The Turkey-Armenia Protocols Explained
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Doing Business Guide in EMEIA: Payroll Operations
Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations Introduction This booklet contains market-by-market newly established, stand-alone guidance1 on key HR payroll matters to operations. Where the EMEIA operation be considered as you expand your is a regional headquarters or a holding operations across EMEIA. company for foreign subsidiaries, or if In our experience, careful consideration there are existing operations in EMEIA, of these matters at the outset is the other considerations must be taken into most effective way of avoiding any account. issues and ensuring an optimal setup In all situations, we recommend that you structure of your business and seek specific professional advice from employees in new EMEIA markets. the contacts listed in each chapter. They This booklet is general in nature and not will take into consideration your specific to be relied on as professional advice. circumstances and objectives. Furthermore, the chapters focus on NB: This guide will work best with Adobe Acrobat Pro. 1 This information was compiled in July 2019. 2 Payroll Operations in Europe, the Middle East, India and Africa — essential compliance and reporting considerations EY contacts Payroll Operate Services Sheri Sullivan Michael Van Den Brand EY Global Payroll Operate Leader EY EMEIA Payroll Operate Leader T: +17168435050 T: +34 933 666 340 E: [email protected] E: [email protected] Country Payroll leader Email address Armenia Kamo Karapetyan [email protected] -
FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania
March 2017 FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania Liucija Verveckiene and Justinas Lingevicius, European Integration Studies Centre FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report: Lithuania 1. History of EU-Turkey Relations1 1.1. Turkish EU membership – no topic before Lithuania joined the EU Before evaluating Lithuania’s position on EU-Turkey relations historically, it is important to note two historical facts. Firstly, Lithuania accessed the EU in 2004. There was little debate on Turkey’s EU membership before Lithuania’s accession for all the attention was paid to Lithuania’s fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria and other integration issues. Secondly, Turkey was already a NATO member when Lithuania accessed the Alliance in 2004. Therefore, Lithuania considered Turkey as a strong partner in the security and defence area. 1.2. Building mutual partnership When we look at the public attitudes towards EU-Turkey relations after 2004, more positive than negative discourse is evident. Firstly, this could be explained by the fact that Turkey has supported Lithuania’s NATO membership and politicians have underlined a strategic partnership between the two countries. Thus, the security narrative played an important role and the Lithuanian government has also acknowledged Turkey’s geo-strategical position with regard to the whole continent. Secondly, economic relations between the EU and Turkey and the value of an already implemented free trade regime was acknowledged. Thirdly, via diplomatic channels a Turkish message has been transferred right after 2004: it is important for Turkey to be supported by Lithuania and all the attempts of support for the Turkish-EU dialogue are highly valued by the 2 Turkish people. -
The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey's EU Accession: a View from Lithuania
THE GEOPOLITICS OF SUPPORT FOR TURKEY’S EU ACCESSION: A VIEW FROM LITHUANIA The Geopolitics of Support for Turkey’s EU Accession: A View from Lithuania AZUOLAS BAGDONAS* ABSTRACT o join the European Union (EU), Why does Lithuania support Turkey in time needs to over- Turkey’s accession to the European Tcome two obstacles. First, it Union? The article analyzes some PGGFUVQEQPVKPWGHWNſNNKPIVJGTGSWKTG- of the key domestic factors and the OGPVUQHVJG%QRGPJCIGPETKVGTKCKG strategic thinking behind Lithuania’a continuous support. Domestically, the formal political, institutional, and the political culture of the foreign economic conditions for membership. policy elite and the permissiveness 9JKNG UWUVCKPKPI VJG EQOOKVOGPV VQ of public opinion allow treating OGGV VJGUG TGSWKTGOGPVU OC[ DG EJCN- Turkey’s accession as a foreign NGPIKPI VJG UGEQPF QDUVCENG Ō QDVCKP- policy issue, subject to cost-bene!t KPIVJGCITGGOGPVQHCNNCPFGCEJQHVJG calculations. Short-term calculations OGODGTUVCVGUVQ6WTMG[ŏUCEEGUUKQPŌ involve mutually advantageous deals between Turkey and Lithuania. may prove to be even harder to over- Long-term assessments focus on come. In the calculations of the political how Turkey’s membership would elites of certain European countries, a a"ect global, regional, and intra- number of perceived obstacles to Tur- European dynamics of power MG[ŏU CEEGUUKQP UGGO VQ QWVYGKIJ VJG relations. The article suggests that, in QDXKQWU DGPGſVU QH 6WTMG[ŏU OGODGT- the context of lasting foreign policy objectives and concerns, Turkey is ship. There are worries about the po- attractive to Lithuania primarily due NKVKECNCPFGEQPQOKEKORCEVQHCEEGRVKPI to its geopolitical roles: its traditional UWEJCNCTIGEQWPVT[CUYGNNCUEQPEGTPU transatlantic alignment, its function TGICTFKPIEJCPIGUKPVJGHQTOCNCPFKP- as a transit hub for energy supplies HQTOCN FGEKUKQP OCMKPI RTQEGFWTGU KP to Europe, and its potential to the EU. -
Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap
POLICY CARNEGIE BRIEF ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 87 A p r i l 2 0 1 0 Armenia and Turkey: Bridging the Gap THOMAS DE WAA l Senior Associate, Russia and Eurasia Program S u m m a r y n Armenia and Turkey have embarked on a historic normalization process, but it is now in trouble and the United States needs to take a lead in rescuing it. n If Armenia and Turkey succeed in opening their closed border it will transform the South Caucasus region. But Azerbaijan, Turkey’s ally and the losing side to Armenia in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, has understandable fears. The international community must invest more resources in resolving the Karabakh conflict and breaking the regional deadlock it has created. n The annual debate over the use of the word genocide to describe the fate of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915 has turned into an ugly bargaining process. It is time to take a longer view. President Obama should look ahead to the centenary of the tragedy in 2015 and encourage Turks to take part in commemorating the occasion. THE ArMENiA–TUrKEY the House International Affairs Committee prOTOCOlS voted on March 4 to call the 1915 killings In October 2009 Armenia and Turkey began genocide, causing Turkey to recall its ambas- a historic rapprochement, signing two pro- sador from Washington. Turkey’s outspoken tocols on normalizing their relations that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdo˘gan fur- showed them a way to escape their tragic ther undermined hopes for normalization past. In 2010, the process has run into trou- in a March 17 BBC interview in which he ble. -
Turkey's Relations with Italy (1932-39)
TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH ITALY (1932-39): REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY MEHMET DOĞAR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar Kondakçı Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Oktay Fırat Tanrısever Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU, IR) Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar (METU, IR) Assist. Prof. Dr. Onur İşçi (Bilkent Uni., IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Mehmet Doğar Signature : iii ABSTRACT TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH ITALY (1932-39): REALITIES AND PERCEPTIONS Doğar, Mehmet M.Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ebru Boyar July 2020, 233 pages This thesis examines Turkey’s relations with Italy between 1932 and 1939 through key historical events and analyses the role of Italy in Turkish foreign policy making. -
Energy-Efficien Buildings in Armenia: a Roadmap
Energy-Efficient Buildings in Armenia: A Roadmap Insights and pathways for better buildings 2020-2040 Energy-Efficient Buildings in Armenia: A Roadmap Insights and pathways for better buildings 2020-2040 Energy-Efficient Buildings in Armenia: A Roadmap Table of contents Table of contents Executive summary ........................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 5 Status and key indicators .................................................................................................................. 6 Influencing factors ............................................................................................................................. 9 Deploying efficient technologies ...................................................................................................... 15 Getting future-ready......................................................................................................................... 25 Towards a roadmap for Armenia’s buildings ................................................................................... 29 Conclusions ..................................................................................................................................... 35 References and resources ............................................................................................................. -
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia
Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia February 2021 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of “International Republican Institute’s” Center for Insights in Survey Research by Breavis (represented by IPSC LLC). • Data was collected throughout Armenia between February 8 and February 16, 2021, through phone interviews, with respondents selected by random digit dialing (RDD) probability sampling of mobile phone numbers. • The sample consisted of 1,510 permanent residents of Armenia aged 18 and older. It is representative of the population with access to a mobile phone, which excludes approximately 1.2 percent of adults. • Sampling frame: Statistical Committee of the Republic of Armenia. Weighting: Data weighted for 11 regional groups, age, gender and community type. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.5 points for the full sample. • The response rate was 26 percent which is similar to the surveys conducted in August-September 2020. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. 2 Weighted (Disaggregated) Bases Disaggregate Disaggregation Category Base Share 18-35 years old n=563 37% Age groups 36-55 years old n=505 34% 56+ years old n=442 29% Male n=689 46% Gender Female n=821 54% Yerevan n=559 37% Community type Urban n=413 27% Rural n=538 36% Primary or secondary n=537 36% Education Vocational n=307 20% Higher n=665 44% Single n=293 19% Marital status Married n=1,059 70% Widowed or divorced n=155 10% Up -
