The Changing Nature of Quebec-Canada Relations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Changing Nature of Quebec-Canada Relations The Changing Nature of Quebec-Canada recognized in the recent Council of the Relations: From the 1980 Referendum Federation provision for the province’s opting to the Summit of the Canadas out with compensation for pharmacare) as well as the division of powers themselves are also on by the table. Adding to this menu is the reality that the forthcoming Throne Speech will focus on Thomas J. Courchene health, children and cities–arguably all of which fall under provincial jurisdiction. Accordingly, Jarislowsky-Deutsch Professor of Economic the essay concludes with an assessment of the and Financial Policy potential implications of this forthcoming Queen’s University and Senior Scholar, “Summit of the Canadas.” Institute for Research on Public Policy, Montreal I: Introduction What a difference a few months can make for policy analysts! All appeared quiet on the ABSTRACT Quebec front in the time frame of the fall 2003 This paper traces the economic and political Institute of Intergovernmental Relations evolution of Quebec-Canada relations from the Conference Quebec and Canada in the New 1980 Referendum through to the July 2004 Century: New Dynamics – New Opportunities. Council of the Federation (COF) meeting at The Charest Liberals were at the helm and the Niagara-on-the Lake. The underlying thesis is forces of sovereignty seemed safely at bay. that Quebec’s traditional demands for acquiring From the post-federal-election perspective greater powers within the federation have now (August 2004), however, the environment is given way to demands for acquiring greater markedly different. Charest’s confrontation access to revenues in order to be able to fully with the unions and civil society has not gone exercise its existing constitutional powers. What well. More importantly, the Bloc Québécois has triggered this rather dramatic shift is the captured an astounding 54 seats and 49% of the advent of globalization and the knowledge- popular vote in Quebec in the June 28, 2004 based era (KBE), both of which have served to election. And this was in spite of the fact that, redefine what meaningful sovereignty is all in the days running up to the vote, Pierre about in the 21st century. In short, sovereignty is Pettigrew and Stephane Dion warned Quebecers now about how societies live, and work and that a vote for the BQ was, in effect, a vote for play, which in turn means that on the policy sovereignty. PQ leader Bernard Landry as much front it is all about education, skills, health, as confirmed this by suggesting the likelihood of cities and citizens generally. In Canada, these a third Referendum in 2009 (i.e. after the PQ is are largely provincial powers. This being the presumed to have regained power). Moreover, case, it is hardly surprising that Quebec’s with the Paul Martin Liberals reduced to a rallying cry is focussed on restoring vertical minority position in the House of Commons, the fiscal balance in the federation. Bloc Québécois holds the balance of power in the sense that under some realistic scenarios it With the resurgence of the Bloc Québécois to could bring the government down and 54 seats and 49% of the popular vote in the June precipitate an election. Hence, here too election, uncertainty is again on the horizon. uncertainty is now the order of the day. As I Partly because of this, but more because of the concluded in an earlier assessment of Quebec- way in which Quebec-Canada relations were Canada relations (1990), the lights at Canada’s evolving in any event, the September First constitutional crossroads are not flashing green, Ministers’ Meeting is emerging as one of the nor are they flashing red. Rather, they remain watershed moments in our history. Much more Forever Amber. than the future of medicare is at stake, since the issues relating to vertical fiscal balance, In order to reflect on the changing (current equalization, Quebec’s distinctive status (as and longer-term) nature of Quebec-Canada Working Paper 2004(2) ©IIGR, Queen’s University, IRPP, Montreal Thomas J. Courchene, The Changing Nature of Quebec-Canada Relations relations in the 21st century, the analytical mast over l’Assemblée nationale was storyline on both the political and economic unfortunate, to be sure, but Quebec’s non- fronts must begin much earlier. Accordingly signatory status was only to be expected from a Part II focusses selectively on Quebec-Canada sovereignist government, or so the storyline political relations in the 1980-1995 (or inter- presumably went. In any event, the Charter took referenda) era, dealing in turn with Charter hold almost immediately with Canadians, even federalism, the Meech and Charlottetown in Quebec, so much so that the cleavages in the Accords and the 1995 Referendum. Part III federation shifted from being territorially-based presents a similar highlighting of political to being rights-based – Charter interests