place since 2004 is what does that mean? I thought that trade There is not a modicum of difference policy issue that concerns American voters, unforgiveable. Edwards has undergone an RFK- unions were independent forces, tools used by between Clinton and Barack Obama, touted regardless of their class, Democrats and style epiphany. Edwards [has] set up a centre to the working class in its struggles. Edwards’ by the media as the “agent of change”. Republicans come down on different sides. research poverty, and became a leading activist commitment to unions is absolutely clear, and if Neither is for national health insurance, If you want abortion to be safe and legal you in support of union organising drives across the elected president (presuming he sweeps in a although both present programs for increased vote Democratic. If you want US troops with- US. Which is why it should come as no surprise Democratic majority in Congress) unions are access to medical care. Neither questions the drawn from Iraq within our lifetimes, you vote that most of the state affiliates of the giant likely to experience their biggest period of foundations of imperial foreign policy. Democratic. If you want labour laws to be SEIU, the union most committed to organising, growth since the 1930s. Neither is for defunding the war in Iraq, or for changed so that it becomes easier for unions to have backed him. As have some of the biggest Or did Sacha mean that if we vote for complete withdrawal of troops. Neither offers organise, you vote Democratic. unions in the country, including the Steel Democrats, we delay the creation of a genuinely a meaningful program to eliminate Taft This is something that every single trade Workers. revolutionary socialist party? Sacha ends his Hartley, which limits union power and frac- union in America understands, and that the vast Instead of mentioning any of this — even to article by pointing out that American workers tures working class solidarity. Neither has a majority of socialists and progressives under- criticise it — Sacha has chosen to mention yet are indeed capable of forming a proper labour programme to address poverty, to provide stand as well. In all recent national elections, again the infamous Edwards $400 haircut. party. And he gives as proof of this — the Labor decent jobs and ensure livable wages. Neither those socialists which took the view that there is Welcome to the Republican Party — that’s their Party formed in 1996. With over 2,000,000 is for the public financing of elections. no difference between the parties — the view style, not ours. If you disagree with Edwards’ affiliated trade unionists, no less. Wow — why Where socialists and leftists actively seek that Sacha takes — received only a handful of policies, make your case. But don’t slump into bother to vote for bourgeois Democrats when divisiveness, press to raise awareness of class votes. the gutter of Fox News. we’ve got this two million strong labour party and social differences in domestic and foreign The Socialist candidate for president in 2004 To dismiss Edwards’ policies with a shrug — to vote for? Except — this labour party existed policy and urge the exploited to act on that received 0.009% of the vote. I think that there “they go nowhere near solving problems” — is on paper only, and Sacha knows that. It’s awareness, Obama’s clarion call is to “move are more socialists and progressives than that — utterly irresponsible. What aspects of Edwards’ dishonest to pretend otherwise. beyond partisan differences”. Neither Barack and I think they voted, as most socialists have plan to guarantee health care for every Today, every socialist I know in America and nor Clinton offers the left an opportunity to done for the last 70 years, for the Democrats. American do you not agree with? Surely you many progressives as well are enthusiastic advance one step in transforming the Sacha goes on to say that there’s been “a know that the Obama plan is far worse, and that supporters of the Edwards campaign, as am I. oligarchic American state where a tiny, privi- certain amount of fuss” around the candidacy of the alternative is a Republican president and There are real issues at stake here, and people’s leged elite controls money and politics. John Edwards. What a condescending, patronis- Congress who are happy with things as they lives on the line, and to spew out far-left Sadly, Dennis Kucinich, the most decent ing tone… What there has been is a are… nonsense about “pick-the-millionaire”, blind to and solidly left leaning candidate, correctly groundswell of support on the left and in the What about Edwards’ support for the the differences between, say, John Edwards and indicts the Democratic Party in terms that unions for a candidate who the mainstream Employee Free Choice Act, which would George Bush, is irresponsible and foolish. portend his own future political capitulation to media has largely been ignoring and who is remove considerable barriers to union growth? • Full text of Eric’s article: the “will” of the Democratic nominating being outspent ten-to-one by his celebrity rivals. Or his plan to end poverty within 30 years? Or tinyurl.com/387cc9 process. “What I see is that the Democratic To say that Edwards’ background as the son his views on tax? His promise to kick corporate • Sacha’s article: Party abandoned working people and paradox- of a mill worker is irrelevant (even though it lobbyists out of the White House? Or his www.workersliberty.org/node/9841 Pierre Lambert June 9, 1920 – An anti-capi January 16, 2008 BY DAVID BRODER proposed party] is not what we want to create and that’s why, while we watch this initiative Pierre Lambert, leader of what for a 1953, Bleibtreu and Lequenne in 1955; and FTER winning 1.5 million votes in the attentively and sympathetically, we refuse to long time was the biggest force in French Daniel Renard would fade away. April 2007 French presidential elec- participate in building it” Trotskyism, died on 16 January 2008 at 1958 was the decisive year, because the tion, the Ligue Communiste A significant factor in LO’s attitude to the A LCR’s project is its own organisational the age of 87. His organisation — now working-class defeat represented by De Révolutionnaire launched a call for a new called the “Workers’ Party”, and about Gaulle’s seizure of power and the establish- “anti-capitalist party” to bring together culture, which tolerates little dissent and seeks to relaunch itself as the “Independent ment of the Fifth Republic, and the rallying activists from across the spectrum of the far to recruit only those activists who are already Workers’ Party” — has in recent years to De Gaulle of Messali Hadj, who was left in a joint organisation. in full agreement with the leadership line. The focused most of its efforts on the being targeted by the Algerian FLN This unity effort in some ways echoes the minority tendency which publishes Convergences Révolutionnaires, more sympa- “defence of the [French] Republic” and a [another nationalist group, by then LCR’s previous efforts to turn to other parts of thetic to colloboration with the LCR, is not call for French withdrawal from the stronger], but whom Lambert had presented the left, for example in their support for former leading Communist Party member allowed to recruit new members to LO and European Union. In the 2007 presiden- as the “Algerian Lenin”, were heavy blows has limited space to publish its views. tial election it ran Gérard Schivardi as for the group. Pierre Juquin in the 1988 presidential election. At present it is unclear what exactly the LCR In its polemic against the LCR, Lutte “the candidate of the mayors”. But there The physiognomy of the leading group of Ouvrière takes a patronising and elitist tone. is more to the history. what would be the OCI was shaped in a plans to do – bring together the revolutionary left, or just everyone to the left of the Parti For example, it describes setting up a party lasting way in those years, and Lambert Socialiste’s Blairite leadership? Nothing has which recruits activists who do not define This is a translation of excerpts from an was the central figure. It was based on two been settled as yet, although the debates at the themselves as Trotskyists as “turning your article by Vincent Présumey. The full pillars. LCR congress on January 24-27 are sure to back on Trotsky’s teachings” but further adds text, in French, is at There was a group of a few dozen shed more light on the matter. that “of course, you could describe yourself as workersliberty.org/node/9889 activists at the end of the 1950s, then a few However, in practical terms the most impor- Trotskyist and not actually be one!” — a cate- hundred at the end of the 1960s, based on a tant issue at stake in any left regroupment is gory which purportedly includes the member- AMBERT came to the fore as one of solid Marxist and Trotskyist education, the LCR’s relationship with Lutte Ouvrière, ship of the LCR. It is impossible to reason the organisers of the trade-union enriched by the contribution of intellectuals the other prominent Trotskyist force in France. with the Lutte Ouvrière leaders on this score – Lwork of the PCI [French Trotskyist like the historians Pierre Broué and Jean- Their lack of unity has been a political hot their claim to be the sole inheritors of organisation of the time] from 1945, with Jacques Marie and the theoreticians potato for four decades, with occasional joint Marxism, Leninism (“no-one knows any more Daniel Renard and Marcel Gibelin. With Stéphane Just and Gérard Bloch... with slates in municipal and European elections what ‘Leninism’ means”) and Trotskyism, hindsight, it is clear that that trade-union campaigns in defence of activists, trade- failing to mask the animosity between the two coupled with their rigid organisational culture activity was one of the aspects of the strug- unionists, and intellectuals persecuted in organisations. Much in the same way as past and belief that non-LO activists are “turning gle of the post-war PCI which left more Pinochet’s Chile, in the USSR, or in unity offensives have collapsed, the prospects their back on all the ideas” of socialist revolu- tion is hardly conducive to comradely debate lasting results... China... for LCR-LO cooperation here appear dim, or joint work. Expelled from the CGT [the main French Pierre Lambert held together that with the majority at LO conference eschewing the idea of a new party. Indeed, rather than making proposals to the union confederation, Stalinist-controlled] in “group” and at the same time was the key LCR to outline its conditions for unity, the LO 1950, and becoming a health-insurance figure in the second pillar, a trade- It seems that all the LCR can really hope for at this point in time is to win over some leadership has taken an attitude along the lines scheme employee and then, quite soon, a union/club network which became the offi- of “we wish you all the best if you want to do full-time official of Force Ouvrière [FO, a cial opposition, in alliance with the leader- individual activists, the anarchist Alternative Libertaire group, the French section of the your thing; but your suggestion isn’t the same smaller confederation], Lambert came to ship, in FO, and also had a presence in the Committee for a Workers’ International and a as what we want, so no thanks”. As the LO organise a network of trade-union activists FEN [the teachers’ union federation, fraction of LO dissidents. conference document puts it; who were anti-Stalinists but supporters of outside both CGT and FO]. Many of the criticisms which Lutte “If we were to say that we hope that it trade-union reunification on the basis of Progressively, the “first pillar” (construc- Ouvrière’s conference document levels against succeeds… it is only because not everyone class independence, with a paper, Unity. tion of a revolutionary party) would be the LCR’s project are fair comment. It decries can be revolutionary and Trotskyist, but many This paper had an impact in the CGT and adapted and sacrificed to the “second the idea of an “anti-capitalist” party rather people, particularly young people, want to among Communist Party activists, and had pillar” (the bureaucratic/club network of than one which has a working-class led social- fight the injustices of the present social order. financing, in part, from the embassy of which Lambert was the centre), but proba- ist revolution as its explicit goal. Whatever the Some people get involved in NGOs to help Tito’s Yugoslavia... bly without a preconceived plan. claims of the biggest faction in the LCR lead- underdeveloped countries; others work closer An ironical formula from an old comrade That development proceeded at the same ership, Marxists do not believe that our poli- to home helping illegal immigrants and home- sums up well what Lambert was then: the time as the OCI became one of the big tics can be summarised as opposition to capi- less people; others are simply outraged by “contact man” of the organisation, a type organisations of the “far left” at the end of talism and big corporations. Marx's what the government does and want to oppose not necessarily important in himself, and the 1960s. In the second half of the 70s, it Communist Manifesto is full of polemic in which ways they can. It would be a good certainly not a theoretician or a political became the biggest numerically, reaching a against "conservative socialists" and "petty- thing if, even though not revolutionaries, these people could find a significant organisation analyst, but an organiser who made peak of about 6400 activists in 1982. bourgeois socialists" who oppose capitalist ready to act and which shared some of their contacts and turned them to advantage, as In the far left, the OCI was then the development but are not in favour of posing a positive working-class based alternative. ideas.” with Alexandre Hébert [an anarcho-syndi- “anti-ultra-left” organisation, advocating The LCR are not seen by LO as comrades calist and FO official], with (temporarily) the workers’ united front, defending tradi- LO further criticise the LCR as politically soft and accuse it of not educating its taking part in a common struggle against capi- André Marty when he was expelled from tional trade unionism, literally saving the talism, but characterised as akin to liberals the CP, and with the Algerian national existence of student unionism by sustaining members and periphery adequately in the Marxist tradition. Instead, says LO, the LCR and do-gooders who want to “make a differ- leader Messali Hadj... The talents of the a “UNEF Unité Syndicale” network around demagogically panders to “anti-neoliberal” ence”. “contact man” were decisive in order not to which UNEF-ID [at that time the biggest sentiments which lack real political content. In contrast to this sectarian approach, the fall into total isolation from the real French student-union organisation in France] Similarly, they attack the LCR for not learning Lutte Ouvrière minority have welcomed the workers’ movement... would be formed in 1980, and rejecting the political lessons of Trotsky’s critique of LCR’s new unity offensive and called for LO But the PCI progressively began to talk of “power in the streets” and “sexual Stalinism – as amply displayed by the LCR’s to use the opportunity to have a debate about revolve around Lambert personally, to the revolution” at the cost of taking on a veneration of Che Guevara and the Cuban what party the revolutionary socialist left point that after 1958 it could be called “the falsely “Puritan” or even macho profile... regime. Furthermore, we could point out that needs. Even if not in agreement with the Lambert group”. Other strong personalities although the LCR is the lone force calling for specific proposals of the LCR, or even its were eliminated: Danos and Gibelin in a new party, revolutionary socialists in the broader politics, LO should say what kind of LCR are softening their politics for the sake of left regroupment it is in favour of and what constructing a pseudo-“united front” with a positive suggestions it can make to potential largely non-existent right wing – mirroring allies. After emphasising the need for unity in previous ventures like the Scottish Socialist the face of Sarkozy’s attacks on pensions and Party, the Portuguese Left Bloc and so on. The jobs but criticising the LCR’s lack of specific mass “anti-capitalist” party is a construct perspectives, the LO minority comment; without a real base. “It is precisely in order to overcome these However, the flaw in Lutte Ouvrière’s problems that both in terms of eventually analysis is to abstract from their somewhat creating a new party and in terms of interven- accurate criticisms of the LCR’s political tion in struggles in the here and now that we culture the idea that working together in the recommend regular and systematic meetings same party is impossible. Although expressing between the LCR and LO at every level, start- a general sympathy for the LCR’s aims and ing with the leaderships. If we haven’t the idea of organising activists, LO’s funda- already, now is time to make contact.” mental problem with the “anti-capitalist” party At this level, it is rather hypocritical of appears to be that it would not have the regi- Lutte Ouvrière to insist on their version of mented cadre structure of Lutte Ouvrière by Trotskyist purity, given their electoral pacts which the old hands channel their political with reformists and indeed their past “party- outlook (supposedly the direct continuation of ist” adventures. For example, during the Leon Trotsky’s ideas) down to the less experi- general strike of May 1968 their forerunners enced membership. LO’s line seems to be that Voix Ouvrière set up a co-ordination group the “new party” is all right for kids, but not with the Parti Communiste Internationaliste for real proletarians like themselves. and Jeunesses Communistes Révolutionnaires, “Although we wish for its success, [the the two ancestor organisations of today’s italist party for France?

