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Mock Battles between and Christians Playing the Confrontation of Crescent with Cross in 's South

Henk Driessen

Driessen, Henk 1985: Mock Battles between Moors and Christians. Playing the Confrontation of Crescent with Cross in Spain's South. - Ethnologia Europaea XV: 105-115.

Expressive culture constitutes a field of study par excellence for the combined ef­ forts of anthropology, history and folklore. This contribution deals with a public drama in which mock fights are enacted in the streets and squares of Andalusian towns and villages. The analysis takes into account both the history of Muslim­ Christian relationships and the vicissitudes of this particular festival. Links are suggested between religious folklore and economic and political trends. Students have taken it for granted that this festival is "popular". Historical evidence points in the direction of elite and urban origins. Attention is paid to the cultural agents of diffusion . Finally, suggestions are offered for further inquiry into celebratory events in and elsewh ere in .

Dr . Henk Driessen, Department of Cultural Anthropology, Catholic University of Nijmegen, Thomas van Aquino Straat 1, NL-6500 HK Nijmegen.

work have long historical records. They redis­ Introduction cover the past and realize that history can do The last two decades we have witnessed a rap­ more than just figure as background in studies prochement of anthropology, history and folk­ focusing on the ethnographic present . A num­ lore . Several students of these disciplines are ber of them have concluded that historical evi­ going through a process of reorientation that dence should play an integral part in anthrop­ leads them to convergent ideas, approaches ological analysis. At the same time, their nine­ and aims. In history, a strong current moves teenth-century twins, the folklorists, progres­ common and marginal people into the focus of sively abandon the descriptive approach in research. The regard ethnologique invites his­ favor of a more problem-oriented and analyti­ torians to study everyday life in the past. His­ cal stance . torians discover that the people they study had Until recently, anthropologists and histor­ minds and manners, thoughts and sentiments, ians working in Europe were hardly interested that they bestowed meaning upon the realities in ritual , drama and symbolism. These phe­ in which they lived. "Mentality" and "popular nomena were left to the folklorists, who, how­ culture" are the new catchwords. In order to ever, rarely went beyond descriptive accounts. deal with new questions historians try out an­ Today, this field of research is rapidly gaining thropological methods and perspectives such momentum. Careful study of expressive cul­ as the case-method, thick description and ho­ ture promises to yield insight into the chang­ lism. New kinds ofrecords such as folklore and ing nature of human interdependencies. It is iconography are explored. In the same period this field where anthropologists, historians and anthropological research in Europe prolifer­ folklorists can draw most inspiration from one ated. Anthropologists are increasingly becom­ another .2 This article hopes to illustrate this ing aware that the communities in which they point by analyzing a specific cultural repre-

105 sentation and celebratory event in contempor­ ing in the Spanish protectorate over northern ary Andalusia, Spain. from 1912 till 1956. Hostility has been In Spain's south there is a vivid awareness of the dominant mode of communication but that the conflict-ridden history of Christian-Muslim does not alter the fact that , and contacts. Oral, dramatic and written traditions Christians have influenced one another consid­ transmit the hostility of the past to present erably. generations. In dozens of Andalusian towns "To have Moors and Christians" (haber mo­ and villages festivals are celebrated in which rosy cristianos) runs a Spanish saying, which this past is acted out in mock battles between refers to serious discord and strife. This lin­ Moors and Christians. In their present form guistic expression is based on historical experi­ these representations are secular pantomimes ence, i.e. the Spanish state was born out of an and recitations held at patron saint festivals in age-long struggle between the two peoples and streets and squares. In broad outline the fies­ their religions. 3 The Muslim conquest of the tas de Moros and Cristianos are a series of ver­ was part of an expansion of bal and physical confrontations between actors the Islamic proto-states in the east that started who take the part of Christians and Moors. in the seventh century A. D. The political unity The latter challenge an improvised stronghold of these states could only be achieved by a in the main square or attack to carry off the transformation of the razzias between the Bed­ image of the patron saint during a procession . ouin tribes into conquest of new territories and They succeed in taking the Christian castle or resources (Watt & Cachia 1965: 6-7). The alle­ abducting the saintly image by force, but have giance to the young Islamic state was phrased it wrested away from them by the Christians in religious terms. The Muslim army that during a fierce battle. In the final scene the crossed over to Spain in the early eighth cen­ Moors are usually converted to . tury and rapidly defeated the Christian hosts, One may well wonder why this drama is per­ was largely made up of converted Berbers. The formed three-and-a-half centuries after the Muslim conquerors are commonly known as Moors were driven out of Spain. We might as­ moors after Maurus, inhabitants of the ancient sume that for drama to make sense, it must Roman colony of in the western communicate meanings important to the par­ part of North . Approximately a decade ticipants and the audience. I will address the after the fall of the Visigothic monarchy, a part following questions. What relationship does of the Muslim army was routed in the Asturian this festival bear to what actually happened in mountains of northern Spain by a small Chris­ the past? And what precisely is celebrated in tian host, whose leader, Pelayo, founded the in­ this drama? Before going into details, let me dependent Christian kingdom of . This first sketch in broad outline the history of event is consid~red to have been the beginning Christian-Muslim relations in Spain. of the slow recovery of the territory lost by the to the Muslim invaders. This gradual recovery that spans almost eight centuries is in Spain known as the . The historical links between the peoples on Although the majority of the population either side of the western Mediterranean have changed its religion from Christianity to , been intimate. The histories of southern Iberia both the Christians under Muslim rule, known and northern Morocco are interwoven by cen­ as , and the , constituted size­ turies of trading, marauding, conquering, colo­ able minorities in Al-Andalus . The popular nizing and converting. The in­ view that the beginnings of Islamic expansion cludes nearly 800 years of Muslim civilization were marked by forced conversions on a mas­ and Christian Reconquest. Since the end of the sive scale , is completely unwarranted (cf. Wolf fifteenth century Spain has been present on 1951: 350). Since the Koran prohibits forced the Moroccan shore in a number of strongholds conversion, Christians and Jews were more or from where it extended its influence culminat- less tolerated, albeit discriminated. Mozarabs