vs. milestones under the Chrétien era, focussing on vested interests, as it were. Indeed, the Quebec’s relations with the provinces under the traditional territorial interests/cleavages arguably rubric of pan-Canadian provincialism and then shifted from the provinces to the First Nations on Quebec-Ottawa relations in terms of the (and aboriginals more generally), with the Clarity Act and the sponsorship scandal. Charter intriguingly serving as catalyst. Attention then shifts in Part IV to Quebec- Canada economics relations dealing in turn with Roughly coincident (and obviously related) the implications flowing from NAFTA, the was the emergence, initially in Alberta, of a new knowledge-based economy (KBE), Global City philosophy of Canadian federalism, the so-called Regions, and “hourglass federalism” (or the symmetric or triple-E federalism. At the most federal invasion of provincial jurisdiction). Part general level, this meant equal powers for all V (Quebec-Canada Dynamics in Century 21) provinces, equal-per-capita representation in the pulls together some of the observations and House of Commons and equal provincial implications that arise from integrating the representation in the Senate. The related and political and economic strands of the analysis in more familiar version is the “triple-E Senate” – order to briefly document and assess the equal (by province), elected and effective. The evolving nature of Quebec’s political, economic argument for symmetrical federalism (or the and constitutional relationship with the rest of notion that all provinces are equal and must be Canada. What emerges from this composite is so treated) is a peculiar one coming from the critical importance for Quebec and indeed Alberta, since this province is the principal for all of Canada of the forthcoming First beneficiary of the most lucrative asymmetry in Ministers’ Meeting (FMM) on health care in the federation, namely crown ownership of sub- September of 2004. Accordingly, the final surface resource rights. Admittedly, this arose section of the essay (Quebec and the Summit of because Ottawa initially withheld sub-surface the Canadas) outlines the range of issues that are rights from Alberta, but it is an asymmetry at stake in the FMM and how they might be nonetheless. The larger puzzle is why the most resolved. fiscally powerful province would be the lead advocate for a Triple-E Senate, when the result II: Quebec-Canada Political Relations in the would surely be to curtail the powers of the Inter-Referenda Period (1980-1995) provinces and their premiers. A. Charter Federalism Meanwhile, the second coming of Robert In the wake of the 60-40 victory for the Bourassa (1985) saw Quebec embrace “le virage federalist forces in the 1980 Quebec vers les marchés.” Importantly, this shift toward Referendum, Trudeau launched the 1980-82 markets reflected a societal realization that constitutional round which culminated with the Quebec’s future would and should ultimately lie patriation of the Constitution Act, 1867, and the in North American economic space, rather than enactment of the Constitution Act 1982 replete in Canadian economic space. Some of this was with the enshrinement of the Canadian Charter no doubt a response to the symbolic alienation of Rights and Freedoms. That flags flew at half- emanating from the constitutional patriation Working Paper 2004(2) ©IIGR, Queen’s University, IRPP, Montreal 2 Thomas J. Courchene, The Changing Nature of Quebec-Canada Relations process. More was due to the realization that Charter, some provinces simply exercised their with the “economic capital” of Canada shifting equality or symmetrical right to effectively veto west (in light of energy price hikes) it made far the asymmetrical Accord. While it was no doubt more sense for Quebecers to turn to the markets of enormous comfort to Canadians that the that were much closer and much bigger, namely tumultuous St. Jean Baptiste parade took place the US northeast, rather than somehow under Robert Bourassa’s watch, the demise of leapfrogging Ontario to compete in western Meech not only triggered dramatic political Canadian markets. The most tangible result of changes but, as well, set the sovereignty clock this societal shift was that Quebec in effect gave ticking inevitably toward a second referendum. Canada the FTA in the 1988 federal election by delivering a “super majority” of its seats (63 of By way of elaboration, in the month or so 75) to the Mulroney Tories. A simple majority prior to the formal collapse of Meech, federal of Quebec seats would have sunk the FTA. Environment Minister Lucien Bouchard, joined by five other Quebec Tory MPs, bolted the B. The Meech Lake and Charlottetown Mulroney government to sit as independents. Accords1 Initially committed to not forming a formal The next highlighted milestone en route to party, all this changed after La Fête: within two the 1995 Referendum is the 1987-1990 Meech months none other than current BQ leader Gilles Lake Accord and ratification process.