Anti-Sarkozy demonstration, Paris, 2007

LCR. In the aftermath of those struggles, LO barriers to unity. In a party which, unlike looked to form a broad left force comprising Lutte Ouvrière, allowed for free and full not only these Trotskyist forces but also debate, it would be possible to bring together Maoists and the left-social-democrat Parti people with different viewpoints yet still Socialiste Unifié. engaged in common struggle. In the struggle against Sarkozy's attacks on While revolutionary socialists should the working class, which are supported by the always be open about their politics and French revolutionary Parti Socialiste, French workers need a party educate their activists and followers about of their own to give political expression to their ideas, insistence on homogeneity, ultra- their struggles. The important question here is “hard” organisational discipline and bureau- that the party has a clear goal of organising cratic exclusion of those who are not deemed left discusses the working class as a class, and explicitly to be the correct brand of “Trotskyist” is no seeks to lead other sections of society means by which to argue for Marxist ideas in opposed to the rule of capital in a struggle to the labour movement. It can only serve to cut replace it socialism, so any given program- off the self-proclaimed revolutionary elite as a matic differences should not be erected as sect. “new party”

BY CHRIS REYNOLDS The realistic hopes of Platform A are for the We stand for adherence of Alternative Libertaire (a small he French revolutionary left is semi-Marxist anarchist group, in the tradition discussing the formation of a “new of Daniel Guérin), of the minority faction of party”. An important milestone in that Lutte Ouvrière (Convergences workers’ T Révolutionnaires/ L’Etincelle), of the Gauche discussion will be the congress on 24-27 January of the LCR (Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire (small French sister-group of Révolutionnaire). the Socialist Party here), and of a decent liberty The LCR is linked to the “orthodox number of currently-unaffiliated individuals. Trotskyist” current of thought of writers like (Lutte Ouvrière itself has made clear that it Ernest Mandel; its best-known figures today will not participate). Forty-eight pages. Twelve chapters, covering are Olivier Besancenot and Alain Krivine. The political basis that A proposes for the both basic ideas about socialism, revolution, Three sets of “theses” are to be debated at new party is a bit vague, but no vaguer than the LCR itself, and indeed in some respects the working class, the labour movement, the congress. Like the AWL, but unlike most other would-be Trotskyist organisations, the more left-wing than the LCR is at present. women’s, black and LGBT liberation etc, and LCR is open about its debates, and lets its The new party, says A, should “counterpose, against managing existing institutions, the debates on questions like imperialism, Stalinism, Israel-Palestine. minorities explain their views to the outside world. perspective of a workers’ government”. No fewer than 48 text-boxes on particular issues, on AWL activities The majority on the outgoing LCR commit- Here the influence of the LCR’s left wing, Démocratie Révolutionnaire, which has joined and campaigns, and a string of figures from our movement’s past and tee — platform A — wants a new party which will be a regroupment of revolutionaries, from Platform A, is visible. But the theses don’t present, from Louise Michel and Antoinette Konikow to Dita Sari and below. There seems to be a real chance that expand on the idea. Yanar Mohammed. they can pull off something which, though far A major gap in the theses (to my mind) is from a mass party, will have a higher profile the lack of anything about united-front policy The new pamphlet from Solidarity and Workers’ Liberty sums up our than any revolutionary socialist organisation in France, i.e. what the “new party” — obvi- ously still a minority force, even if the LCR ideas in compact form. A must-read if you’re curious about our politics in Europe since the 1970s. Platform B wants something more like the does win a lot of new young activists — will and activities, or just want to understand the debates on the left. German Die Linke, a left-reformist party with do in relation to the existing labour move- ment. • Copies £2.50 (or £1 concessions, from AWL sellers). Order a copy revolutionaries within it, formed by alliance with groups from the orbits of France’s decay- Nevertheless, it should be a serious step post free by mail to AWL, P O Box 823, London SE15 4NA, or online at ing Communist Party and Socialist Party. forward if the LCR can pull it off. www.workersliberty.org/publications. Platform C is a small offshoot of platform B, in the same political ballpark but differing •Abridged from: on some important points of analysis. www.workersliberty.org/node/9887 10 REVIEWS The story of the Blues