106 ern were allowed to practice their religion within bastion in Spain. It comprised the present pro­ een rigorous limits which defined them as socially, vinces of , Almeria and Malaga. In hat culturally and politically inferior. They had to this Islamic state there was no place for a rnd pay extra taxes, were less protected by law, Christian minority. ,id- had to wear special dress and could not carry The second half of the fifteenth century saw arms nor ride horses (Lomax 1978: 19). After the union of the Castilian and Aragonese no­ the collapse of the Cordovan Omayyad empire crowns by the marriage of Isabel and Fer­ tich in the eleventh century their situation dinand. They were granted the title of "Catho­ lin­ changed radically. They became a persecuted lic Kings" which symbolized and reinforced the eri- minority under the reign of the Almoravids unity of Crown and Church. The conquest of an and Almohads. 4 Granada was the quintessence of their policy md On the other side of the military frontier re­ to achieve national unity. After ten years of the ligion also defined a person, differentiating war the last Muslim monarch in Spain had to 1 of friend from foe. In the Christian territories the surrender his kingdom by a pact that guaren­ -ted Reconquest had at first been considered a just teed life and property of his subjects and the lity war based on claims oflegitimate succession to right to keep their religion and customs. Many y a the Visigothic kings. About the time when Muslim ruling-class families, however, left :ed­ Omayyad Al-Andalus disintegrated, there Spain or converted to Christianity. The mass of md came about a transformation in the spirit of the working population stayed and dinged to 1lle­ Reconquest. The concept of Holy War became their religion and way of life. sed an explicit doctrine in the second half of the At the close of the fifteenth century intol­ hat eleventh century. The new theology of war erance towards the Muslim population in­ :en­ stressed God's intervention through his saints creased. The powerful Fray Francisco Jimenez sts, who participated actively in the battles against de Cisneros, cardinal and future regent of Cas­ rhe the "infidels". Santiago the Pilgrim assumed tile, became the champion of forced conversion. as the role of "Slayer of Moors" (Matamoros) and In 1499 he ordered copies of the Koran and .ent became the patron of all Christian . 5 other Islamic works burned, and many Mus­ ,ern The right to reconquest was now phrased in re­ lims were forced to reject their religion, a viola­ ade ligious terms and the idea of communitas tion of the pact made by the Catholic Kings. In >art based on religious orthodoxy emerged (cf. Can­ 1500 the first Muslim revolt broke out in the fan tarino 1980). Moorish quarters of Granada and spread to the ris­ In the first decades of the thirteenth century surrounding mountains. Religious opposition i in­ a coalition of Christian princes conducted stiffened and compulsory baptism was imposed 'his sweeping campaigns in the eastern, southern, by royal decree on all Muslims living in the ting and southwestern regions of the Iberian penin­ . With this decree the Mus­ the sula, bringing vast areas under their control. lim population came to be known as . lual Religious symbols and rituals played an im­ A Spanish national and cultural identity was s is portant part in the battles. Muslims who only beginning to be forged. The formation of peacefully handed over their towns to the Spanishness rested heavily on religion, indeed, ;ion Christian conquerors were allowed to stay. The Catholicism provided the cement for binding am, first deed of the new masters was to adapt the together the heterogeneous regions of the >wn to Christian cult, thus establishing monarchy and was the main tool for the ho­ ize­ symbolic dominance over the vanquished. The mogenization of the population. 6 "Cleanliness llar larger part of the Muslim population remained of blood" (limpieza de sangre) became a true ;ion in the newly conquered areas as Mudejares, ideological obsession in sixteenth-century 1as­ Moors living under Christian rule. Their situ­ Spain. A dividing line developed between Old Volf ation was similar to that of the Mozarabs un­ Christians and converts. The latter were re­ ·ced der Omayyad rule. garded and treated as inferior and infamous. ~ or In the thirteenth century the Nasrid King­ Braudel has characterized the condition to abs dom of Granada emerged as the last Moorish which the Moriscos were submitted as "inter-