Recommended publications
  • Brief by Professor François Larocque Research Chair In
    BRIEF BY PROFESSOR FRANÇOIS LAROCQUE RESEARCH CHAIR IN LANGUAGE RIGHTS UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA PRESENTED TO THE SENATE STANDING COMMITTEE ON OFFICIAL LANGUAGES AS PART OF ITS STUDY OF THE OFFICIAL LANGUAGES REFORM PROPOSAL UNVEILED ON FEBRUARY 19, 2021, BY THE MINISTER OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND OFFICIAL LANGUAGES, ENGLISH AND FRENCH: TOWARDS A SUBSTANTIVE EQUALITY OF OFFICIAL LANGUAGES IN CANADA MAY 31, 2021 Professor François Larocque Faculty of Law, Common Law Section University of Ottawa 57 Louis Pasteur Ottawa, ON K1J 6N5 Telephone: 613-562-5800, ext. 3283 Email: [email protected] 1. Thank you very much to the honourable members of the Senate Standing Committee on Official Languages (the “Committee”) for inviting me to testify and submit a brief as part of the study of the official languages reform proposal entitled French and English: Towards a Substantive Equality of Official Languages in Canada (“the reform proposal”). A) The reform proposal includes ambitious and essential measures 2. First, I would like to congratulate the Minister of Economic Development and Official Languages for her leadership and vision. It is, in my opinion, the most ambitious official languages reform proposal since the enactment of the Constitution Act, 1982 (“CA1982”)1 and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (“Charter”),2 which enshrined the main provisions of the Official Languages Act (“OLA”)3 of 1969 in the Canadian Constitution. The last reform of the OLA was in 1988 and it is past time to modernize it to adapt it to Canada’s linguistic realities and challenges in the 21st century. 3. The Charter and the OLA proclaim that “English and French are the official languages of Canada and have equality of status and equal rights and privileges as to their use in all institutions of the Parliament and government of Canada.”4 In reality, however, as reported by Statistics Canada,5 English is dominant everywhere, while French is declining, including in Quebec.
    [Show full text]
  • “Apples and Oranges”
    Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies “Apples and Oranges”. Prospects for the Comparative Analysis of the EU and NAFTA as Continental Systems Stephen Clarkson RSC No. 2000/23 EUI WORKING PAPERS EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE RSC 2000/23 © 2000 Stephen Clarkson All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the authors. © 2000 Stephen Clarkson Printed in Italy in May 2000 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50016 San Domenico (FI) Italy RSC 2000/23 © 2000 Stephen Clarkson ABSTRACT* The signature by Mexico, Canada and the United States of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1993 established an institutionalized, continent-wide economic region roughly equivalent in size and population to the European Union. By its very creation, NAFTA opened up the possibility for scholars of European integration to add a comparative dimension to their research. Starting with the question whether the differences between North America and Europe are so great as to preclude their meaningful comparison (as implied by the expression, “apples and oranges”), this paper argues that there are enough commonalities between the two continental systems for the comparison of their differences to be analytically and intellectually fruitful. It goes on to propose many areas which Euroscholars might consider for future comparative study and offers as an example a case study by Jean Cushen of the differential impacts of the EU and NAFTA on Ireland’s and Canada’s labour markets. It would be difficult for me to list all the colleagues – scholars and students – who have helped me develop these ideas over the past few years.
    [Show full text]
  • The Parliament
    The Parliament is composed of 3 distinct elements,the Queen1 the Senate and the House of Representatives.2 These 3 elements together characterise the nation as being a constitutional monarchy, a parliamentary democracy and a federation. The Constitution vests in the Parliament the legislative power of the Common- wealth. The legislature is bicameral, which is the term commoniy used to indicate a Par- liament of 2 Houses. Although the Queen is nominally a constituent part of the Parliament the Consti- tution immediately provides that she appoint a Governor-General to be her representa- tive in the Commonwealth.3 The Queen's role is little more than titular as the legislative and executive powers and functions of the Head of State are vested in the Governor- General by virtue of the Constitution4, and by Letters Patent constituting the Office of Governor-General.5 However, while in Australia, the Sovereign has performed duties of the Governor-General in person6, and in the event of the Queen being present to open Parliament, references to the Governor-General in the relevant standing orders7 are to the extent necessary read as references to the Queen.s The Royal Style and Titles Act provides that the Queen shall be known in Australia and its Territories as: Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God Queen of Australia and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth.* There have been 19 Governors-General of Australia10 since the establishment of the Commonwealth, 6 of whom (including the last 4) have been Australian born. The Letters Patent, of 29 October 1900, constituting the office of Governor- General, 'constitute, order, and declare that there shall be a Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in and over' the Commonwealth.