“The Blues? It’s the mother of American In 1894 there were massive strikes in the music. That’s what it is – the source.” — BB North over unemployment. The jobless were King on the move. In response the Democrats wound up supporting segregation in the South PETER BURTON BEGINS A SERIES — share cropping peonage, railroad construc- tion using black labour, and convict-lease to UROPEANS involved in the slave trade landowners predominated. stripped as much culture from their It was this mixture of unrealised hope from Ehuman cargo as possible but music was the end of slavery, continued real oppression so deep rooted in the African men and women and a greater possibility of individual freedom that it was impossible to tear it away from of expression that led to the creativity of the those who survived the horrific journey. Blues. In West Africa, where the slaves came Initially the black church was an outlet for from, every ceremony was celebrated with black frustrations, with many black musicians singing and dancing and the music went with such as the Reverend Gary Davies and Son them to work into the fields of North House being preachers as well as musicians. America. Blues and Gospel developed along parallel Initially the music took the form of Negro lines. But the Church proved inadequate as a spirituals and field hollers. What came to be protector, and with the prospect of industrial known as “the Blues” drew on both forms and work in the north two major migrations north spread throughout south USA as itinerant took place at the outset of both world wars. songsters carried what they learned from place The music reflected and articulated the to place and entertained people for a profit. emotions that went with the oppression and After the failure of Reconstruction in the now, the dilemmas of staying with kin in ten year period after the end of the American oppression in the South or moving North Civil war, institutionalised racism defined the away from family to look for work. The South. After Union troops left white music was a safe means of escape. It eventu- supremacists moved quickly to maintain their ally became universally popular as people the power structures. “Jim Crow” segregation world over identified with the hopes and frus- Bessie Smith laws spread to 14 states in the period between trations of the blues men and women. 1890 and 1910. This meant so-called “sepa- Blues lyrics tended to avoid direct reference back the river, cutting timber and building retelling. Handy recounted it in his book: rate but equal” facilities enshrined by the US to oppression because that could mean death. railroads to carry crops to new markets; Father of the Blues: Senate in law in 1896. Instead oppression was expressed in coded mining towns, tobacco plantations, work “A young man approached him carrying a Of course facilities were far from equal. lyrics and dissatisfactions of specific aspects camps and prisons. The Blues thrived in the guitar. His clothes were rags, his feet peeped And racist laws were backed up with weekly of life, or stories of heroes like John Henry places that black workers went to relax — the out of his shoes. His face had on it some of lynchings. Grinding poverty and shifting and Stagolee. saloons, gambling dens, brothels, Saturday the sadness of the ages. The singer repeated seasonal employment affected black people Early blues musicians did not create with a night parties and fish fries. It was shunned by the line three times, accompanying himself on the most. Fiercer competition for jobs in the mass audience in mind, so it was very the Churches, both because of where it was the guitar with the weirdest music I had ever depression of the 1890s meant racism took personal and resonant in sound. The rural performed and the subject content of much of heard. The tune stayed in my mind”. “Going this particularly brutal form. south of America lacked good transport and the lyrics. Many Churches denounced it as where the Southern crosses the dog” — the What came to be known as Blues music communication links and there were no obvi- “Devil’s Music” bit of lyric Handy made out — referred to a grew up in this transition period from a slave ous fortunes to be made by the bluesmen. Improvisation reflected a need in these railway intersection. plantation economy to a sharecropper planta- They made livings as farmers and played for kinds of places for images of strength against Arguments rage over when this actually tion system of smaller farms based on debt tips on Saturday nights. These circumstances adversity. It was also encouraged by some took place — 1895, 1903 or even 1905 — and bondage. Black sharecroppers would in theory meant the blues were partly a product of folk- landowners and work gang leaders on the whether it was the first time anyone had ever own a share of land but given that tools, lore, word of mouth and one-to-one tuition levees and railroads, as it improved productiv- heard the sound, a sound whose range came to clothes and accommodation had to be paid to with borrowing of links and styles between ity (Some gang leaders even gave instruction cover the poetic, frank discussions of sex the landowners from the share very few actu- the bluesmen. on call-and-response work songs) (often just spoken about instead of sung), ally owned any land. Most ended up owing The Blues really thrived in the Delta region The legend about the blues being heard wails, moans and humming. Vocals reflected the landlord more than they received from the of Mississippi, where work was particularly first by band leader and composer WC Handy the artist’s feelings of anguish, and the guitar work. hard — sharecropping, building levees to hold in a railroad station in Tutwiler is worth wailed along, sometimes hard and visceral, sometimes soft and playful. The when of Handy’s encounter is not important. What is important is that band leaders like Handy started to incorporate the sound into their sets as the sound proved popular and profitable, and in the 20s the A rich black man makes jokes phonograph replaced sheet music allowing for recorded sound. Initially the records were sold as “race” records and were only bought by blacks, until a more open and democratic radio changed this in the fifties. Justin Baidoo went to see Chris Rock at the minute lunch breaks and the miserable nature The first blues singers to record were Hammersmith Apollo of low-paid work. women, most notably Ma Rainey and the But, though his observations on race and “Queen of the Blues”, Bessie Smith. They HRIS Rock’s first tour to the UK was class are comical and honest, his political were backed up by the top jazz musicians of sold out within two hours despite mini- views are not particularly left-wing. His the time, Louis Armstrong, King Oliver and Cmal publicity; the Apollo was brim- unashamed love for strippers and the raunch Jelly Roll Morton. ming and people had paid to stand up at the culture that is now prevalent, and his reliance Portable sound recording equipment in back of the theatre. Was the interest justified? on sexist stereotypes to explain his views on 1925 led the companies to send out talent Chris Rock has been billed as the funniest how to please women, had the fewest laughs scouts to record in the major cities of the man alive. He was made (in)famous for his of the evening. South, in motel rooms, churches and auditori- sketches “How not to get your ass kicked by On race, he said that although he is now a ums and even prisons. Communist Party the police” (uk.youtube.com/ very rich black man, most white people still members Alan and John Lomax were key watch?v=uj0mtxXEGE8), and his stand up wouldn’t want to trade places with him. He figures in recording many of the early blues joke on black people vs. niggaz. In truth, his still suffers racism. Although he shares a men and women. trademark jarring yet endearing voice gives neighbourhood with prominent black R&B Guitars would be purchased by black musi- his commentary added humour, despite highly star Mary J Blige and Hollywood actor, cians from pawn shops, as they were eager to controversial and at times venomous content. Denziel Washington, he was disgusted to find escape sharecropping, making tips on corners Rock set the diverse London crowd roaring out that his white neighbour was just a regular or in bars. The guitar replaced the banjo, as with laughter when he said he was shocked dentist. “For a black dentist to be that rich the instrument of choice as it suited the that Barack Obama was a believable black he’d have to invent teeth!” singers’ vocal range meter and distinct blues Presidential candidate that hadn’t been assas- The most disappointing aspect of his notes. Distinct geographical areas produced sinated yet. He also expresses his shock at performance for me was that he recycled a skilled players with sounds specific to the George Bush screwing up the Presidency so few jokes from previous standups and lacked region — Texas Blues, Piedmont blues and badly “that Americans don’t even want a ungratefulness, and how a part of him now more satirical content. Though he has received Delta sounds. The latter sound transferred white man as President no more”. hates his own kids, as they are rich. He also the black comedy torch from Richard Pryor, it northwards with economic migration, princi- Rock touched on class when he talked about had an excellent sketch on the injustice of 30 was a mediocre debut for “the funniest man pally to Chicago, where it would evolve into how he grew up hating rich kids and their alive”. electric blues. REVIEWS 11 Realistic and dirty

City of Vice, a new drama series about the Bow Street Runners, is now being shown on Channel 4 (Mondays, 9pm). Cathy Nugent interviews Clive Bradley, the writer of the most recent episode, which deals with molly houses — clubs where gay men and transwomen could meet each other.