'Populism': Armenia's “Velvet Revolution”
The Armenian Studies Program and the Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies present the 42nd Educator Outreach Conference Authoritarianism, Democratization, and ‘Populism’: Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” in Perspective Saturday, May 1, 2021 Livestream on YouTube University of California, Berkeley From end March to early May 2018, a series of peaceful protests and demonstration led to the resignation of Prime Minister (PM) Serzh Sargsyan, whom the then ruling Republican Party he chaired had newly nominated for that office. Having completed his two terms as President, from 2008 to 2018, Serzh Sargsyan’s attempt to remain in power became obvious. This attempt also made it evident that the amended 2015 Constitution, which he had promoted to invigorate democratization by shifting power from the office of the President to the Parliament and the office of the Prime Minister, was merely a ploy to extend his rule. It was also the proverbial “last straw that broke the camel’s back.” A kleptocratic, semi-authoritarian regime that appeared to control all the levers of power and of the economy suddenly, and unexpectedly, collapsed. This regime change—which the leader of the protests and incoming new prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, referred to as a “Velvet Revolution”—was peaceful, something unusual for a post-Soviet republic. Subsequent parliamentary elections brought to power a new generation, younger deputies mostly between the ages of twenty-five to forty. A similar generation change also characterized the formation of the government. Youth, however, also means inexperience as almost none of the new deputies and ministers had held any political position in the past. -
Armenia-Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict
Armenia‐Azerbaijan Wars: Looking for Nagorno‐Karabakh Conflict Resolution Air University Advanced Research Program Next Generation Intelligence, Surveillance, Reconnaissance Aigerim T. Akhmetova Squadron Officer School Class – 21C March 31, 2021 "Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency." Abstract The Nagorno‐Karabakh territorial dispute is one of the longest inter‐ethnic conflicts from the former Soviet Union, devastating Azerbaijan and Armenia since 1988. The geographic location complicates the situation from a geopolitical perspective by bringing several outside stakeholders to the discussion table. The efforts of one key organization to mitigate the conflict, the Minsk Group, have been questioned by both Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Minsk Group was established in 1992 to provide a peaceful resolution to this territorial dispute by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Competing regional and international interests further complicate this stalemate and finding a single resolution that fits all involved parties’ interests has been an arduous path. This paper explores the complexities of this conflict, discusses if Minsk Group should continue leading negotiation efforts, and proposes possible courses of actions for the international community to take with these countries. Background and Involved Parties The inter‐ethnic tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Karabakh region can be traced back to the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union era (Migdalovitz 2001, 6). For a brief period in 1921, Nagorno‐Karabakh (NK) was part of Armenia before Stalin acknowledged their ties to Azerbaijan (ibid). -
TURKEY-CROATIA Mehmet Yunus ÇELİK AVRUPA YOLCULUĞU
DUMLUPINAR ÜNİVERSİTES İ SOSYAL BİLİMLER DERGİSİ DUMLUPINAR UNIVERSITY JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES E-ISSN: 2587-005X http://dergipark.gov.tr/dpusbe Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 61, 84-97; 2019 EUROPE JOURNEY: TURKEY-CROATIA Mehmet Yunus ÇELİK Abstract In this study, public policies, legal obligations and regulations, and monetary and fiscal policies implemented by Croatia, the newest member state of the EU, and Turkey, which is negotiating its accession to the EU as a member state, during the EU membership process were analyzed comparatively. First, In the study, information was first provided on the harmonization processes and policies necessary for full membership to the European Union and the Union. In this regard, a focus was placed on the goals of the Union and how it can contribute