    [Show full text]
  • Canadian Politics at the 150Th Anniversary of Confederation
    ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ POLITICS SYMPOSIUM ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ Canadian Politics at the 150th Anniversary of Confederation ........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................ (4) The United States and Canada are disputing the ownership Blame Canada! An of an outcropping of rocks near Maine. In fact, Wikipedia has a page dedicated to “List of areas disputed by Canada Occasionally Serious and the United States,” which includes five items. (5) President Trump has pledged to renegotiate NAFTA, and while most commentary focuses on the US and Mexico, Overview of US-Canada trade between the US and Canada is larger. Both nations have much at stake, but Canada will be particularly wor- Relations ried about suffering collateral damage in a dispute that is largely about
    [Show full text]
  • Disaster Education
    Disaster Education Building Research Institute (BRI) National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) 2007 Disaster Education Building Research Institute (BRI) National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) 2007 Foreword Education and public awareness are the cornerstone of approaches aimed at reducing vulnerabilities to natural hazards. The Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-2015: Building the Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters, adopted at the World Conference on Disaster Reduction, highlights knowledge and education as one of the five main priorities of action. Attention should be accorded, and support given to efforts targeting schoolchildren and youth with the aim of making people more aware of the threat of hazards and of the need and possibility to become better prepared before disasters strike. As we progress into the implementation of both the Hyogo Framework and the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (DESD, 2005-2014), the pride of place that the international community, national academic institutions and educational establishments concerned with disaster risk reduction are giving to education is based on evidence that education contributes towards the knowledge and skills essential for disaster preparedness. The project which was carried out on Disaster Education by the Building Research Institute (BRI) and the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) in Japan is a timely and pioneering initiative. It proved to be a valuable effort to take stock of the status of education and disaster risk reduction worldwide and to review information collected, thus laying the foundations for refining future orientations in the integration of disaster preparedness into educational programmes. As the lead agency for the DESD and a primary partner of the United Nations Secretariat of the International Strategy for Disaster Reduction in the 2006-2007 World Campaign "Disaster risk reduction begins at school”, UNESCO welcomes the initiative of BRI and GRIPS.
    [Show full text]
  • CANADIAN POLITICS Contents
    McMaster University, Department of Political Science, POLSCI 4O06/6O06 CANADIAN POLITICS Fall/Winter 2018-19 Instructor: Dr. Geoffrey Cameron Office: KTH 505 Email: [email protected] Office Hours: Friday, 12pm – 2pm Seminar: Friday, 8:30am – 11:20am Room: KTH 105 Contents Course Description .......................................................................................................... 3 Course Objectives ........................................................................................................... 3 Required Materials and Texts ......................................................................................... 3 Course Evaluation – Overview ........................................................................................ 3 Course Evaluation – Details ............................................................................................ 3 Attendance (10%) ........................................................................................................ 3 Participation (10%) ...................................................................................................... 4 Class Presentation (5%) .............................................................................................. 4 In-Class Test (10%), September 28............................................................................. 4 Research Proposal (15%), due February 8 ................................................................. 4 Research Proposal Presentation (5%) ........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Canada's Location in the World System: Reworking
    CANADA’S LOCATION IN THE WORLD SYSTEM: REWORKING THE DEBATE IN CANADIAN POLITICAL ECONOMY by WILLIAM BURGESS BA (Hon.), Queens University, 1978 MA (Plan.), University of British Columbia, 1995 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA January 2002 © William Burgess, 2002 Abstract Canada is more accurately described as an independent imperialist country than a relatively dependent or foreign-dominated country. This conclusion is reached by examining recent empirical evidence on the extent of inward and outward foreign investment, ownership links between large financial corporations and large industrial corporations, and the size and composition of manufacturing production and trade.