Where did the ideas for the series come from? The idea to base a series on Henry Fielding’s experiences as a magistrate came from the director and producer (Justin Hardy and Rob Percy) whom I worked with on Harlot’s Progress [about Hogarth, also made by Channel Four]. They asked me to write it and I wrote three of the five episodes. The ideas for the individual episodes came from different sources. I knew something about the Molly Houses before I wrote about them, and I did all the subsequent research. The idea for episode five came from our historical advisor, Hallie Rubenhold — she is the leading authority of 18th century pros- titution. That’s about an investigation into a high class brothel, the Temple of Venus. The first episode (about a serial killer who targets prostitutes) is based on a real life case. Other episodes had to be entirely fictional, because there wasn’t enough detail in the records. The real Henry Fielding Despite the series title, not all the episodes are about vice. One is about an armed gang was a growth in male prostitution, but not at called the Royal Family and I especially He’s not there this time. There is a lot of literature now enjoyed writing this. It’s based on a real about life in these clubs; we know they were gang and a real event. The gang break out set up above shops and bars, but we don’t one of their gang members from Gate House know their exact location. The most famous, BY DAVID BRODER is himself puzzled by accusations of prison [in Westminster]. He’s called Tom Mother Clap’s, was probably at Saffron Hill. hypocrisy. A BBC reporter repeatedly tries to Jones. Without giving anything away, Tom “Sodomy” was a hanging offence. But by get Blanchett’s “Jude” to admit that he has Jones, who is a radical, gets to have a politi- this time juries did not generally find people changed, but “Jude” doesn’t see why his crit- cal argument with Henry Fielding. MUST admit, I’m no Dylanologist, so I guilty of the “crime” . The lesser offence of was not particularly upset by director ics are so bothered, why they don’t ask such “attempted sodomy” was used. Why did the Todd Haynes’ decision to merge Suze searching questions of their own political What’s special about this period in juries do this? Probably because they really I history? Rotolo and Sara Lownds into one character, sincerity, or why they won’t appreciate his thought other peoples’ sex lives were none of nor the fact that I’m Not There is far from a music for what it is. “Jude” does not take this their business. There was a loosening up of I think this is a very interesting, intrinsi- biography of Dylan. However, while the film bad press seriously and, looking up to a statue cally interesting, period. It has a reasonance sexual mores. has an excellent score (unsurprisingly, it of Jesus Christ being crucified, he shouts “Do with today. For instance we see here the features lots of Bob Dylan tracks) and your early stuff, man!” He says that the lyrics birth of a “gay” (although it’s anachronistic What did you make of the Fielding broth- don’t change anything anyway. ers? features some memorable performances from to call it that) subculture. Although some protest songs can be The period also sees the beginnings of a the six actors representing the singer-song- John, who was ten years younger than moving, there is a lot to be said for Haynes’ liberal sensibility. London has been rebuilt writer’s different personas, it feels like a Henry, seems a formidable, austere character. sceptical attitude to the critics of Dylan’s since the fire and is now starting to grow. simple homage rather than offering any All we know about him is that he looked up particular insight. “turn”. The standard left critique of Dylan for Trade is growing. The old pre-capitalist to Henry. Everything else we show is fiction! systems of social support are breaking down. Central to the appeal of I’m Not There is its “selling out” or “betrayal” is crude and Henry is interesting, a libertine, a poly- jigsaw-like composition. The film is not concedes a lot of ground to the Stalinist There is a middle class inteligensia and they math. One of the great themes of detective presented as a biopic, and it is not chronolog- notion of “good art” as that which is on- want to do something about the conse- fiction is the “detective as an artist” . ical – instead Haynes splices together frag- message, rather than what is strong aestheti- quences of social change. John Fielding Fielding of course was a real detective and a himself was involved in setting up a home ments featuring “Dylans” from different eras, cally. Given that Dylan’s politics were at real live artist. His writing is lively and most a general concern for the oppressed and for “fallen women”. The introduction of the warm. I like him. none of them called “Bob Dylan”. anti-war sentiment, and he was never an first proper police force, the Bow Street As a magistrate he really wanted to “clean There is Marcus Carl Franklin, who activist, what precisely was there for him to Runners, has to be seen in this context. It is up” the criminal justice system which was sparkles as a wandering 11 year-old African- the new desire for “regulation”. very corrupt. He paid his runners, so they American Woody Guthrie devotee. Christian “betray”? Even political people should not Before this time there was no police to would be impartial, less corruptible. He Bale plays two roles – an early ‘60s folk- just judge culture as if it were a political speak off; there were people who were wanted things to be fair. guitar star Jack Rollins and then a washed-out instrument. employed to watch out for trouble, called evangelical preacher in the late ‘70s. Heath However, apart from Marcus Carl thief takers. But they were often thieves Why do you think period drama, or even Ledger (who died on 22 January) is a late Franklin’s scenes, which are mostly early in themselves, drunks and generally no good. period detective fiction is so popular right ‘60s actor increasingly alienated from his the film, and Blanchett’s cultured impression There were also parish constables. The now? wife (played by Charlotte Gainsbourg), of Dylan, much of the film is soggy and system was very chaotic. inconsequential. Several performances show Detective fiction has always been very misogynistic and self-obsessed. Cate The Bow Street Runners started with six Dylan as aloof, and he often appears preten- paid police. The Fielding brothers, I don’t popular. Every year there are very many Blanchett, like Bale performing an “impres- tious rather than pensive, but the film is wary know why, really thought this would be ideas for TV cop shows being developed. sion” of Bob Dylan, has the leading part in of taking its subject head on and largely aims effective. The Bow Street Runners worked The special thing about our show is that it is I’m Not There as “Jude”, the confused Dylan with the parish constables and gradually set in 1750! Of course anything English, and who “betrayed” folk music and his own at veneration. This kid-gloves attitude to the extended their forces. If all else failed the anything in costume, is popular in the US, “principles” in favour of playing electric ageing legend appears to echo the widespread state called in the army, but our series does’t where TV shows are sold, and Channel Four guitar. The other two actors – Ben Whishaw acclamation for Dylan’s pisspoor 2006 album depict that particular reality! in particular does very well over there. But as poet Arthur Rimbaud, and Richard Gere as Modern Times, despite its homages to such that doesn’t account for the popularity over a disguised Billy the Kid – put in unremark- artists as Bing Crosby and Memphis Minnie. In the episode centred on a Molly House, a here of course. able performances, with Gere’s part particu- I had eagerly anticipated going to see I’m man servant, a proletarian, is given refuge Detective fiction has always been used to larly incoherent and rambling. Not There, but to be truthful it left me a little in the club. Who were the clubs for? discuss “issues”, it is a “way in” for the The contradictions of Dylan’s political side, cold. Yes, Cate Blanchett’s impression of audience, or the reader. And I think there is a Dylan is eye-catching, but the film has very The clubs were mostly for artisans, the and similarly his “turn” to electric, are of tendency now in the UK to make period some prominence in the film, mainly in little new to say about Dylan, and its 2 hour petty bourgeoisie of London. They were drama, historical fiction, on TV, more clubs, not brothels by the way, as it is some- Blanchett’s performance. Haynes shows fans 15 minute running time seemed excessive contemporary and edgy, or in our case, real- disgruntled by Dylan’s behaviour, yet the star when so much of the film has no direction. times assumed. Later on in the century there istic and dirty. 12 THE LEFT The strange history of Socialist Action

faction fighting had become more compli- very small, has squirrelled its way into many cated. As well as the “traditional” anti-Rossite leading positions in the ancillary staff of the AS WE WERE SAYING opposition there was a new faction, co- broader Labour left. Carol Turner, for exam- thinkers of the Socialist Workers Party in the ple, was secretary of Labour CND, and that USA (no relation to the SWP Britain), whose gave her the basis to become secretary of the “Exposed” in the current right wing Claimants’ Unions as their means to make chief plank was political identification with a Committee to Stop War in the Gulf [in 1991]. campaign against Ken Livingstone, as the contact, avoiding conflict with militants by “new leadership of the world revolution” to be The broad reformist left is usually short of underground group central to Livingstone’s avoiding “calls to action”, and making general found in the Sandinistas, the Cuban govern- quartermasters and aides de camp, and no one “team”, Socialist Action have always been a propaganda. ment, and the ANC in South Africa. fills those jobs better than revolutionaries weird collection of individuals. Right-wing The new thinking worked as a means for The “traditional” opposition insisted on possessed by an inner vision which tells them and strangely apolitical when Martin reorienting and managing the group; or at least some critical distance from those forces, and that the reformist campaign is, in its secret Thomas wrote this history in February it worked for a short while. In the summer of stressed more serious work in the Labour essence, the stuff of revolution. Socialist 1991 (Socialist Organiser 476), they are 1972 Uganda expelled its Asian community. Party. (After being largely sidelined by the big Action [does this with] the production and much more right-wing today. The Tory government honoured the Asians’ Labour Party struggles of 1979-81 — in the distribution of Campaign Group News for the British passports and admitted them to Britain. 1979 election campaign it ran jointly with Campaign Croup of MPs. T is a long story, and there isn’t space for There was a racist backlash. The IMG’s paper some smaller groups, a state of anti-Labour The whole bizarre history is a lesson on the it all here. Even a short outline has to go commented: “Asians: Big Chance for Left”. candidates called Socialist Unity — the IMG need to build a Marxist left wing in the labour Iback to 1971, when John Ross, the chief The reasoning was that the racist backlash had dissolved and regrouped around a newspa- movement based on clear ideas and strict ideologue of Socialist Action today, joined the created a big need for general socialist propa- per in the Labour Party, Socialist Action). political accounting. International Marxist Group. ganda. (Analogy: “Black Death: Big Chance In their outward form, Ross’s enterprises The IMG was a small, dim group. Its chief for Doctors”). have been attempts to build such a left wing. distinguishing thought was enthusiastic specu- At this time many of Ross’s former allies The whole bizarre history is a In reality they have been the opposite; to lation about the revolutionary socialist quali- rebelled. Over the next few months a big lesson on the need to build a borrow an image from nuclear physics, they ties of movements such as Castroism in Cuba opposition developed in the IMG. have been the “anti-matter” of Marxist poli- and the NLF in Vietnam. It had done good Its chief agitation was for the IMG to adopt Marxist left wing in the tics. work in building the Vietnam Solidarity the “call to action” General Strike to kick the labour movement based on AMarxist left wing is the memory of the Campaign, and, like all the left groups, it had Tories Out. This was a commonplace slogan clear ideas and strict political labour movement. Activists grouped together grown in the agitation of the late 60s. And it of the left in those days of high industrial mili- only organisationally, without a theoretical was, in general terms, Trotskyist. tancy against the Tory government; and, in my accounting. basis, have only their individual experience to But it was floundering. It was narrowly view, a confused slogan too. Nevertheless it go on; they lack the discipline of having to student based, at a time when industrial mili- gave the anti-Ross faction a clear and unmis- spell out collective ideas at each stage, tancy was rising. It was involved in, or ran, a takable banner. Ross’s faction maintained control by tack- compare what’s said today to what’s been said vast range of campaigns, none of which ever Ross responded by outflanking the opposi- ing between the two other factions, allying in the past, analyse mistakes, learn lessons; seemed to come to much. tion. In early 1973 he took up General Strike first with one and then with the other. Then he they are easily swayed by the ebbs and flows And then came Ross. A student at Oxford to kick the Tories Out as his own slogan, and outflanked them both, simultaneously. of amorphous left opinion. University, he had been a Maoist and then a started denouncing the opposition for their He insisted on 100% uncritical support of Far from being an antidote, a contribution to “bright young thing” in the SWP (then called “social-democratic” misunderstanding of it! Scargill in the miners’ strike, and declared that forming a continuous memory, the Ross IS). In fact, though he denies it, he joined the Only in a group where the activists’ basic the miners’ leadership was part of a new class- grouping has worked to wipe out even such IS as a scout for Reg Birch’s Maoist group Marxist education and critical faculties had struggle vanguard worldwide, together with consistent memory as honest and serious indi- and stayed! During a spell in hospital he was been first softened by the years of speculation the ANC, the Sandinistas, and various Labour viduals without theoretical baggage or the aid recruited to the IMG. Gathering around about the “world revolutionary process”, then left groupings (Black Sections, Women’s of a collective might have. himself a group of students and ex-students overwhelmed by hundreds of pages of philo- Action Committee, Campaign Group of MPs). All the twists and turns have been basically who likewise fancied themselves as intellectu- sophical mumbo-jumbo about the “new think- Thus he could be more pro-Sandinista than the bright ideas for organisational advantage. And als, he quickly kicked the old leadership of the ing”, could this bizarre turn have been possi- SWP cothinkers and more Labour Party the theoretical uproar surrounding them has IMG into the sidelines and took over the ble. Only in such a group could Ross’s combi- oriented that the other opposition! served not to put the gambits in broad context, group for his so-called “new thinking”. nation of manic energy, low ingenuity, high This ideological manoeuvre did not hold the or to provide a framework for evaluating The “new thinking” was as nearly as possi- pretence, and utter shamelessness in the use group together, but it did enable Ross to keep them, but to obscure, thwart and derail even ble the opposite of Socialist Action’s current and abuse of ideas have qualified him for control of Socialist Action while the two the most elementary commonsense practical approach. The error, it declared, of all previ- leadership. oppositions flaked away — the SWP evaluation. ous Trotskyism and of the old leadership of That turn set the pattern for 12 years or so. cothinkers to form the Communist League, Instead of theory illuminating practice, and the IMG was to make “calls to action”. In Constantly stealing marches on an increas- and the traditional opposition to launch practice checking and exposing errors in truth the job of Marxists was to make rounded ingly punchdrunk but usually uproarious International, then Socialist Outlook (then theory, theory has been subordinated to general propaganda. opposition, Ross led the group through a ISG). perceived practical advantage, and practical The IMG’s members reoriented to industrial series of wild political cavortings. Motivated by its new ideology, the group judgement subordinated to manufactured theo- struggles, using social security advice through By the time of the miners’ strike in 1985 the round Socialist Action, at this point [1991] retical mumbo jumbo.