107 nal colonialism, rapine, theft, murder, injustice Most of them sought refuge in Morocco. and economic exploitation being their lot" Among them were many descendants of con­ (1975 II: 788). A Pragmatic promulgated at verts from the original Christian population of the beginning of 1567, reinforcing and extend­ southern Spain. The spirits of those who were ing earlier prohibitions of dress, cus­ born in Spain but refused to take over Chris­ toms, ceremonies, and the use of , trig­ tian culture remained behind and haunted fu­ gered off a widespread revolt, a cruel ture generations of Spaniards. Feelings of that lasted two years. Massacres, burning and hatred against Muslims persisted in the Span­ looting were carried out on both sides. Afraid of ish population. They were fueled by endemic a coalition between the Turkish-Berber empire raids of Barbary corsairs on Spanish ships and of and the Morisco population of coastal towns and by Spanish soldiers, colo­ Spain, Philip II decided to deport and resettle nists and missionaries who tried to carry the the Moriscos of Granada in other parts of Cas­ Reconquest across the Mediterranean sea. tile. It was hoped that this policy would lead to Their remain numerous silent testimonies of an assimilation of this minority. However, the Muslim civilization in the remnants of castles, practical outcome was that the Morisco prob­ ramparts, bridges, irrigation works, agricultu­ lem was spread over the entire kingdom. Rela­ ral technology, mosques, architectonic mo­ tionships between Old Christians and the de­ tives, and handicrafts. Many placenames and scendants of the Muslims remained tense. much of Spanish vocabularly derive from Ara­ Not only politicians and prelates were ob­ bic (cf. Glick 1979). Until recently it was a sessed by the Morisco problem. It has been a widespread belief that Moorish spirits, ghosts constant theme in Spanish of the original owners of treasure, visited par­ ·since the sixteenth century. Chroniclers and ticular persons to reveal the location of their historians of the Golden Age completely fo­ hidden wealth (cf. Irving 1977: passim; Pitt­ cused on the religious side of the problem. The Rivers 1971: 196, 205-06). Several proverbs dominant image of the Moriscos in this period refer to the Moorish presence in Spain, mostly shows them as false converts who owe their in the negative sense. 10 In the cafes of Andalu­ low social status to their inferior racial origin sia men frequently admit to their Moorish and as traitors who threaten the security and blood and heritage, particularly in the sphere unity ofSpain. 7 Spanish literature, elite as well of sexual ideology and practice. In Spanish as popular, is full ofreferences to Moriscos who bourgeois circles the "Moorish myth" is closely are almost invariably presented in a bad light. tied to Andalusia, attributing to "Moorish The great Spanish writers Luis de Le6n, Lope blood" presumed qualities and defects of the de Vega, Cervantes and Quevedo voiced the , such as poetic sense, sensuality, general hatred and prejudice by painting them fanatism, fatalism, and idleness. as people who are treacherous, who rob, hoard what they gain, who only marry among them­ selves and multiply rapidly (cf. de Brunes Fiestas de 1983: 19-21, Lea 1968: 208--11, Caro Baroja Every year between fifty and sixty-five Anda­ 1969: 94). At the same time the literary image lusian towns, villages and hamlets revive their emerges of a mythical, noble Moor who is situ­ martial past by enacting a public drama in ated in Reconquest-time and who is completely which war is waged between the Cross and the unrelated to the situation of the Morisco popu­ Crescent. 11 A recently published guide to popu­ lation.8 lar feasts in Andalusia reports eighteen of such The hatred towards Moriscos culminated in festivities in Almeria, nineteen in Granada, a series of decrees issued by Philip III between three in Malaga, one in Cadiz, and three in 1609 and 1611 ordering the expulsion of all in­ Jaen. 12 In the remaining Andalusian provinces habitants of Muslim origin. By 1615 hundreds of Huelva, Cordoba and Sevilla the festival of of thousands Moriscos had been deported to Moors and Christians is presently unknown. the southern shores of the Mediterranean . However, there are indications that in the past

108 ( co. these festivals were celebrated on a larger Male adolescent actors seem to predominate. Jn- } scale throughout Andalusia. Aside from these In some instances the performance covers only L Of festivals numerous towns commemorate the one day. Combats are often preceded by verbal ~re Reconquest or the War of Granada with an an­ contests. Rhymed negotiations and disputes :-is- nual feast in which men, dressed to represent (stereotyped embajadas) may be held, as a cen­ fu- Moors and Christians, parade through the tral part or only marginal part in the total rep­ of streets. In Andalusia there is a rich folklore on resentation.13 The same holds true for dances. 1n- the Moorish past. Usually, weapons, costumes and other para­ nic In the majority of cases the mock fights be­ phernalia are quite simple and improvised - md tween Moors and Christians are part of fes­ wooden swords and guns, towels for turbans, ilo- tivals in honor of patron saints (ferias), one of sheets for djellaba-s. There are several towns the the major celebrations in the ceremonial cycle and villages in the where of Andalusian society. The following scenario is the battles between Moors and Christians take 3 of acted out in the majority of towns where the place over the possession of a castle (tablado, Les, festival of Moors and Christians is held. It con­ an improvised wooden and cart-board con­ tu- sists of two parts on two successive days. In the struction) or the settlement itself. In these no- afternoon of the first day the image of the pa­ cases the patron saint may or may not figure in md tron saint is taken out on a float for a pro­ the performance . It is most common that the _ra- cession through the main streets of town. A Reconquest is acted out in the spectacle, but s a certain number of processionists are dressed there are also festivals that explicitly refer to ists up as Christian warriors. The pageant moves the War of Granada or the expulsion of the ,ar- slowly through the principal streets when sud­ Moriscos. The festival _may be sponsored by a 1eir denly a band of Moorish soldiers bursts upon special committee, a religious brotherhood, the 'itt- the scene attacking the float on which the municipality, wealthy inhabitants or by the ,rbs statue stands. Skirmishes ensue in which entire community. 3tly simulated blows and shots are exchanged. One of the first things that strikes the obser­ :1lu- Amidst powder-smoke and din the Moorish ver is the geographical distribution of the fes­ :ish band succeeds to carry off with the saintly im­ tivals. There is a dense concentration in moun­ tere age . During the intermezzo (cautiuerio) the tainous areas, in particular the in 1ish statue remains hidden somewhere in the town. Granada, the mountains of Almeria, Cadiz and ,ely The next day the Moorish warriors parade the . Until recently, these areas were rela­ rish image through the town and are in turn at­ tively isolated backwaters where cultural con­ the tacked by the Christian fighters. Combats are servatism was predominant. They also seem to ity, waged which invariably end in favor of the be reservations of folklore. The Alpujarras was Christian cause. The Moors are taken prisoner, one of the major centers of Morisco population sometimes killed but more often converted to in Andalusia, where the trauma of Christian­ Catholicism. The image of the patron saint, Moorish strife is rooted deeply. On the other rescued from the hands of the infidels, is ele­ hand, there are also several coastal places 1da­ vated victoriously whereupon the procession among the towns which celebrate the festival heir proceeds. of Moors and Christians. Reminiscences of en­ l in There are several variations in detail which demic barbary pirate raids in the collective the give a distinct character to the festival of each memories of these towns may have kept the >pu­ town. The cast of roles varies considerably. In folklore of Moors and Christians alive. uch some instances the protagonists are made up of Unfortunately, little is known about the ori­

