Restoring Britain's City States
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Combined Authorities and Metro Mayors
Combined Authorities and Metro Mayors What is a combined authority (CA)? A combined authority (CA) is a legal body set up using national legislation that enables a group of two or more councils to collaborate and take collective decisions across council boundaries. It is far more robust than an informal partnership or even a joint committee. The creation of a CA means that member councils can be more ambitious in their joint working and can take advantage of powers and resources devolved to them from national government. While established by Parliament, CAs are locally owned and have to be initiated and supported by the councils involved. 54 (17%) Number of local authorities (excluding the 33 London boroughs) with full membership of a combined authority 22% Percentage of population of England outside London living in a mayoral combined authority area Brief background to devolution and the combined authorities The idea of devolution has excited the imaginations of the political class for a long time even if the public has been less enthusiastic. The turnout rates for the May 2017 Metro Mayor 1 elections attest to this. Devolution was given a big push under New Labour but John Prescott’s North East Devolution Referendum 2004 was decisively rejected by the people (78% of voters were against). The idea was nevertheless pursued by the Coalition. Heseltine’s No Stone Unturned: In pursuit of growth 2012 report made a reasonable case for the concentration of funding streams and for these to be placed under local political control for greater efficiency and flexibility and to maximise effect. -
Autumn Budget
Autumn Budget November 2017 Helping you understand how proposed changes might impact you or your business jcca.co.uk jcca.co.uk Contents Your Core Budget Team 3 Foreword by Susie Walker 4 Personal Tax 5 Tax Administration 7 Stamp Duty Land Tax (SDLT) – First time buyers 8 Capital Gains Tax (CGT) 9 Taxation of Trusts 10 Corporate Tax 11 Business Rates 12 Entrepreneurial Taxes 13 Indirect Taxes 13 Employment Taxes 15 Research and Development (R&D) Tax Credits 17 Capital Allowances 17 International Tax 18 A Sector Snapshot 19 Scottish Taxes 20 Your Local Tax Contacts 21 Johnston Carmichael Wealth 22 Appendix 1: UK Rates and Allowances 23 2 Autumn Budget 2017 jcca.co.uk Your Core Budget Team Susie Walker Peter Young Head of Tax Head of Private Client Tax 0131 220 2203 0131 220 2203 [email protected] [email protected] Craig Hendry John McAuslin Managing Director Partner - Corporate Tax Johnston Carmichael Wealth 0141 222 5800 01224 259373 [email protected] [email protected] David Ward Alex Docherty Partner - R&D Partner - Private Client Tax 0131 220 2203 0131 220 2203 [email protected] [email protected] Callum Wilson Paul Cochrane Partner - International Tax Director - VAT 01224 212222 0141 222 5800 [email protected] [email protected] Stuart Thomson Andrew Holloway Director - Corporate Tax Senior Manager - 0131 220 2203 Entrepreneurial Tax [email protected] 0131 220 2203 [email protected] Chris Campbell Senior Manager – Employer Solutions 01343 547492 [email protected] 3 Autumn Budget 2017 jcca.co.uk Foreword by Susie Walker In the Autumn Budget, Chancellor Philip Hammond delivered his Government’s plans to build a Britain that is fit for the future and future- proofed, post Brexit. -
Management Case for High Speed 2
Management Case for High Speed 2 1 Contents Introduction 4 Timetable to an operational railway 5 Governance 7 Planning 16 Risk Management 17 Issue Management 18 Change Control 19 Assurance 24 Benefit Realisation and Evaluation 25 Communication and Stakeholder Management 26 Building Capability and Capacity 28 Document Control 30 Annex A – Governance Framework for High Speed 2 31 Annex B – Remit letter 32 Annex C – DfT High Speed Rail Organogram 36 Annex D – HS2 Ltd Organogram 37 Annex E – Risk and Issue Management Strategy 38 Annex F - Integrated Assurance and Approvals Plan 53 Annex G – Benefit Realisation and Evaluation Strategy 73 Annex H - Communications Plan 84 Annex I – Resource Management Plan 111 2 Purpose 1. The purpose of the Management Case is to provide confidence that credible and robust arrangements are in place to deliver the High Speed 2 (HS2) programme to time, cost and quality. It includes: . an outline of the HS2 programme and how it will be delivered; . governance arrangements for the programme, including the role of the High Speed Rail Programme Board, the separate Project Boards and HS2 Ltd’s own governance; . details on the programme of work planned and how key milestones are tracked; . evidence on how risks and issues are managed and escalated; . detail on how change is and will be managed within the programme; . arrangements for programme and project assurance; . our communication plan for the programme, including how we engage with stakeholders; . how we plan to manage and record the benefits from the programme; . contingency and resource planning arrangements; and . document control arrangements. 2. -