BY JACK STAUNTON there were even cases where strikers had won pitched battles with the forces of order and seized their weapons. N19 January Housmans bookshop in The ups and downs of The speaker also touched on the subject of King’s Cross was packed with around Korean unification. While the semi-Stalinist fifty people coming to hear Loren leaders of the trade union federation and the O Democratic Labour Party take a positive view Goldner speak on the recent history of the militant South Korean working class. Goldner, Korean labour of the politics of the murderous North Korean a left communist and a former Shachtmanite police state, the South Korean bourgeoisie see talked about modern labour movement a window for economic expansion in the Park Chung-hee seized power in 1961 and sations of the labour movement would stand North. Although the local bourgeoisie is activism in the face of rapid economic devel- held onto the presidency for eighteen years. the working class in good stead for future opment, and the post World War Two era and unwilling to repeat the West Germans’ experi- Park Chung-hee’s presidency saw massive confrontations — a December 1996 move by ence of having to subsidise the East after the labour movement’s attitude to the Stalinist industrialisation and the development of South the government to make it easier to sack state in the North. unification — and so is opposed to unification Korea from a backward peasant country to a workers, implement more casual contracts and — it is increasingly able to set up factories The South Korean labour movement has modern power. A former member of the delay official union recognition was met by a long faced difficult circumstances. just north of the border and thus take advan- Stalinist Workers’ Party of South Korea, he general strike in the car-building and ship- tage of the cheap labour costs of North Korean Immediately after the end of World War Two, was no friend of the working class, and regu- building industries, which soon won support with Japanese troops replaced with American workers, who are denied any political or larly employed “states of emergency” to in the public sector and other industries. The organising rights by the Stalinist government. occupiers and the local yangban landowner buttress his authority. But although he government backed down, only to reintroduce class discredited by their collaboration with Loren Goldner said that North Koreans work- managed to keep a lid on the labour move- the law a few months later. ing for South Korean companies like Samsung the Japanese, a popular labour movement set ment and student activists, the fight for The resulting casualisation of labour pres- up workers’ councils to assert its authority. earn just 1% of the wages of equivalent work- democracy would explode after his 1979 ents a major obstacle to the South Korean ers in the South. These councils, dominated by Stalinists and assassination by the head of the Korean CIA. labour movement. Some 60% of the labour sympathetic to Kim Il-Sung, were broken up Over the last twenty years South Korea has The first flashpoint came in May 1980 with force are on 90-day contracts, with the “elite” seen militant strikes, displaying the power of a by the government and its American backers the Kwangju Commune, where unions and stratum of the working class who enjoy job at the end of 1945. young working class to secure itself organis- students fighting protesting against a military stability representing just 10%. Goldner ing rights, make democratic gains and win After the 1950-1953 Korean War came a coup occupied the impoverished south-west- reported that there are as many conflicts period of “stability” for the South Korean high wages. But the workers’ gains are precar- ern city of Kwangju. Solidarity strikes and between regular and casual workers as there ious. Over the last five years, under president bourgeoisie, with a series of authoritarian demonstrations broke out across South Korea, are between bosses and workers in general, regimes savagely repressing all dissent. The Roh Moo-hyun, one thousand worker activists but the army moved into Kwangju and with regular workers at Hyundai breaking up were arrested, and the Korean Confederation country was in these years no “tiger econ- regained control, killing thousands of people the picket lines of casual workers who they omy”. of Trade Union expects that the figure will be in the process. believed to pose a threat to their jobs. ten times higher under the new right wing Until the early 1970s its economy was actu- But the labour movement was only just Workers’ unions in South Korea also face ally weaker than that of North Korea. government. Casualisation and attacks on getting started. A fierce wave of strikes over organisational difficulties. The government union activity are rampant, and hard-won Democratic struggles such as the student the 1987-90 period saw workers’ wages regularly uses troops and police to break up movement which brought down president democratic rights are never safe. Such are the increase of around 25-30%, and an assertive picket lines, although three-year compulsory challenges which the international labour Rhee Syngman in 1960 found it difficult to working class won a significant extension of military service means that most workers are maintain influence in the face of repression. movement faces in an aggressive period of democratic rights. The newly-formed organi- fairly militarily proficient — Goldner said that neo-liberal change. IRELAND 13

IS/SWP on Northern Ireland in August 1969 The collapse of “troops out”

Part eight of a series on the Northern Ireland crisis of 1969 and the left. Previous articles at www.workersliberty.org/node/9816 BY SEAN MATGAMNA