:1da1 two bands of four warriors each. In other in­ gin and historical development of the festivals. :l in stances the cast consists of eight characters or Detailed case studies that trace the vicissi­ 1.ces more: soldiers on foot and horseback, spies, tudes of this celebratory event back in time are tl of sentries, messengers, captains, generals, am­ lacking. The historical consciousness of oral •Wn. bassadors, Moorish king, a devil under the tradition is highly diffuse and inaccurate. For ;>ast command of Lucifer and a guardian angel. instance, the inhabitants of Benilar (Almeria)

8 Ethnologia Europaea XV, 2 109 state that the festival has been staged since There are several indications of the intimate the of the province. In Car­ link between the festivals of Moors and Chris­ boneras (Almeria) people assume that it has tians on the one hand and moriscas and come­ been celebrated since last century, while in dias de moros and cristianos on the other Senes it is told that the feast has been organ­ hand. These three expressive genres influen­ ized for more than two centuries . In Bubion ced each other considerably. Moriscas were (Granada) it is said to be an age-old custom dances in which the performers, dressed like that was prohibited in 1936 by the local au­ Moors and Christians, confronted one another thorities when the Nationalists took over the with swords. This dance of Spanish origin town, and revived after Franco's death. In Be­ spread over most of Europe. It is still per­ namocarra (Malaga) the fiesta was held in the formed as part of the Moors-and-Christians 1840's and abolished at the beginning of the festivals in and . As to the co­ twentieth century. In Alfarnate (Malaga) the medias a specialist on Spanish Golden Age lit­ tradition was interrupted by the Civil War and erature writes that, revived in 1971. Here the written text dates back to the eighteenth century. Local histo­ "This type of play derived much of its appeal rians of Benadalid (Malaga) disagree about the from a colorful portrayel of Moorish-Christian origin, giving such disparate dates as the time confrontation, and it emphasized the affinities of the Visigoths , the War of Granada, and the and contrasts among the who on both eighteenth century. sides of the frontier were supposed to have em­ The earliest performance seems to have bodied the spirit of . Lope de Vega con­ taken place in 1150 when in Lerida (Aragon), tributed more than any other dramatist to the upon the occasion of a royal marriage, a com­ rise of this genre ( ... ) Lope's diverse character­ pany of Moors and Christians feigned battle izations reflect the popular views of the Moors (cf. Alford 1937). The Andalusian festivals are and their imprint on Spanish history (. .. ) Al­ reported later in time. The first documented though Lope lost interest in his later years in one was held in Jaen in 1463. 14 the comedias de moros y cristianos, the genre During the sixteenth century the festival continued to be immensely popular. And, in­ was highly elaborated and widely diffused (cf. deed, it was through late recastings and im­ Hoenerbach 1975: 10-11). It was also an age of itations of Golden Age works that those Moor­ large-scale Christian-Muslim (Turkish) con­ ish themes and types (. .. ) sifted down into the frontations. Spain reached its height as an im­ stream of folk plays, which even today for­ perial world-power . The New-World riches mulate the motives of Moorish-Christian con­ swelled Spanish ceremonial funds. Religious frontation" (Carrasco Urgoiti 1976: 138--9, also festivals and associations proliferated and seen. 37, 162). prospered. Passion-centered lay religious brotherhoods sponsored and staged Holy Week The playwright Perez de Hita, a contemporary processions. Brotherhoods of the Holiest Sacra­ of Lope de Vega, famous for his fictionalized ment organized the festivity of Corpus Cristi, history of the War of Granada, in which he often in cooperation with town councils. Re­ fought as a soldier, seems to have had a tre­ ligion pervaded all spheres of life, all festivals mendous influence on popular plays. He were clothed with religious symbols. On the worked in Lorca, not far from the former king­ other hand, outdoor religious activities were dom of Granada, as a bootmaker and organizer permeated with the profane, with drinking, of the pageantry of religious festivals. It was dancing, secular songs and plays, inherent not uncommon for members of the artisan and characteristics of local religious expression middle-peasant class to compose poetry and which the clergy unsuccessfully tried to sup­ write texts for folk plays that were performed press (cf. Christian 1981a: 164). The expansion during religious celebrations (ibid. 73, 75, 79). of the festival of Moors and Christians fitted A dialogue between a Moor and Christian in these conditions . his two volumes on the War of Granada is very