    [Show full text]
  • Calgary Declaration Page 2 Freedom Flyer 33 June? 1998 Eec£6Ac We Get Fetters
    THE OFFICIAL NEWSLETTER OF THE FREEDOM PARTY OF ONTARIO JUNE 1998 #33 Calgary Declaration Page 2 Freedom Flyer 33 June? 1998 eeC£6ac We get fetters ... Instead of bringing you our regular 'Openers' column this issue (which will return next issue), we thought we'd use this opportunity to let our readers do some of the talking, and to introduce you to a new regular feature of Freedom Flyer: Feedback. By no means exhaustive, the following selection of letters and e-mail represents a broad sampling of correspondence received by Freedom Pa~during the period January 1997 to May 1998. While many of these letters have already been personally responded to, others have not. Editorial responses, as they appear here, may be entirely new and/or edited versions of our original personal responses. To the greatest degree possible, original letters to Freedom Pa~ are left unedited, though there are exceptions with regard to length, structure and grammar (the latter applying particularly to e-mail and Usenet (news groups) correspondence). As always, we'd like to hear from you. Your comments, criticisms, suggestions, and occasional compliments are always welcomed. To contact Freedom Party, write: Box 2214, London, Ontario N6A 4E3, or fax us at (519) 681 -2857, or e-mail us at "feedback@freedomparty org". OJ NO DONATION up on freedom. To simply ignore the disastr· the text of Joe Armstrong's first-class ous consequences of drug prohibition and the speech to Kingston's Canadian Club. It's a Too bad you folks are still hung up on effect that such laws have on individual free· clarion call which, unfortunately, will not drugs! No donation.
    [Show full text]
  • EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT DELEGATION for RELATIONS with CANADA (16 Members)
    EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT DELEGATION FOR RELATIONS WITH CANADA (16 members) Chairmen: 2002-2004 Mr Willy DE CLERCQ (ELDR, Belgium) 1999-2001 Mr Robert STURDY (PPE, United Kingdom) 1997-1999 Mr Pietro Antonio DI PRIMA (PPE, Italy) 1995-1996 Mr Georges BERTHU (EDN, France) 1994-1995 Mr James GOLDSMITH (EDN, France) 1993-1994 Mr Jean-Thomas NORDMANN (LDR, France) 1992-1993 Mr Charles BAUR (LDR, France) 1989-1992 Mr Gijs de VRIES (LDR, Netherlands) 1987-1989 Mr Roberto COSTANZO (PPE, Italy) 1984-1987 Mrs Eva GREDAL (PSE, Denmark) 1979-1984 Sir James SCOTT-HOPKINS (ED, United Kingdom) The origins of interparliamentary relations between the European Parliament and the Canadian Parliament date back to 1973. Since then a total of 25 interparliamentary meetings have taken place between delegations of the European and the Canadian Parliament. Interparliamentary meetings since the first direct elections of the European Parliament in June 1979: - 27th meeting 26 October - 1 November 2004 Vancouver, Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal - 26th meeting 25-26 November 2002 Brussels - 25th meeting 7-16 October 2001 Vancouver, Saskatoon, Toronto, Ottawa - 24th meeting 21-24 March 2000 Brussels - 23rd meeting 28 September-2 October 1998 Ottawa, Montreal, Toronto - 22nd meeting 21-23 March 1995 Brussels - 21st meeting 13-18 February 1994 Ottawa, Vancouver (BC) - 20th meeting 8-12 June 1992 Strasbourg, Picardy - 19th meeting 19-26 May 1991 Ottawa, Victoria (BC), Whitehorse - 18th meeting 23-25 April 1990 Brussels, Amsterdam - 17th meeting 1-5 May 1989 London (Ontario) - 16th meeting 23-26 May 1988 Naples - 15th meeting 19-25 September 1987 Banff (Alberta) - 14th meeting 22-26 September 1986 Luxembourg - 13th meeting 2-6 June 1985 Quebec, Ottawa - 12th meeting 25-30 March 1984 Strasbourg - 11th meeting 7-11 May 1983 St.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of Emily Montague"
    THE POLITICS OF ROMANCE IN "THE HISTORY OF EMILY MONTAGUE" Robert Merrett ΤLHE MOST INTERESTING, because most problematic, claim that Mary Jane EdwardIHEs makes in her fine edition of The History of Emily Montague is that Frances Brooke expresses in her novel an "essentially positive view of the potential of the new British colony."1 This claim is problematic for many contextual and textual reasons. In the first place, although on March 22, 1769 Brooke dedicated her book to Guy Garleton, the recently appointed governor of Canada, and spoke glowingly of the country's prospects under his governance, her optimism is rendered questionable by her personal experience of the new province and by the frustration of her political wish to affirm the Conquest of Quebec. While the dedication praises Carleton's "enlightened