PART 1: EVENTS IN NORTHERN IRELAND

N the night the troops took to the streets in Derry and the fighting there Oended, Belfast erupted into the most serious Catholic-Protestant street warfare since 1935 (at least). The British army was then, on 15 August, put on the Falls Road, and on the 16th, in the Crumlin Road area. On 19 August, the British Army formally took control of the RUC, including its reserve force, the B-Specials. The Specials were instructed to hand in their guns to central depots. There was talk already of the Specials being “phased out”. The Hunt Commission was set up to review policing in the Six Counties. It would report early in October, recom- mending that the RUC should be disarmed, should no longer carry side-arms. The B- Specials, which functioned as a Protestant- sectarian militia, should be abolished and replaced by a British Army part-time regiment, the Ulster Defence Regiment, in which Catholics as well as Protestants would be involved. There was a commitment given that the Special Powers Act would be abolished as soon as things quietened enough for that. This was a deluge of reform, unleashed finally by the proven political bankruptcy and breakdown of the Orange state. Northern Ireland Prime Minister James Chichester Clark Troops in 1969. Right, troops being and British Prime Minister Harold Wilson welcomed issued the “Downing Street Declaration” committing both the British and Six-County governments to a thoroughgoing reform of the Clark. Northern Ireland body politic. Not the “social” civil rights that the social- It was an out and out victory for the Civil ists wanted to push forward came to the fore, Rights Movement — for its explicit demands. but the “national” civil rights of the Catholics The Northern Irish revolutionary left — — at least those who were the majority in Michael Farrell, Eamonn McCann, Bernadette near-half the land area of the Six Counties — Devlin and others — had been trying to rede- and in general the conflicting Unionist- fine “civil rights” as a synonym for the social- Nationalist claims to self-determination. ist transformation of society — “real” civil During the crisis, PD had been eclipsed by rights, it was said, involved housing, jobs, the the Republicans in Belfast, and also by whole of society. It was what the old Social NICRA. It was NICRA Chair, Frank Gogarty, Democrats, long ago in the 19th century, had not his equivalent in PD, Michael Farrell, who done with democracy, defining themselves as called out the demonstrations throughout democrats for everything in society, including Northern Ireland. the economy — “social democrats”. The left In his 1976 book, The Orange State, in Northern Ireland presented themselves as, Michael Farrell presents NICRA and PD so to speak, “Social Civil-Rights- ists.” acting as equal partners in calling out the soli- This notion was quickly relegated to the darity demonstrators, but there is little or no political margins (though in Derry in the 1970 sign of that in the press then — a press that General Election, Eamonn McCann would do normally carried statements from PD and very well on a general working class socialist Farrell, and did carry PD’s appeal for British platform). In the great crisis, the left had had intervention on 14 August. nothing distinctive to say, except Bernadette After the crisis, PD, and in its wake, and true, picture of how PD functioned. The British Army, the Catholic areas of Derry and Devlin’s appeals to the Protestant workers, Socialist Worker, became a political satellite of group, which had no organisational structures, Belfast kept their barricades up. One of the which in the circumstances, nobody, including the Republicans, adopting their ideas, for and no defined membership, was manipulated prevalent fears was that those who had fought Protestant workers, could take seriously. instance, on economic nationalism — the by a small group around Farrell — to use the back against the RUC would be prosecuted. What had come centre stage during the discarded once-upon-a-time policy of the terms Mick Johnson had used in the IWG (see They feared the use of the Special Powers Act. crisis was Ireland’s two-headed “National long-time governing party in the South, Fianna part three of this series) by those who knew In fact, almost immediately, with the cease- Question”. The issue of the Protestant- Fail. As we’ll see, IS followed PD-following- the “full programme” which was the secret fire, people were being arrested under the Unionist British-Irish of North East Ulster was the-Republicans into utopian-populist guide of the organisation. After that, PD could Special Powers Act, in operations sometimes wrapped up, as in a nest of Russian dolls, in economic nationalism, for a while, both in SW not go on in the old way. involving the British Army in tandem with the the broader Irish question; and that took an and in the pamphlet Struggle in the North The general changes in the situation from RUC. People were prosecuted for what they artificial form given to it by the inclusion of a which it published (through Pluto Press, then mid-August, combined with the Cameron had done in the crisis: Bernadette Devlin big Nationalist-Catholic minority in the state starting up as IS’s publishers: its first publica- Report, compelled PD to change or cease to would get a six months sentence in Armagh that was supposed to resolve the Irish major- tion was Farrell’s pamphlet, in December exist. A “new” PD would emerge, a small jail for her part in the defence of the Bogside. ity-minority problem, the Six-County sub- 1969.) We will examine the pamphlet in a later socialist propaganda and agitation group, oper- Between August 14 and the second week in state. The breakdown in mid-August proved article. ating as a satellite first of the “Official” October, the barricades, and attempts to get that Northern Ireland was a failed entity — a In the interregnum between the breakdown Stalinist-led Republicans, and then, after 1971, them down by the politicians and the Catholic “failed state.” It would remain a failed state all of August and the end of the barricades period, of the Provisionals. This redesigned PD would Church leaders, would be central to Northern through the subsequent “troubles”. the report of the Cameron Commission, on the immediately repudiate the ICRSC, which IS Ireland politics. Taoiseach Jack Lynch had raised the basic disturbances at the beginning of the year in had created specifically to be “in solidarity issues; so in his own way — fear of Southern Derry, came out. It blamed PD for its with PD”, as too right wing! Continued on pages 14 and 15 intervention, fear of a general Catholic rising “provocative” militancy, but that was to be Though peace settled in for a while in to subdue the Protestants — had Chichester expected. It did more. It painted a damning, Northern Ireland with the coming of the 14 IRELAND

PART 2: IS, APRIL 1970 Comrades Harnan and Cliff were not much used such phrases as ‘socialists never had “Official” IRA] and makes it impossible for S’s leaders suddenly dropped a previously better. Harman’s main points were that it is any illusions about British imperialism and us to play an educative leadership role on the vocal opposition to British troops in not enough to just repeat the ABCs of its objectives in Ireland’, but the fact remains nature of the troops. In addition to this we IIreland at the point where the Army took Marxism over and over again, and that to call that over the months we have completely end up never quite saying what we mean. It is control of Northern Ireland’s streets (14-16 for troop withdrawal is ‘petty bourgeois’ failed to carry out any systematic propaganda also becoming abundantly clear that regard- August 1969). heroics. against the troops. less of who was right or wrong last August, or The best way to introduce the reader to the But in fact the opposition were not arguing Until the issue of 2 April [1970], Socialist even at Conference, that we must change our discussion on Ireland that took place in IS in the formalist case that since we oppose impe- Worker carried no articles analysing the line soon.” the following eight or nine months is to pres- rialism, and since we are for a workers’ concrete activities of the troops. The (Molyneux’s argument about southern ent a description of part of that discussion republic, we must raise the withdrawal Marks/Palmer reply to Workers’ Fight [the Catholics rallying to defeat the Protestants in written at the time (in the IS internal bulletin) slogan. The opposition was arguing that this Trotskyist Tendency] in the Internal Bulletin of the North was not endorsed by the by John Molyneux. slogan could have played a progressive role carried no analysis of the current situation, or Trotskyist Tendency. As I have pointed out in Molyneux is one of the few (I guess) pres- in the struggle, and that failure to raise it of what sort of things the troops have actually an earlier instalment of this series, that ent-day members of the SWP who were also leaves IS in a position of confused and am- been doing, nor did comrade Palmer’s report implied conquest of the Protestants, and members of its distant ancestor, the biguous tailism. at Conference, which in fact did not even begged the question — then what?) International Socialists (IS). He has been a It is the ABC of Marxism. The ‘petty bour- mention the troops. The picture Molyneux paints is that of an prominent writer for Socialist Worker and geois heroics’ point was highly misleading for Thus we have not even at the propaganda organisation led by confused and unscrupu- other SWP publications. Molyneux recently no one on the opposition side indulged in any level made any preparations for the struggle lous demagogues. That impression is not less- came out in limited opposition to the present heroics, or in any accusations of cowardice. with the troops which must come sooner or ened if the reader knows that two months SWP leaders and stood for the Central Comrade Cliff used the ‘cups of tea’ argu- later. In this we have failed not merely our after the Conference, the IS National Committee — a rare event in the authoritarian ment, i.e. the families of Derry and Belfast Irish contacts but also those British workers Committee — the National Committee SWP. welcomed the troops so we cannot call for who read our literature. Is this failure acci- elected at Conference — voted for the same By contrast, IS was a democratic organisa- withdrawal. If one applied this argument to dental, or is it due to a desire to avoid the “troops out” position so vehemently tion, all in all, during the political turmoil that such questions as immigration control, the troops question…. Has our fundamental denounced at conference. Only two members engulfed it on Ireland for those eight or nine First World War, or in times past to various analysis of the situation in Northern Ireland did not vote for the motion, proposed by the months. colonial adventures, it is clear the kind of when the troops went in been right or wrong? present author: memory suggests that the two Molyneux was one of those who came to position one would arrive at. I believe that is has been wrong and that oppose the IS leaders on the troops, having A large part of comrade Palmer’s speech the crucial error has been, when dealing with supported them at first. was also conducted at the ‘braver than thou’ the question of the troops, to argue as though Here, in an article published in the IS level, though in this case it was mainly ‘I Northem Ireland were a separate isolated IS suddenly dropped a internal bulletin, he describes IS conference know people who are braver than thou’. We country. An analogy used by both Marks and previously vocal opposition to discussing Ireland. He writes as an IS loyalist, were treated to a series of emotional stories Palmer neatly illustrates this way of thinking. albeit on this question a critical one. He bases about men who had spent years in British If a group of our comrades, they say, were troops at the point they went himself heavily on the sort of politics which gaols [and were not calling for troops out], set upon by a much stronger force of fascists on the streets. IS had been using before mid-August. all of which was quite irrelevant as no one and the police intervened, we would not call Essentially, he argues that the nationalists of was making any accusations of cowardice. for the police to withdraw. However, to apply all Ireland could deal with the Protestant- …Going over those arguments like this this analogy accurately to Ireland, our small Unionists. would be mere pedantry were they simply group of comrades would have to have a “It may be useful for IS members to cast accidental asides to the main points of these much larger force of friends asleep just round stalwarts were Nick Howard and Roger Protz, their minds back to exactly what happened at comrades’ speeches, but they were not. They the corner who might well be roused by the who, I think, abstained. conference were, on this occasion, the mainstays of their sound of battle. Nothing had changed much in Ireland …The one thing the debate didn’t achieve case, and, by the atmosphere they generated, Had the troops not gone in, there was between the conference and the National was political clarification. In part this was hindered rational discussion of the group’s surely the possibility of volunteer forces from Committee. because of insufficient time, in part because position. the south coming to the aid of the Catholics in The conference discussion which Molyneux those arguing for the ‘withdraw the troops’ Conspicuous by their absence at the north, thus not only practically raising the describes, erring if at all on the side of slogan did not put their case very well, but Conference were some of the arguments used question of a United Ireland but also restraint, was held at the beginning of April mainly it was because certain leading to justify our position, which… were more completely undermining the regime in the 1970. There had been two IS Conferences in members of the group resorted to demagogy serious than much of the stuff we were treated south. Unless we take the position that 1969, and the decisive discussion on Ireland and histrionics rather than arguing their case. to in the debate. Firstly that the Catholics Ireland is one country there is no possibility took place at the one held in September, just Should some comrades doubt the validity of needed a breathing space in which to arm of workers’ power there in the foreseeable after the deployment of British troops and IS this accusation I would remind them of some themselves, which was provided by the troops. future. Once we take the position that Ireland dropping “troops out” of the ‘arguments’ used on this occasion. This argument was dishonest because it is one country in relation to the troops it is Opinion in IS had shifted massively. In Comrade [Paul] Foot wanted to know was very obvious that it was extremely clear that there is a third alternative which September 1969 the IS leadership had had a where all these people calling for troop with- unlikely that the Catholics would succeed in can be counterposed to the troops or big majority. drawal were last September [at the IS con- arming themselves. It was also obvious that massacre dichotomy. At the 1970 conference, the balance of ference then] and how come there is all this the presence of the troops, far from facilitat- In the light of this perspective the argument opinion was such that the IS Executive militancy now? The answer, comrade, for ing this, would make it very difficult. that trusted PD comrades weren’t calling for Committee (EC) and its supporters needed to many of us, is simply that then we accepted What is more, as the Trotskyist Tendency withdrawal of the troops so we shouldn’t behave as Molyneux describes in order to your arguments, and now we don’t. We trust [forerunners of the AWL] pointed out, the either is not very impressive precisely because avoid defeat by the skin of their teeth. They we have the right to change our minds. Catholic workers would only get arms were from the outset PD has had a tendency to won by only a dozen votes or so. Comrade Foot also wanted to know what there an immediate and urgent need for them, regard Northern Ireland as a separate unit. The Trotskyist Tendency had published a these people were doing with sophisticated i.e. a struggle going on. IS never answered This has manifested itself in a number of 50-page pamphlet IS and Ireland at the end of arguments about agitation and propaganda the question of how arms were to be obtained ways. November 1969. There were debates in when the matter was really quite simple, ie. but put forward the slogan ‘Open the There was PD’s reluctance to take a posi- branches, some of them open to interested for or against pogroms. If the matter is really Southern arsenals’, knowing full well that this tion on the border… There is the naming of non-members, between, for instance, John that simple perhaps comrade Foot could tell was merely a propaganda demand which their newspaper ‘Northern Star’, and there is Palmer and myself. We can, I think, justly me why when, before the debate, I asked could not be realised. the position taken by Mike Farrell in claim that our efforts shifted the organisation. comrade Cliff what our current position on Secondly, there was the agita- ‘Struggle in the North’ on Southern Irish But events helped us. By April 1970 the the troops was he said “we are for with- tion/propaganda argument which was troops as an alternative to British troops. honeymoon period between British troops and drawal, of course” (meaning at the propagan- explained at great length… I accept the Farrell seems to suggest that this extremely British government and the Six County da level). distinction between agitation and propaganda unlikely eventuality would be even worse than Catholics was nearly over. People had had No, the agitation/propaganda arguments as an abstract argument but would argue that British troops, which I think is tantamount to time to reflect on issues which most of those were raised not by us, but by comrades its concrete application in this case has led to recognising the border this side of socialism. at the September 1969 Conference hadn’t had Harman, Marks, Palmer, etc. In fact on the a failure not just to agitate against the troops The main disadvantage of our position is a chance to consider. And Socialist Worker, basis of what he said, comrade Foot’s posi- but to make any propaganda against them. that it puts us completely in a tailist position, had come to denounce the British tion can only be interpreted as one of support I am aware that the early articles in in particular tailing the IRA [the pre-Provo Government in ways that pointed to a call for for the troops, while his whole speech was Socialist Worker contained escape clauses in split IRA, who backed the British troops in troop withdrawal. In this period, SW’s cover- delivered in tones of righteous indignation. the small print as it were, and we have often August 1969 and then the Stalinist-led age of Irish affairs was mostly written by