110 nate similar to the verbal contests that are still part drains on the treasuries of these petty commu­ 1ris- of many Moors-and-Christian festivals (ibid. nities, and have sometimes to be suspended for 1me­ 82). Weisser, a historian of rural Castile, cites want of funds; but, when times grow better, or ther an example of a peasant who wrote a play that sufficient money has been hoarded for the pur­ uen­ recaptured the history of Moorish-Christian pose, they are resumed with new zeal and pro­ ;vere contacts. This play was performed by a group digality" (1977: 127).15 like of the author's friends at the occasion of an­ ther nual religious festivals . Plays written by urban Irving apparently voiced the opinion of his key­ :igin dramatists were often disseminated by city informant, which contains two interesting per­ troupes who gave performances in village points for further inquiry. To what extent are ;ians squares (Weisser 1976: 85, 87). city festivals models of emulation for rural e co­ Although religious brotherhoods and festi­ towns and villages? How intimate is the link e lit- vals went through periods of crisis and decay - between economic trends and the ebb and flow which seem to synchronize with demographic of religious folklore? and economic crises - some of them vanishing, Two conditions may have influenced the 1peal new ones arising, and others being revived, scope on which the festival of Moors and Chris­ ,tian they constituted a persistent feature of public tians was celebrated in nineteenth century An­ 1ities life in the rural towns of Andalusia (cf. Luque dalusia. Towards the middle of the century both Requerey 1980, Driessen 1981: 194-6, 1984). Spanish colonial activities on Morocco in­ :em­ Unfortunately, the historical evidence pertain­ creased. Hostile confrontations between Span­ con- ing to the vicissitudes of the fiestas de moros y iards and Muslims in Morocco might have D the cristianos in specific localities since the six­ given extra impetus to the celebration of the .cter­ teenth century, is fragmentary . We know, for festival. Folk songs against las Moros prolifer­ loors 1 instance, that at the beginning of the eigh­ ated around 1860 when Spain was involved in ) Al­ teenth century the festival was celebrated in a war with Morocco (cf. Caro Baroja 1969: 222- .rs in the town of Rute (Cordoba), but we do not 3). In the town of Alora (Malaga) some soldiers ~enre know when and why it disappeared. We also who came home from the Guerra de Africa re­ :I, in­ know that during the reign of Charles III vived the festival commemorating the recon­ :! im­ (1759-1788) the festival was prohibited by quest of the town in the late fifteenth century. .1:oor­ royal decree as part of a policy of austerity. Re­ This may have been the case in several towns. o the ligious organizations and pageantry were cur­ The second condition pertains to the emerg­ ' for- tailed and brought under government control. ence of Andalusian regionalism in the last con­ However, we do not know how effective this quarter of the nineteenth century. This move­ , also policy was . The town of Zujar (Granada), for ment took off with a great interest in regional instance, successfully pleaded exemption from "popular" culture. Intellectuals in rural towns, the prohibition and has ever since organized its who often were in favor of regionalism, might orary festival of Moors and Christians. have encouraged the celebration of "tradi­ :tlized There is evidence that the festival was very tional" festivals. Research in local archives is ~h he much alive in nineteenth-century Andalusia. needed to gather circumstantial evidence on l tre­ Washington Irving, who in 1829 witnessed the this point . . He celebration commemorating the capture of Like Carnival, the festival of Moors and king­ Granada by the Catholic Kings, states in his Christians was suppressed in several Andalu­ mizer that, sian towns during the first years of the Franco twas regime, which saw i~ as a threat to public or­ n and "In emulation of the Dia de la Toma (conquest, der. In the late 1970's there is a general revival , and h.d.) of Granada, almost every village and of popular festivals in Andalusia coinciding 1rmed petty town of the mountains has its own anni­ with the re-emergence of Andalusian region­ i, 79). versary commemorating, ~ith rustic pomp and alism. Moreover, the ceremonial funds of local an in incouth ceremonial, its deliverance from the communities expanded along with the rise in ,very Moorish yoke (. .. ) The celebrations are heavy the standard of living. It has often been argued