Steven CA Pincus James A. Robinson Working Pape
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES WHAT REALLY HAPPENED DURING THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION? Steven C.A. Pincus James A. Robinson Working Paper 17206 http://www.nber.org/papers/w17206 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 July 2011 This paper was written for Douglass North’s 90th Birthday celebration. We would like to thank Doug, Daron Acemoglu, Stanley Engerman, Joel Mokyr and Barry Weingast for their comments and suggestions. We are grateful to Dan Bogart, Julian Hoppit and David Stasavage for providing us with their data and to María Angélica Bautista and Leslie Thiebert for their superb research assistance. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2011 by Steven C.A. Pincus and James A. Robinson. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. What Really Happened During the Glorious Revolution? Steven C.A. Pincus and James A. Robinson NBER Working Paper No. 17206 July 2011 JEL No. D78,N13,N43 ABSTRACT The English Glorious Revolution of 1688-89 is one of the most famous instances of ‘institutional’ change in world history which has fascinated scholars because of the role it may have played in creating an environment conducive to making England the first industrial nation. -
History of Economics in Great Britain : Development Outlook After Technological Revolution the 17Th Century
History of economics in Great Britain : development outlook after technological revolution the 17th century Zhuravlev Andrey, teacher of history Yadrin Alexander, M.S., teacher of economics Karinskaya school, Moscow region, Russia The economic history of the United Kingdom deals with the economic history of England and Great Britain from 1500 to the early 21st century. (For earlier periods see Economy of England in the Middle Ages and Economic history of Scotland). After becoming one of the most prosperous economic regions in Europe between 1600 and 1700,[2] Britain led the industrial revolution and dominated the European and world economy during the 19th century. It was the major innovator in machinery such as steam engines (for pumps, factories, railway locomotives and steamships), textile equipment, and tool-making. It invented the railway system and built much of the equipment used by other nations. As well it was a leader in international and domestic banking, entrepreneurship, and trade. It built a global British Empire. After 1840 it abandoned mercantilism and practised "free trade," with no tariffs or quotas or restrictions. The powerful Royal Navy protected its global holdings, while its legal system provided a system for resolving disputes inexpensively. Between 1870 and 1900, economic output per head of population in Britain and Ireland rose by 500 percent, generating a significant rise in living standards. However, from the late 19th century onwards Britain experienced a relative economic decline as other nations such as the United States and Germany caught up. In 1870, Britain's output per head was the second highest in the world after Australia. -
George Unwin: a Manchester Economic Historian Extraordinary
gareth.jones Section name George Unwin: a Manchester economic historian extraordinary by T A B Corley 2002 435 Henley Business School University of Reading Whiteknights Reading RG6 6AA United Kingdom www.henley.reading.ac.uk - 1 - [SECOND DRAFT] George Unwin: A Manchester Economic Historian Extraordinary T.A.B. Corley University of Reading I George Unwin held the prestigious chair of economic history at Manchester from 1910 until he died in 1925. During that decade and a half, he built up the reputation of economic history in Britain by a unique combination of two distinct qualities. He is credited as having had one of the most penetrating and philosophical minds ever to be attracted to this discipline.1 He also brought to his research an intellectual rigour, involving a scientific approach through intensive study of original sources. His influence over the development of economic and social history was thus a far- reaching one. Even so, Unwin has been to some extent overlooked. He failed to be included among the worthies in the Dictionary of National Biography’s supplement for 1922- 30 (1937): an omission to be rectified in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004).2 However, he was given a two-page entry in the International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences in 19683, and all his four books were reprinted during that decade. A more extended treatment of his career, as the ‘Founder of the Manchester school of economic history’, by D.A. Farnie, was published in 2001.4 The present, somewhat broader, account of his life and professional achievements therefore seeks to demonstrate that Unwin is well worth recalling in a new century. -