WHERE WE STAND

ODAY one class, the working class, lives by selling partnership” and assert working-class interests militantly • A workers’ movement that fights all forms of oppression. its labour power to another, the capitalist class, against the bosses. Full equality for women and social provision to free Twhich owns the means of production. Society is Our priority is to work in the workplaces and trade women from the burden of housework. Free abortion on shaped by the capitalists’ relentless drive to increase their unions, supporting workers’ struggles, producing work- request. Full equality for lesbian, gay and bisexual people. wealth. Capitalism causes poverty, unemployment, the place bulletins, helping organise rank-and-file groups. Black and white workers’ unity against racism. blighting of lives by overwork, imperialism, the destruction We are also active among students and in many • Open borders. of the environment and much else. campaigns and alliances. • Global solidarity against global capital — workers every- Against the accumulated wealth and power of the capi- where have more in common with each other than with talists, the working class has one weapon: solidarity. WE STAND FOR: their capitalist or Stalinist rulers. The Alliance for Workers’ Liberty aims to build soli- • Independent working-class representation in politics. • Democracy at every level of society, from the smallest darity through struggle so that the working class can over- • A workers’ government, based on and accountable to the workplace or community to global social organisation. throw capitalism. We want socialist revolution: collective labour movement. • Working-class solidarity in international politics: equal ownership of industry and services, workers’ control and a rights for all nations, against imperialists and predators big • A workers’ charter of trade union rights — to organise, to democracy much fuller than the present system, with and small. strike, to picket effectively, and to take solidarity action. elected representatives recallable at any time and an end to • Maximum left unity in action, and openness in debate. bureaucrats’ and managers’ privileges. • Taxation of the rich to fund decent public services, If you agree with us, please take some copies of We fight for the labour movement to break with “social homes, education and jobs for all. Solidarity to sell — and join us! IRELAND 15