8* 111 that community-wide rites of intensification However, the ethnohistorical account acted out tend to erode in the face of rural exodus, mod­ in the festival is ridden with anachronisms and ernization, the spread of modern mass media distortions. Consequently, it does not reflect and transport facilities . Since the 1950's these actual long-term processes of shifting power processes have washed over the rural towns of relationships between Christians and Mus­ Andalusia , yet a revitalization of communal lims . More than thousand years of changing activities can be observed . The question why relationships of dominance and submission are this is so remains to be answered. telescoped into a simple scenario, transmitting a partisan concept of the past . The drama also acts out a myth of origin, the founding and re­ Interpreting the festival founding of Christian communities. The story The plot of the drama is quite simple. A Chris­ the festival tells can best be placed in the tran­ tian settlement - or the image of the patron sitional realm between profane history and saint as the main symbol and focus of local sacred myth. identity and loyalties - is besieged by "Arabs of It is important to note that the drama of Barbary " (and sometimes Turks). The captain Moors and Christians is part of a more compre­ of the Christians evokes all great Spanish lead­ hensive festival in honor of the patron saint, ers from Pelayo to Philip III. The Moors are which on the one hand includes Masses, pro­ pictured as "treacherous dogs" (perros traid­ cessions and vows, on the other drinking, danc­ ores) - one of the most serious insults on both ing, bullfights , cinema, play and game, in sum , sides of the Mediterranean - as "braggerts" a mixture of secular and religious dramaturgy. (fanfarr6n es), as "wicked and ruthless" (impio), Every society that claims to be civilized and as "barbarians" (barbaros). 16 The Moorish needs a model of barbarism. Moors have con­ king presents himself as the legal heir to the stituted the prototype of everything that was last Muslim ruler of the kingdom of Granada . felt to be alien and inferior to Spanish culture The Christian leader invokes the Heart of Je­ and society . They served as a model against sus Christ and the Virgin Mary for help, which Spaniards could affirm and express their whereupon an angel is sent to him as an am­ religion, collective identity and way of life. bassador from Heaven. The Moorish king on Even after their elimination from Spanish ter­ his turn invokes Muhammad and is helped by ritory, the "Moors" continued to act as the Lucifer. The Christian cause triumphs , a heav­ "Others". The persistence of raids by Barbary enly reward for "true faith ". The Moors are de­ corsairs on Spanish ships and coastal towns, feated and submitted symbolically by conver­ the violent confrontations between Spaniards sion to Catholicism. 17 The message of this and on the other side of the Medi­ drama is obvious. Christians embody Good, terranean, the proximity of the "Others" to spiritual health, Humanity, Faith and Civiliza­ Spain's south , helped to cloth the "Others " with tion. In contrast Moors represent Evil , spir­ factuality. Today, los moros still serve as a mo­ itual malady, Sub-Humanity, Heresy and Bar­ del of what Spani ards are not. The despised barism. The pageant shows the victory of the peoples who live in modern Spain are popularly former over the latter, thus tying the destiny attributed Moorish (or Jewish ) origins (cf. Tax of the Spanish people to a heroic and cosmic Freeman 1979: 244). In Andalusia mothers of­ cause. ten invorke el moro as a bogey when training The festival contains both factual and fabu­ their children. Moroccan ambulant traders lous elements. The drama of the confrontation who visit Andalusian towns and villages are between Christians and Moors literally plays reg arded with destrust and contempt. out , relates and confirms historical experience , Until more historical evidence is available , i.e. the Reconquest, the War of Granada, the the festival of Moors and Christians can be in­ expulsion of the Moriscos, and the colonial en­ terpreted as a cultural performance reviving counter of Spain with Morocco. These confron­ images of the past in order to reinforce local tations were justified as civilizing missions . and national identity. It both stresses the spir-

112 )Ut itual bond of local community with the Spanish tions are "popular". They have disregarded his­ md ; nation and localizes Spain's self-conceived his­ torical evidence pointing in the direction of ur­ ect torical mission by situating the combat be­ ban and elite origins. There are also indica­ ver tween Christians and Moors in specific local­ tions that artisans and middle peasants (and possibly schoolteachers and priests) have acted us- ~ ities. In this festival Andalusians celebrate and ing promote their sense of cultural superiority vis­ as cultural brokers between city and country­ eire a-vis the "Others". side, as translators of "learned" into "popular" ing culture . Or is a two-level model of civilization, rooted in Robert Redfield's distinction between .lso Suggestions for further research re- "Great Tradition" and "Little Tradition", too ory This article has raised many questions with rough to accomodate the complexities of histor­ an- reference to a particular festival. These ques­ ical and contextual evidence? Besides its con­ md tions are part of an agenda for further research notations, the usefulness of the term "popular" on expressive culture in Andalusia and else­ seems to be severely limited by its undifferenti­ of where in the Mediterranean area. It focuses on ated nature. A more refined model is needed in ire- the sentiinents channeled in ceremony, ritual which sex, age, class and community-state re­ int, and play, on the symbols employed and on the lations are crucial parameters. This issue is ex­ ,ro- social relationships articulated in festivals. tremely relevant to the study of celebratory nc- Festivals are special points of orientation in the events. Im, yearly round of life. They break through the gy. drudgery of routine and open up a whole spec­ zed trum of activities and meanings. They are not Notes on- only an interface with the wider society and 1vas culture, but also an interface with the super­ 1. This article is a revised version of a paper pre­ ure natural domain. A festival may highlight dom­ sented at the conference on "Cultural Domi­ inant values, counterpoints to these values, or nance in the Mediterranean Area", which took nst place December 20-22, 1983 at the Institute of 1eir both. Festivals also constitute ritual arenas in Cultural and Social Anthropology, Catholic Uni­ life. which social groups and individuals compete versity of Nijmegen, the Netherlands. I wish to ter- for power and prestige. Hence the need for express my gratitude to the participants for more information on the context of the fes­ th eir critical comments. the 2. Recent issues of Ethnologia Europaea testify to ary tivals, i.e. the towns and villages where they these trends . ins, are celebrated, in particular on the position 3. This section is mainly based on de las Cagigas .rds and role of the sponsors, organizers, and pro­ (1950), Levi Provenc;al (1950), Menendez Pidal edi- tagonists, on the social composition of the au­ (1955), Caro Baroja (1957), Watt & Cachia (1965), and Lomax (1978). ' to dience, on the role of the Church and its local 4. Glick (1979) sites the transfer oflslamic Spain's 1ith agents. And, last but not least, more evidence local masses away from Christianity precisely on mo- should be gathered on the views of the differ­ th e eve of the 's decline (early eleventh sed ent parties to a festival about what it repre­ century). This large-scale conversion marked sents. the full entrance of Andalusia's population into 1rly the religious and political inheritance as Mus­ Tax Three crucial interrelated issues have to be lims . ; of- taken into account. First, the same celebratory 5. Santiago's epithet survives in several place­ ting form may have different functions for different names . Ther e is a Matamoros in Pennsylvania , lers kinds of people at different times. Second , thr ee in , a Matamorosa in Spain , and a Mata Morerisca in . are problems of meaning are as important to the 6. See Worsl ey (1968: 227-243) on the int egratory 18 study of festivals as are problems of power. role of religion in segmented societies. ble, Finally, where do local festivals come from and 7. See de Brunes (1983: 10-11). Nin ete enth -cen­ ,.in- how are they related to national culture? The tury historians tended to view the Morisco prob­ great majority of the folklorists who have writ­ lem as an inevitable racial confrontation be­ ring tween antagonistic worlds. A hesitant start of :>cal ten about the Moors-and-Christians festivals socio-cultural analysis can be observed in their pir- have taken it for granted that these celebra- work s. Twentieth-century historians tend to fo-