to the world in the future. Afterward, the differences between Croatia and Turkey during the negotiation process were tried to be demonstrated. We believe that demonstrating the differences between the negotiation processes of the two countries will be important for Turkey to follow a more effective path in its process of full membership to the Union. Keywords: Turkey, Croatia, European Union JEL Codes: F02, F15, F50 AVRUPA YOLCULUĞU: TÜRKİYE – HIRVATİSTAN Öz Bu çalışmada Avrupa Birliği’ne tam üye olarak en son kabul edilen Hırvatistan ile Tam üyelik müzakere süreci devam eden Türkiye’nin bu süreç içerisinde uygulamış olduğu kamusal politikalar, kanuni yükümlülükler ve düzenlemeler, üyelik sürecinde izlediği para ve maliye politikaları karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz edilmiştir. Çalışmada, ilk önce Avrupa Birliği ve birliğe tam üyelik için gerekli uyum süreçleri ve politikaları hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. -
Croatia and Turkey: Toward a Durable Peace in Southeastern Europe
PERCEPTIONS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS September - November 1998 Volume III - Number 3 CROATIA AND TURKEY: TOWARD A DURABLE PEACE IN SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE MIOMIR ZUZUL His Eminence Dr. Miomir Zuzul is the Ambassador of the Republic of Croatia to the United States. INTRODUCTION Mr. Chairman, fellow panelists, ladies and gentlemen: I am pleased to be here with you today to discuss the crucial role that Turkey has to play in strengthening the foundations of regional stability and security. Before I begin, let me just outline the main elements of what I believe to be crucial in understanding the role of Turkey in the region. Firstly, I want to discuss the ways in which Croatia and Turkey have worked together to further bilateral relations in the fields of economics, politics and security. Secondly, I want to address the constructive role that Turkey has played in stabilising turbulent Southeastern Europe, in particular its role in maintaining stability and security in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Indeed, Turkey has played a vital role in forging a lasting and durable peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Croatia and Turkey have worked closely with Bosnia-Herzegovina to bring peace to that war-torn country, in particular by strengthening the Federation between Bosnian Croats and Bosniaks (Muslims). Finally, I will address the issue of the future of NATO in Bosnia-Herzegovina in particular, and in the region in general. Here I want to outline a rather novel approach to responding to the challenges that the spectre of a long-term international presence poses to Bosnia-Herzegovina’s longevity. Simply stated, it is conceivable that NATO’s presence in Bosnia-Herzegovina—and by extension in Croatia, because Croatia wants to join the major European economic, political and security institutions—can be transformed from an open-ended peacekeeping mission into a regular NATO deployment. -
[Project] [Title of Presentation]
Horizon 2020 Policy Support Facility Horizon2020 PSF Specific support to Armenia Kick-off meeting Brussels 16.04.2019 Background report Fast facts Country / Capital The Republic of Armenia / Yerevan Population 2 .93 milion Area 29.743 sq. km (11.500 sq. miles) Major languages Armenian (native), Russian, English Major religion Christianity Life expectancy 71.3 years (men), 77.6 years (women) Monetary unit Armenian dram (AMD) Exchange rate 570.56 AMD/EUR(2018) GDP per capita, PPP 8,539 EUR (2017) Products: Copper ore, cigarette produce, brandy, precious and Main exports non-precious metals, diamonds, textile produce, electricity, foodstuff, Services: IT, tourism System of law Continental Horizon 2020 Policy Support Facility 2 Fast facts Ratings Moody’s rating B1, positive (March 9, 2018) Fitch (long-term IDRs) rating B+, positive (June 15, 2018) Ranking Ease of Doing Business 41 (2019, out of 190 countries) Index of Economic Freedom 47 (2019, out of 180 countries) Human Capital Index 49 (2017, out of 130 countries) Global Competitiveness Index 70 (2018-2019, out of 140 countries) Global Innovation index 68 (2018, out of 126 countries) Horizon 2020 Policy Support Facility 3 In April, 2018 through “Velvet revolution” the opposition leader became prime minister of Armenia. Priorities of new Government program • Protection of external and internal security of RA, guarantee of Artsakh’s security and its maintenance • Competitiveness of the economy • Protection of human rights • Democracy and the rule of law • Consolidation of human, economic, financial, intellectual potential of all Armenians for the RA development goal • Government accountability and transparency and the rejection of corruption • Separation of political and business sectors • Encouraging education and healthy living • Poverty reduction through employment and education Horizon 2020 Policy Support Facility 4 SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION IN ARMEINA Horizon 2020 Policy Support Facility 5 After independence the population has constantly decreased: 2 waves of massive migration in 90s and mid 2000s.