How the State Department Betrays the Reagan Vision
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Editorial Africa's Food Crisis: What Is to Be Done?
1 Editorial Africa's Food Crisis: What is to be done? There is far more written about the nature, causes and effects of the agrarian crisis facing Africa than about possible solutions. Several contributions to this Issue attempt to shift the discussion to these matters of policy. Some critically review prescriptions that are on offer from the international agencies or in the literature: Bienefeld's polemic against neo-classical economics' answers to the general economic crisis that are shared by certain 'Marxists'; Gavin Williams' meticulous dismembering of what the World Bank prescribes for Nigeria's agriculture. One book review looks at the World Bank's view of Famine and the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation's master plan for African agriculture while another explores how far mechanisation can solve the problems of agriculture. Other articles offer critiques of actual policies in Somalia and Zimbabwe and present their own alternatives. Of course, even the growing mass of analyses of 'The Crisis' are often implicitly pointing to certain prognoses, for any specification of causes tends to simply 'appropriate' treatment. In this respect Bienefeld's contribution to a debate more general than that of the specifically agrarian crisis, starts at the right place in uncovering the shaky assumptions of the arguments that state intervention is the root of the problem and release of market forces the solution. He also challenges the factual evidence drawn from the experience of the Newly Industrialising Countries and the more specific and very selective African cases, on which this 'new orthodoxy' is premised. Although this is the main thrust of the piece, we anticipate, and hope, controversy will be provoked by his conclusion that both this establishment view and the cosy convergence with it of certain 'marxist' views about the progressive nature of capitalism in contemporary Africa have thrown aside some of the insights about medium term economic prospects and political tactics that dependency theory offers. -
Displacements and Hmong Transnational Politics, 1975-2010
Dreaming of Home, Dreaming of Land: Displacements and Hmong Transnational Politics, 1975-2010 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Her Vang IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Dr. Erika Lee, Advisor July 2010 © Her Vang 2010 All rights reserved ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In 1933, the Lakota author Luther Standing Bear suggested that written history was second best to oral tradition because “a people enrich their minds who keep their history on the leaves of memory.”1 For much of their history, the Hmong also stored their past not in books but on “the leaves of their memory,” and they passed down their history orally from one generation to the next. Parents in Euro-America read to their children to put them to sleep, but Hmong children traditionally fell asleep listening to their parents tell Hmong folklores and their own family history. Storytelling and history- telling were important parts of traditional Hmong culture and livelihood. A Hmong child who learned the most Hmong folklores and knew the most about the family’s history often grew up to become the leader of the family and the clan. Today, the keeper of the family’s past is still the leader of the family and the clan. A Hmong leader knows all the secrets of his family and clan, and he is responsible for resolving all disputes involving his family and clan. Despite this significance, history, I admit, has not always been my chosen field of academic inquiry. First, I previously had no strong motivation to do written history because written history, for the Hmong, was secondary to their oral tradition. -
The John Birch Society's Weekly, New American
How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism RUSS BELLANT South End Press Boston, MA A Political Research Associates Bcx>k Political Research Associates 678 Massachusetts Avenue, Suite 205, Cambridge, MA 02139 (617) 661-9313 Political Research Associates is an independent research institute which collects and disseminates information on right-wing political groups and trends. Centralized in its archives is a continuously-updated collection of over one hundred right-wing publications, including newspapers, magazines, newsletters, and direct mail appeals. The institute's library contains hundreds of volumes relating to the political right wing. Also maintained are extensive files of primary and secondary material on individuals, groups, and topics of interest to those researching the right wing. Political Research Associates offers classes on the American right wing, provides speakers for groups and conferences, publishes educational posters, and prepares, on request, specific research repl)rts l)n topics pertaining to the pl1litical right wing. The Political Research Associates T apical Report Series, co-published with South End Press, prl1vides background infllrmatiL1n Lln subjects Llf current interest tLl chose interested in understanding the right wing in the United States. Political Research Associates Srnff: Jean V. Hardisty, DiRECTOR Chip Berlet, ANALYST Margaret Quigley, RESEARCHER/ARCHIVIST Copyright© by Russ Bellant 1988, 1991 Any properly footnoted quotation of up to 500 sequential words may be used without permission, so long as the total number of words does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations or for a greater number of total words, authors should write to South End Press for permission. IO 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I Design, production & type by dg graphics Cover design by David Gerratt Cover photograph by Deborah Bright Manufactured in the USA Support for this report was provided by The Funding Exchange/National Community Funds, and many individual donors. -
Israel Near Detonation: Will the Abramoff Factor Sink Bibi?
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 33, Number 10, March 10, 2006 Israel Near Detonation: Will the Abramoff Factor Sink Bibi? by Anton Chaitkin Vice President Dick Cheney and his allies, seeking an imme- those acting to protect civilization at this juncture. diate war with Iran or Syria, desperately want war-bent Ben- Senate investigators showed that from gambling casino jamin “Bibi” Netanyahu to win Israel’s March election, to proceeds, which Indian tribes had contributed to him for char- succeed the comatose Prime Minister Ariel Sharon. While itable and political-lobbying purposes, Abramoff diverted acting Prime Minster, and Kadima Party candidate Ehud funds into guerrilla training, specialized killing equipment, Olmert has been a Likud bloc fixture for decades, and is hardly and other military gear for West Bank Jewish settlers, and for a viable “peace candidate,” he, like Sharon, would likely draw the radicalization of the Israeli army. He was priming an “end- the line, and oppose a suicidal Israeli war provocation against times” movement that is at war against the government of either Syria or Iran. Only Bibi Netanyahu, among the candi- Israel, as well as against Palestinians. dates in this month’s election, would flagrantly defy Israeli More than $140,000 donated in 2002 to Abramoff’s tax- national interests, to pursue a George Shultz/Dick Cheney- exempt Capital Athletic Foundation, actually paid for sniper dictated agenda of regional chaos and perpetual war. scopes, sniper shooting mats, camouflage suits, night-vision At the moment, Israeli public sentiment apparently favors binoculars, and a thermal imager; the money also “paid a Olmert over Netanyahu. -
Power and Influence in Proxy Warfare
Friends with Benefits? Power and Influence in Proxy Warfare Erica Dreyfus Borghard Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Erica Dreyfus Borghard All rights reserved ABSTRACT Friends with Benefits? Power and Influence in Proxy Warfare Erica Dreyfus Borghard This dissertation analyses patterns of power and influence in the context of proxy alliances between states and armed, non-state groups. In particular, I explore the following questions: Why do some states have leverage over their non-state proxies, while others find themselves at the behest of their far weaker allies? Put differently, why doesn’t a state’s enormous material advantage systematically translate into an ability to influence the behavior of proxy groups? Governments often find themselves stymied by belligerent proxies and drawn into unwanted conflict escalation with adversaries— precisely what states sought to avoid by relying on covert, indirect alliances in the first place. I argue that the very factors that make proxy warfare appealing to states—its clandestine, informal nature—threaten to undermine governments’ abilities to exert leverage over their proxies. Governments seek out proxy alliances when the material or political costs of directly confronting an adversary are unappealingly high, driven by the logic that proxy groups can help states achieve their foreign policy objectives “on the cheap” and in a way that allows states to plausibly deny involvement in a conflict. However, the actions states must take to ensure plausible deniability, specifically the decisions political leaders make about how they will manage and oversee a proxy ally, can undermine their leverage.