113 cus on the minority's literature, religion, and 1945; XI, 1955). There is only a briefreference to way of life. They view the Morisco problem in the festival in Velasco (1982). I have not been terms of a receding Islamic civilization in the able to consult the proceedings of the I Congreso Iberian peninsula. Nacional de Fiestas de Moros y Cristianos, Alcoy 8. See de Brunes (1983: 10-11) and Brenan (1976: (1973). 226, fn 1). 14. Cf. Hoenerbach (1975: 35). Also see his list of 9. For upsurges of hatred against Muslims in later documented festivals in Andalusia from 1463- periods see Caro Baroja (1969: 278). This hatred 1833. was also expressed in popular songs (cf. Rodri­ 15. Like many of his romantic contemporaries - guez Marin 1883 IV: 455-57). travelling poets and writers such as Byron, 10. "Hay moros en la costa" (the coast is not clear), Hugo, and Chateaubriand - Irving was keenly "moros van, moros vienen" (literally, Moors interested in Andalusia 's Moorish past, which he come and go; refers to a state of drunkeness), conceived in picturesque colours. See Said (1978) "como moros sin senor" (literally, as Moors with­ for a critical discussion of . out a master, i.e. a gathering of people charac­ 16. This analysis is based on the text of the festival terized by chaos and confusion), "es un moro" celebrated in 1799 in (Granada) (Garcia (refers to a person who has not been baptized). Serrano 1979-80) and in the early 1960's in Val­ One of the rare sayings that praises Moorish cabra (Granada) (Munoz Renedo 1966). See note civilization: "una huerta es un tesoro si el horte­ 13. lano es un moro" (literally, a garden is a treasure 17. Moors are in the background of many appari­ if the gardener is a Moor; refers to superior irri­ tions in medieval Spain. Several of these appari­ gation technology of Muslims in former times). tions occurred to men who fought in battles 11. There are two other regions in Spain with a high against the Muslims (cf. Christian 1981b: 22, density of Moors-and-Christians festivals: Ara­ 55). Human society and the supernatural realm gon and . The festival was also found in interfused. Portugal, the Balearic Islands, it crossed the At­ 18. I wholly agree with Manning (1983: 7), who of­ lantic to Mexico and other American coun­ fers encouraging suggestions for studying fes­ tries, to the south-west of the United States and tivities: "The following, then, are the themes the (cf. Hoenerbach 1975: 19). For guiding our entrance into the celebratory genre: Latin America , where it was an important tool its paradoxical ambiguity, its significance as for propagating Christian faith among the Indi­ socio-cultural text, its role in sociopolitical pro­ ans, see Foster (1960: 221-5). For Mexico see cesses and its complex relationships to modern­ Redfield (1930: 120-3) and Trexler (1984: 189- ity and hierarchy. These themes constitute a 227). In the Aragonese-Catalan type the actual conceptual center from which our cross-cultural battle between Moors and Christians is inter­ studies radiate." woven with other plays, performances of angels and sword dances. The Alicante type is marked by highly elaborated pageantry (costumes, cast­ Bibliography les, and maritime battles), while in the Andalu­ Alford, V. 1937: Pyrenean Festival. Calender Cus­ sian type the Moors attack the procession and toms, Music & Magic, Drama & Dance. London: abduct the image of the patron saint. Chatto & Windus. 12. My main source for this section is a voluminous Braudel, F. 1975: The Mediterranean and the Medi­ guide of "popular festivals" in Andalusia (Rodri­ terranean World in the Age of Philip II . 2 Vols. guez Becerra 1982). This book describes more Glasgow: Fontana/Collins. than 3.000 festivals in 800 population entities of Brenan, G. 1976: The Literature of the Spanish Peo­ all sizes. Its aim of completeness is not fulfilled. ple from Roman Times to the Present Day. Sec. Ed. The results of this immense work by eleven con­ Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. tributors are highly diverse. Unfortunately, a Brunes, M. A. de 1983: Los moriscos en el pensa­ common framework for collection and descrip­ miento hist6rico. Historiografia de un grupo mar­ tion of data has been lacking. Notwithstanding ginado . Madrid: Ediciones Catedra . its weaknesses this inventory constitutes a rich Cagigas, I. de las 1950: Andalucia musulmana. source for studying festivals. Hoenerbach (1975: Aportaciones a la delimitaci6n de la frontera del 51-2) lists fifteen festivals of Moors and Chris­ Andalus. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Africanos. tians for Almeria, forty for Granada, four for Cantarino, V. 1980: The Spanish Reconquest: A Jaen, four for Malaga, and one for Cadiz. He in­ Cluniac Holy War Against Islam? In: K. I. Semaan cludes several hamlets (cortijadas) not covered (Ed.), Islam and the Medieval West. Aspects of In­ by Rodriguez Becerra. tercultural Relations. Albany: State University of 13. There are several unanalyzed texts of the fes­ New York Press, 82-110. tival in the Revista de Dialectologia y Tradi­ Caro Baroja, J. 1957: Los Moriscos del Reino de Gra­ ciones Populares (XVIII, 1962; XXII, 1966; nada (ensayo de historia social). Madrid: Instituto XXXV, 1979-80; for other regions of Spain: I, de Estudios Politicos.