City Deals and Skills
City deals and skills: How have City and Local Growth Deals supported the development of employment and skills policies that reflect local demand? Naomi Clayton & Louise McGough July 2015 city growth through people About Centre for Cities Centre for Cities is a research and policy institute, dedicated to improving the economic success of UK cities. We are a charity that works with cities, business and Whitehall to develop and implement policy that supports the performance of urban economies. We do this through impartial research and knowledge exchange. For more information, please visit www.centreforcities.org This report is the first of an 18-month partnership between Centre for Cities and the UK Commission for Employment and Skills. About the authors Naomi Clayton is a Senior Analyst at Centre for Cities [email protected] / 020 7803 4314 Louise McGough is a Policy Officer at Centre for Cities [email protected] / 020 7803 4325 Acknowledgements With thanks to UKCES for supporting this work. All views expressed in this report are those of the Centre for Cities. All mistakes are the authors’ own. city growth through people City deals and skills • July 2015 Executive Summary How to deliver responsive and flexible local employment and skills strategies that support job creation, local economic development and labour market inclusion is a long-standing issue. In support of this, over the last five years various aspects of employment and skills policy have formed a significant element of devolution policies. During this period the government trialled various approaches to decentralisation across the UK but predominantly in English city regions. -
Core Cities Driving Recovery • a New Partnership with a New Government
CORE CITIES DRIVING RECOVERY A New Partnership with a New Government 1. Introduction Contents The UK faces unprecedented economic challenges over 1. Introduction 2 the next decade. This report, based on independent economic forecasts, demonstrates how England’s eight 2. Two contrasting visions Core Cities and their surrounding economic areas can and must play a critical role in driving economic recovery of the future 3 and improving public sector productivity, ensuring the benefits of growth are shared by all and a real contribu- 3. Why investment in Core Cities tion is made to reducing the national deficit. will underpin economic recovery 4 The report also identifies the barriers stopping the Core Cities from driving national economic recovery. 4. The four key challenges Core Cities have the imagination and ambition to overcome these, but only directly control about 5% of facing the UK 5 the total taxation raised within their boundaries1. We are competing in a global marketplace against inter- 5. A new partnership with national cities with far greater control over finance and a new government 13 investment. This leaves our cities less able to enhance their competitiveness, which disadvantages the country’s 2 6. Delivering the opportunity: economic recovery. This report sets out how Core Cities can raise their competitiveness and contribute to principles for a new partnership 16 national economic growth. At the heart of this new partnership we propose Appendix 1: three fundamental shifts in our relationship for: financial Statistical information 17 freedoms; supporting business growth; and increasing skills and employment: 1. Establish a new financial relationship with new financial instruments, freedoms and flexibilities for capital and revenue investment, working directly with Core Cities to draft the new ‘power of competence’. -
The Impact of the English Civil War on the Economy of London, 1642-1650, by Ben Coates
The Impact of the English Civil War on the Economy of London, 1642-1650, by Ben Coates. Abstract. The purpose of this thesis is to ask to what extent and in what ways the economy of London was affected by the English Civil War. This w ill be placed in the context of the evolution o f London’s economy and society in the 16th and 17th centuries. Comparisons with the impact of the C ivil War on the economy of other parts of England will be made. The focus w ill be on the short term effects of the C ivil War. In the first part of thesis the impact on the economy of London of Parliamentary taxation, loans and contracts for Parliament’s war effort w ill be assessed, as well as the policies of economic blockade pursued by the belligerents. Subsequently the impact of disruption brought about by the English C ivil War on the major props of the London economy w ill be examined, namely London’s role in the internal and external trades of England, and manufacturing in London. It w ill be argued that the C ivil War caused a major economic crisis in London partly because the economy of the metropolis rested on its interrelationship with the test of England, and also because of its function as the capital as the centre for the social and economic networks of the kingdom. The Civil War disrupted those networks. However the impact of the war was limited because the disruption of the national economic networks was partial, and because different aspects were disrupted at different times. -