attention" for bring- ing about a "spirit of loyalty and attachment to our excellent Sovereign" and a "chearful obedience" to British law (1), the text of her epistolary novel, in the course of plotting a retreat from Canada to England, necessarily embodies a much less positive attitude than announced by the dedication. When Mr. Brooke returned to his wife and England in the autumn of 1768, he did so because his petition for a land grant had met with no more success than their joint campaign to establish the Anglican Church in Quebec.2 Like many of their middle-class contemporaries, the Brookes opposed historical, social and politi- cal forces that they understood only partly and could resist hardly at all. Still, in the two years following Carleton's arrival in Quebec and before Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Best and Worst Places to Be a Woman in Canada 2015 the Gender Gap in Canada’S 25 Biggest Cities
    Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives July 2015 The Best and Worst Places to be a Woman in Canada 2015 The Gender Gap in Canada’s 25 Biggest Cities Kate McInturff With Courtney Lockhart www.policyalternatives.ca RESEARCH ANALYSIS SOLUTIONS About the Authors Kate McInturff is a Senior Researcher at the Cana- dian Centre for Policy Alternatives. She is the direc- tor of the CCPA’s initiative on gender equality and ISBN 978-1-77125-222-5 public policy, Making Women Count, and is an on- going contributor to the Alternative Federal Budget. This report is available free of charge at www. policyalternatives.ca. Printed copies may be or- Acknowledgements dered through the CCPA National Office for $10. The author would like to thank Amy Wood and Thea PleAse mAke A donAtIon... Klinger for their long hours of work on the most elu- Help us to continue to offer our sive data points. Thanks also go to David Macdon- publications free online. ald for invaluable advice on all things statistical (all errors are my own). Thank you to everyone who With your support we can continue to produce high called, emailed or wrote about last year’s report— quality research — and make sure it gets into the hands this year’s report is the better for it. Finally, much of citizens, journalists, policy makers and progres- gratitude to Kerri Anne Finn and Emily Turk for your sive organizations. Visit www.policyalternatives.ca ongoing support and enthusiasm for this project. or call 613-563-1341 for more information. The CCPA is an independent policy research organ- ization.
    [Show full text]
  • Federal Spending Power: Practices, Principles, Perspectives
    Reflections on the Federal Spending Power: Practices, Principles, Perspectives Thomas J. Courchene IRPP Working Paper Series no. 2008-01 1470 Peel Suite 200 Montréal Québec H3A 1T1 514.985.2461 514.985.2559 fax www.irpp.org Reflections on the Federal Spending Power: Practices, Principles, Perspectives * Thomas J. Courchene ** I: INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW1 The federal spending power (FSP) has returned to centre stage in public policy debates, in large part due to Stephen Harper’s call for “open federalism” replete with a commitment to respect the constitutional division of powers on the one hand and the subsequent Parliamentary proclamation that “the Québécois form a nation within a united Canada” on the other. Watts (1999,1) defines the spending power as “the power of Parliament to make payments to people, institutions or provincial governments for purposes on which Parliament does not necessarily have the power to legislate, for example, in areas of exclusive provincial jurisdiction.” However, for the purposes of this paper the exercise of the federal spending power will be viewed more broadly and will encompass areas like federal regulation that can also affect the division of powers. In any event, the key issue here is that for Prime Minister Harper’s commitment to respect the constitutional division of powers to be credible it follows that the exercise of the federal spending power in selected areas must somehow be circumscribed. Not surprisingly, therefore, the October 2007 Speech from the Throne contained the following undertaking with respect to the narrower conception of the spending power: ...guided by our federalism of openness, our Government will introduce legislation to place formal limits on the use of the federal spending power for new shared-cost programs in areas of exclusive * This paper was prepared for the January 2008 symposium “Open Federalism and the Spending Power,” sponsored by Queen’s Law School and Queen’s Institute of Intergovernmental Relations.
    [Show full text]