114 f ,to Caro Baroja, J. 1969: Ensayo sabre la literatura de Manning, F. E. (Ed.) 1983: The Celebration of So­ •en j, cordel. Madrid: Revista de Occidente. ciety. Perspectives on Contemporary Cultural Per­ ':!SO Carrasco-Urgoiti, M. S. 1976: The Moorish Novel. formance. Bowling Green (Ohio) & London (Can­ :oy "El Abencerraje" and Perez de Hita. Boston: ada): Bowling Green University Press & Congrnss f• Twayne Publishers. of Social and Humanistic Studies, University of of Christian, W. A. Jr. 1981a: Local Religion in Six­ Western Ontario. ,3- teenth-Century Spain. Princeton (New Jersey): Menendez Pidal, R. (Ed.) 1955: Primera cr6nica ge­ Princeton University Press. neral de Espana . 2 Vols. Madrid: Gredos. ;, Christian, W. A. Jr. 1981b: Apparitions in Late Me­ Munoz Renedo, C. 1966: Los "moros y cristianos" de Jn, dieval and Renaissance Spain . Princeton (New Valcabra. Revista de Dialectologia y Tradiciones 1ly i Jersey): Princeton University Press. Populares, XXII, 411-25. he Driessen, H. 1981: Agro-Town and Urban Ethos in Pitt-Rivers, J. 1971: The People of the Sierra. Sec. 18) Andalusia. Nijmegen: Centrale Repografie, Ka­ Ed. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. tholieke Universiteit. Redfield, R. 1930: Tepoztlan. A Mexican Village. A ,al Driessen, H. 1984: Religious Brotherhoods: Class Study of Folk Life. Chicago: The University of Chi­ da and Politics in an Andalusian Town. In: E. R. Wolf cago Press. al- (Ed.), Religion, Power and Protest in Local Com­ Rodriguez Becerra , S. (Ed.) 1982: Guia de fiestas ite ~ munities. Berlin: Mouton, 73-91. populares de Andalucia. Dos Hermanas (Sevilla): Foster, G. M. 1960: Culture and Conquest. America's Consejeria de Cultura Junta de Andalucia. ri- t Spanish Heritage. Chicago: Quadrangle Books Rodriguez Marin, F. 1883: Cantos Populares Espa- ri- (Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, 27). 1ioles. Madrid: Atlas. les ~ Garcia Serrano, R. 1979-80: Moros y cristianos en Said, E. W. 1978: Orientalism. New York : Pantheon ~2, Iznalloz (Granada). Revista de Dialectologia y Books. Im Tradiciones Populares, XXXV: 209-216. Tax Freeman, S. 1979: The Pasiegos. Spaniards in Glick, T. 1979: Islamic and Christian Spain in the No Man's Land. Chicago: The University of Chi­ of- Early : Comparative Perspectives on cago Press. es- Social and Cultural Formation. Princeton (New Trexler, R. C. 1984: We Think, They Act: Clerical Jersey): Princeton University Press . Readings of Missionary Theatre in 16th Century 1es } re: Hoenerbach, W. 1975: Studien zum "Mauren und . In : S. L. Kaplan (Ed.), Understanding as Christen ": Festspiele in Andalusien (Ortslisten, Popular Culture . Europe from the Middle Ages to ro- Texte und Dokumenten). Waldorf-Hessen: Bei­ the 19th Century . Berlin: Mouton, 189-227. ·n- trage zum Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte des Velasco, H. M. (Ed .) 1982: Tiempo de Fiesta. Ensayos a Orients, bd. 24, Verlag fur Orientkunde Dr. H. antropologicos sob re las fiestas en Espana. Madrid: ral Vorndran. Colecci6n Alatar. Irving, W. 1977: Tales of the Alhambra. Leon: Edi­ Watt, W. M. & P. Cachia 1965: A History of Islamic torial Everest. Spain . Edinburgh: At the University Press. Lea, H. C. 1968 (1901): The Moriscos of Spain: Their Weisser, M. R. 1976: The Peasants of the Montes: The Conversion and Expulsion. New York: Greenwood Roots of Rural R ebellion in Spain. Chicago: The '.JS- Press. University of Chicago Press. Jn: Levi-Proven<;al, E. 1950: Histoire de l'Espagne Wolf, E. R. 1951: The Social Organization of musulmane, 2 Vols. Paris /Leiden: Maisonneuve/ and the Origins of Islam . Southwestern Journal of di- Brill. Anthropology, VII, 329-56. >ls. Lomax, D. W. 1978: The Reconquest of Spain. Worsley, P. 1968: The Trumpet Shall Sound. A Study London: Longman. of 'Cargo' Cults in Melanesia. Sec. Ed. London: eo- Luque Requerey, J. 1980: Antropologia cultural an­ MacGibbon & Kee. ~d. daluza: el Viernes Santo al sur de Cordoba. Cor­ doba: Publicaciones del Monte de Piedad y Caja de ;a- } Ahorros de Cordoba. lr-

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