Core Cities Group ______
RESPONSE TO: RSA City Growth Commission: Open Call for Evidence DATE: Thursday 9th January SUBJECT: Call for Evidence REPORT OF: Core Cities Group __________________________________________________________________ 1. England’s Core Cities and their role Core Cities are a unique and united voice to promote the role of our cities in driving economic growth. We represent the City Authorities at the centre of England’s eight largest economies outside London: Birmingham, Bristol, Liverpool, Leeds, Manchester, Newcastle, Nottingham and Sheffield. Core Cities Group develop evidence-based policies that support the critical role of these important cities in delivering the country’s full economic potential, creating more jobs and improving people’s lives. Our cities already contribute more than a quarter of England’s wealth, yet by international standards they are underperforming, largely due to the heavily centralised state system within which they operate in England. With devolution to Scotland, and further decentralisation now on the table for Wales, this constitutional imbalance is further heightened, which has real economic consequences for the whole of the UK. The Core Cities together with their surrounding urban areas: are home to 16 million people, almost a third of the population of England (set to grow by at least 1 million by 2030) generate 27% of England’s wealth (more than London) are home to half of the country’s leading research universities contain 28% of highly skilled workers (graduate level or above) Core Cities are a vital delivery partner for Government and its agencies and are best placed to improve the UK’s economic fortunes. They already deliver an enormous amount for the country, but with the right freedoms and flexibilities in place, they could do a lot more. -
The Tax Implications of Scottish Independence Or Further Devolution
THE TAX IMPLICATIONS OF SCOttISH INDEPENDENCE OR FURTHER DEVOLUTION Jane Frecknall-Hughes Simon James Rosemarie McIlwhan THE TAX IMPLICATIONS OF SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE OR FURTHER DEVOLUTION by Jane Frecknall-Hughes Simon James Rosemarie McIlwhan Published by CA House 21 Haymarket Yards Edinburgh EH12 5BH First published 2014 © 2014 ISBN 978-1-909883-06-2 EAN 9781909883062 This report is published for the Research Committee of ICAS. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Council of ICAS or the Research Committee. No responsibility for loss occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any material in this publication can be accepted by the authors or publisher. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of the publisher. Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International CONTENTS Foreword ............................................................................................................................ 1 Acknowledgements .......................................................................................................... 3 Executive summary .......................................................................................................... 5 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................... -
Essays on the Political Economy of Decentralization
Essays on the Political Economy of Decentralization By Ed Gareth Poole A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, England July 2017 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 64,174 words. 2 Abstract This thesis consists of three papers that make a distinctive contribution to the study of decentralization in the areas of fiscal policy, legislative behavior and government responsiveness. The first paper revisits theories of substate tax policy that usually draw on evidence from stable federations. Investigating fiscal decentralization reforms in four European countries subject to intense center-periphery territorial competition, I find that incentives operating in such systems generate a paradox whereby prominent autonomist regions are among the least likely to make proactive changes after decentralization. I theorize this as the best response to central government attempts at blame-shifting by locking regions into making controversial policy changes.