John Palmer, whose attitudes on Ireland ingly going great guns: its paper, which was We wanted a massacre, they insisted! Tendency was “de-fused” (expelled). were those of a gut- Catholic nationalist, much bigger and more impressive than There would be population movements, of (Nagliatti privately had Maoist leanings, and refracted through the opportunist conception Socialist Worker, was due to become a daily course. How did we envisage that happen- was in IS — he left in mid-1974, with Roger of “politics” learned from Tony Cliff and the two weeks after the IS conference, and ing? In cattle trucks, as in Nazi-controlled Rosewell — a cynical careerist. He once skills of a mainstream bourgeois journalist. would do so). Europe? It was a “fascist” idea! Of course it gave me a short and unsolicited “friendly” Quite a scattering of SLL drop-outs, in was! And the Trotskyist Tendency? Fascists! little talk on how to flatter Tony Cliff and varying states of political dissolution, had by Fascists in our midst! “get on” in IS) PART 3: IS, SEPTEMBER 1969 then made their way into the much looser A hysterical atmosphere was built up. We What I remember in detail about the accu- T the September 1969 Conference, and less demanding IS. One of the leading were heavily outnumbered and oratorically sation of “fascism” is the following incident, opponents of IS’s change of line on industrial militants in IS, Tom Hillier, outgunned. Two members of the EC who which also illustrates the political level of AIreland were a small minority. The convenor of shop stewards at CAV Lucas in had been against dropping “troops out”, the conference. demagogy of the EC and its supporters was a west London, would go back from IS to the Duncan Hallas and Roger Protz, were At a caucus of the Trotskyist Tendency great deal worse than in 1970 — different, SLL as a result of the argument about the eloquently silent at the conference, while the before I was due to speak — replying on, I perhaps, not only in degree but also in kind. troops. EC majority turned it into something resem- suppose, our resolution, or the “troops out” The atmosphere of the discussion was one An emergency resolution calling for the bling a revivalist rally, with the TT cast in one — Glyn Carver suggested that I reply to of hysteria. The EC and its supporters had restoration of “troops out” as a slogan which the role of fascist devil. (Protz was the editor the “fascist” charge by recalling at the the burned their fingers badly on Ireland, and came — I think — from the Croydon IS of Socialist Worker, though, properly speak- Stalinists had called the Trotskyists they were in disarray and under severe branch was on the agenda. The TT supported ing, only technical editor: after his editorial “fascists”. I rejected that — in my head or attack on the issue from the biggest that resolution, and for practical political reporting on the January IS National out loud — as demagogy and “beneath” us. “Trotskyist” group in Britain, the SLL. The purposes, not least the purposes of the IS Committee decision on Ireland, he did not Because Stalin had called Trotskyists switch of line from being pseudo-Irish- leaders, at the conference, it “became” the shape SW’s politics to any noticeable “fascist”, it did not follow that a specific nationalist loud opponents of Britain and the TT’s motion. degree). proposal by Trotskyists was not “fascist”. British Army being in Ireland at all, to being IS was very raw and volatile, with a low Is the reader beginning to balk at this But I must have been hard pressed suddenly struck silent, had been sudden and level of political, if not of conventional, description and ceasing to find what I’m because, speaking in the floor of the confer- dramatic. education. The EC’s control could not be saying plausible? Fascists? Surely that can’t ence, I found myself making that point. The After the September conference Socialist taken for granted at all. be true. Go back and read Molyneux’s response surprised me. There was loud and Worker would, as Molyneux says, become, description of the demagogy at the confer- widespread applause. It must have involved in effect, an apologist for the British Army HE EC’s solution to their dilemma at ence six months later! a far wider spectrum of the conference than and for the immediate policy of the London the September 1969 Conference was I can’t at this stage claim to remember the those who supported the Trotskyist Tendency government. (The conference had not specif- Tto amalgamate, under the agenda item exact content and sequence of speakers. on the issue. ically licensed that turn.) “Ireland”, a discussion on the sudden switch Possibly only one speaker took it as far as Certainly — and I think this is what fixed IS had campaigned against British troops on the troops with a “discussion” of a long calling us fascists. But if so, that idea it in my mind — some of those applauding through the earlier part of 1969 on the resolution from the Manchester IS branch followed on as the next step from the central my demagogic point had also been among grounds that troops would help the RUC, the (politically, from the Trotskyist Tendency). theme of the EC speakers: the TT advocated, those providing the thunderous applause for B-Specials, and the Paisleyites repress the That resolution was written in July or and therefore wanted, a bloodbath. the Executive Committee’s demagogy stat- Catholics. Now the army was put on the perhaps June (it predated the division of the The wild instability of IS policy on ing or implying that the TT was “fascist”. streets to stop open war between the RUC, Manchester IS branch into a “Cliff” branch Northern Ireland, and immediately the latest Had to have been. B-Specials and Paisleyites, on one side, and and a “TT ghetto” branch, which took place lurch about the attitude to British troops — Every member of IS had a vote at confer- the Catholics on the other. The army had in July). In it I had attempted to sum up the that’s not the important thing, comrades! The ence then, and a lot of the conference was relieved the hard-pressed Catholics of Derry situation in Ireland, the experience of the left issue is that the Trotskyist Tendency advo- young and raw people, many of them and Belfast, and been welcomed by them. IS in Northern Ireland and of the IS group. cates population movements in Northern students, a few months or a year in politics. was disoriented — as were the people in I proposed that in the event of civil war, Ireland — pogroms! massacres! And it wants They had chosen the “Trotskyist” side in the Northern Ireland whose lead the IS leaders and as a means of destroying the existing to move people around –— like fascists! old disputes with the Stalinists; they knew followed. Six Counties state, IS should raise the idea They are fascists! about Nazi mass murder, not quite a quarter- When the September conference was that the Catholic majority areas along the All these things of course could easily be century in the past and still a matter of being held, Catholic Derry and Belfast were assimilated to the question of the role of the everyday reference in British life. They walled off like medieval Jewish ghettoes — troops. Such horrors were the alternative to knew themselves to be new, and “Ireland” except that the barricade-walls had been the troops — and the alternative to IS was a complex question. The IS leaders were self-created — and had effectively seceded IS had been advocating expressing approval of the troops. the IS leaders. They knew... The TT? Pariahs from the Six Counties state. Their (tempo- Not everybody said all of these things, but — the same as the crazy SLL, really. And so rary) peace from sectarian war had been Catholic/Protestant civil war. all of them were said, and together they on. secured and was guaranteed by the British Now they accused us of amounted to a piece of mobbing. There may also have been some dema- army, which had undertaken not to attempt proposing a bloodbath in No reasonable objection can be raised gogy-fanciers there, like judges at a sheep- to remove the Catholic barricades by force. against the leaders of IS and their supporters dog trial, awarding points judiciously. They (That time round, it never would. The barri- Northern Ireland! at conference picking up a mistake, absurd- thought it was a “good point” for me to cades were taken down by agreement). ity, or extravagance made or allegedly made make, that the Stalinists had called Things had worked out pretty much the by the Trotskyist Tendency and hitting us Trotskyist (and Trotsky himself) fascists! opposite of what IS had expected. over the head with it. It was another matter There was inevitably in such an atmos- More that that. PD, the group in Northern border with the 26 Counties, including when hysterical demagogy was used to make phere a certain joy in mobbing, baiting, Ireland led by associates of IS, had called for Derry, should secede to the “Republic”. It discussion of both the troops and what we pecking at the political chicks that were British troops (that’s what its stance was, for was an attempt to give some sort of political proposed under “secession” impossible. somewhat different. practical purposes). So, more explicitly, had coherence and objective to those in Northern The IS leaders dismissed the question of And the supporters or members of the Bernadette Devlin and Eamonn McCann. Ireland caught up in the logic of developing the artificiality of the Six Counties with Executive Committee were good. Some had Troops were the only possible instrument events (and, in so far as the IS Executive philistine fear and philistine jeers that had their speaking skills developed and of the London control called for by both PD Committee’s policy reflected that logic, to rubbished the entire tradition we were invok- honed in the highest training schools of the and McCann/ Devlin. their politics in Socialist Worker). ing — or, if you like, trying in vain and fool- bourgeoisie. Two of them at least (Paul Foot The sudden IS shift of “line” was good or The EC’s strategy was to focus discussion ishly to invoke — that of Lenin and the and Stephen Marks) had occupied that stag- bad, right or wrong, but for sure it was a on the Manchester branch resolution, and Communist International on the attitude to ing post on the road to conventional political shift — the collapse of the politics of IS specifically on “secession”. It buried every- national rights. eminence, the presidency of the Oxford over the previous year. IS and its allies in thing else in a flood of demagogy against That tradition preaches indifference to Union. Ireland, PD and Bernadette Devlin (around “secession”. state boundaries. It says we are for the Palmer was in a class of his own as a whom IS had spun its politics and its The IS EC, and Socialist Worker, had been break-up and realignment of existing demagogue. On a good day, given equal time perspectives for “Irish work” since her elec- advocating Catholic/Protestant, conglomerates of peoples when the alterna- and so on, I could, or I felt I could, “handle” tion to Parliament in April 1969), had gone Nationalist/Unionist, civil war — a war in tive is forced union (and, in Northern any of the others in a head-bang. Not over to the policy of the Labour Party which the Catholic South and the Unionist Ireland, the creation of a hybrid monstros- Palmer! Tribune left, and of the 26 Counties Labour north-east would sort things out guns in ity). The political content of their demagogy Party: British government direct rule as the hand, and in which IS would be for the Actually there was a preposterous element was not the least foul aspect of that confer- solution, for now at least, of the “Northern conquest of Protestant/Unionist by of Irish Catholic nationalism in the outrage ence. We were discussing a Northern Ireland problem”. Catholic/Nationalist Ireland. Now they against “repartition” even if it had been what Ireland, where only a couple of weeks earlier Going over to the Tribune MPs’ policy, IS accused us, with the “secession” idea, of we were proposing. (It wasn’t.) The implic- the first stage of a sectarian-political civil was suddenly vulnerable to the relentless proposing a “bloodbath” in Northern itly Catholic-nationalist indignation against war had erupted; where the Protestants and pounding of the ultra-left SLL (then seem- Ireland! repartition was preposterous because it was Catholics were kept apart only by the Army; coupled with de facto Unionism, and a de where the Catholics of Derry and Belfast facto assumption that the status quo was the had, as one journalist put it, set up their best of all partitions of Ireland into “little free states” — and still maintained Protestant-Unionist and Catholic-nationalist. them. It was a situation from which, though Subscribe to Solidarity! of course none of us could know it then, HERE is no record of the conference. there would come an awful slow slaughter of Individuals: £15 per year (22 issues) waged, £8 unwaged. The written polemics in the IS internal four thousand people in the next quarter- Tbulletin were guarded and, the perils century. Organisations: £35 large, £22 smaller (5 copies) of the volatile conference having been To discuss that in terms where the very averted, more sober. The main article, a notion that there might be bloodshed reply by John Palmer and Stephen Marks to involved in a proposal must automatically Name ...... the Trotskyist Tendency pamphlet IS and rule out the idea, was demagogic pacifism Address ...... Ireland appeared in January or February and pretend-humanism. That those who had 1970 (the pamphlet had been published in preached communal-national civil war - and November 1969). without ever spelling out what objectives Organisation ...... I know of only one case where the dema- they favoured in that war, leaving Catholic gogy got into print — an internal bulletin conquest of the Northern Protestants only as European rate: £20 or 32 euros in cash. article by the then prominent Cliffite something inferred — that they could get Andreas Nagliatti, in an internal bulletin of away with such demagogy was a comment Send to PO Box 823, London, SE15 4NA. Cheques payable to “Solidarity”. Or October or November 1971 (I guess), during on the “political level” of the group, and on subscribe online at www.workersliberty.org/solidarity the build-up to the special conference of 4 how seriously people had been reading December 1971 at which the Trotskyist Socialist Worker, beyond the headlines. workers’ liberty & Solidarity SUPPORT 31 JAN STRIKES AGAINST 2% PAY LIMIT Brown offers millions for shareholders and pennies for workers Photo: www.reportdigital.com/jess hurd BY A CIVIL SERVANT Pensions may strike against a three-year below-inflation deal imposed on OR the shareholders and potential buyers of Northern Rock, the them in November 2007. Government is all smiles and graces. Another few billion pounds? PCS members in HMRC (Revenue and Customs) may be striking on FYes, sir, of course! the same day; they are currently ballotting for action on the issue of job For millions of public sector workers, it is a different story. The cuts. Government is insisting not only on a limit of around 2% on pay rises — On Thursday 24th the Executive of the National Union of Teachers which, with inflation at 4%, means cuts in real wages — but also on meets, and may decide to ballot teachers for strike action against their locking that in with settlements lasting three years. real-wage-cut settlement, announced recently and due to be imposed A first blow against that policy is possible on 31 January, when from September 2008. members of the PCS civil service union in the Department of Work and Turn to page 5