Notes

Introduction

1 Hannah More, 'Sensibility: A Poetic Epistle to the Honorable Mrs Boscawen', in Sacred Dramas: Chiefly Intended for Young Persons: The Subjects Taken from the Bible. To Which is Added Sensibility, A Poem (London: T. Cadell, 1782), p. 282. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 2 See Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London: Fontana, 1976), pp. 235-8; John Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability: The Language ofFeeling in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); G.]. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth• Century Britain (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and Ann Jessie VanSant, Eighteenth-Century Sensibility and the Novel: The Senses in Social Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 3 The privileging of sight in sentimental discourse has been amply demon• strated by recent critics. Robert Markley has argued that sentimentality amounts to 'an aesthetics of moral sensitivity', while Janet Todd has referred to sentimentalism as 'a kind of pedagogy of seeing'. Robert Markley, 'Sentimentality as Performance: Shaftesbury, Sterne, and the Theatrics of Virtue', in The New Eighteenth Century: Theory, Politics, English Literature, ed. Felicity Nussbaum and Laura Brown (London and New York: Methuen, 1987), p. 211. See also Janet Todd, Sensibility, An Introduction (London and New York: Methuen, 1986), p. 4. 4 This strain is, in turn, the legacy of debates on the relationship between language and ideas raised in Book III of John Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689). 5 Alexander Pope, 'An Essay on Criticism', reprinted in The Poems ofAlexander Pope, ed. John Butt (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), pp. 143-68. 6 Laura Brown, Ends of Empire: Women and Ideology in Early Eighteenth-Century Literature (London: Cornell University Press, 1993), p. 106. 7 For a discussion of the normalising effect of Pope's rhyming couplet, see Hugh Kenner, 'Pope's Reasonable Rhymes', ELH, 41 (1974), pp. 74-88. 8 Brown, Ends of Empire, p. 106. 9 Ibid., pp. 109-33. 10 The importance of this figure and its reworking in the sentimental novel is considered in more depth in the final chapter on Maria Edgeworth's Belinda (1801). See also Felicity A. Nussbaum, 'The Brink of all we Hate': English Satires on Women, 1660-1750 (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1984); and Ellen Pollak, The Poetics of Sexual Myth: Gender and Ideology in the Verse of Swift and Pope (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1 985). 11 Letter to Alexander Pope, 11 May 1738. Aaron Hill, The Works of the Late Aaron Hill, Esq, 4 vols (London: Printed for the Benefit of the Family, 1753), I, pp. 251-2.

178 Notes 179

12 Prefixed to the second edition of the novel, reprinted in The Pamela Controversy: Criticisms and Adaptations of Samuel Richardson's Pamela, 1740-1750, ed. Thomas Keymer and Peter Sabor, 6 vols (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2001), I, pp. 22-3. 13 The important and much contested scene in which Pamela appears in her homespun gown and petticoat is central to this book, and is examined in greater depth in Chapter 1. 14 See, for example, Neil McKendrick, John Brewer and]. H. Plumb, eds, The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commericialisation of Eighteenth-Century England (London, Melbourne, Sydney, Auckland and Johnannesburg: Hutchinson: Europa, 1982). 15 Bernard Mandeville, The Fable of the Bees and Other Writings, ed. E.]. Hundert (Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett, 1997). 16 See, for example, David Hume's 'Of Commerce' and 'Of Luxury' (later titled 'Of Refinement in the Arts'), both in Political Discourses (1752). 17 For a useful survey of eighteenth-century debates on luxury, commerce and gender, see Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Eger, eds, Luxury in the Eighteenth Century: Debates, Desires and Delectable Goods (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2003), pp. 7-27. 18 Mandeville, Fable of the Bees, pp. 76-7. 19 Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations (1776), Book III, Chapter 4. 20 Daniel Defoe, Every-Body's Business, is No-body's Business (London: T. Warner, 1725), p. 4. 21 The Lady's Magazine: or, Entertaining Companion for the Fair Sex, 16 (February 1785), p. 96. 22 Neil McKendrick, 'The Commercialisation of Fashion', in The Birth of a Consumer Society, pp. 34-99. 23 For an account of the growth and role of the secondhand clothing trade in pre-industrial England, see Beverly Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce: The English Clothing Trade Before the Factory, 1660-1800 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997). 24 Beverly Lemire, Fashion's Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660-1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 161. 25 Terry Castle, Masquerade and Civilisation: The Carnivalesque in Eighteenth• Century English Culture and Fiction (London: Methuen, 1986), pp. 55-7. 26 Roland Barthes, The Fashion System, trans. Matthew Ward and Richard Howard (London: Bedford Square, 1985). 27 London Magazine, 6 (March 1737), p. 129. 28 The eighteenth-century masquerade has attracted the interest of several critics and fashion historians. Among the best of these studies, see Castle, Masquerade and Civilisation; and Aileen Ribeiro, The Dress Worn at Masquerades in England, 1730-1790 and its Relation to Fancy Dress in Portraiture (London: Batsford, 1984). 29 Fred Davis, Fashion, Culture, and Identity (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992); and] ohn Harvey, Men in Black (London: Reaktion, 1995). 30 Castle, Masquerade and Civilisation, pp. 55-7. 31 The Lady's Magazine, 16 Guly 1775), p. 350. 32 This theme is the subject of Chapter 1. 180 Notes

33 jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile or Education (1762), trans. Barbara Foxley (London:]. M. Dent, 1911), p. 357. 34 Universal Magazine of Knowledge and Pleasure, 51 (October 1772), p. 210. 35 For a discussion of the attempts to regulate the dress of prostitutes, see Alan Hunt, Governance of the Consuming Passions: A History of Sumptuary Law (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 242-51. 36 Nancy Armstrong, 'The Rise of the Domestic Woman', The Ideology of Conduct: Essays on Literature and the History of Sexuality, ed. Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse (London: Routledge, 1987), p. 108. 37 The question of the extent to which sumptuary law was unfairly biased towards the restriction of women as opposed to men is a contentious issue among historians. Some feminist historians, such as Diane Hughes and Harianne Mills, have argued that sumptuary laws were implicitly gendered: for men, sumptuary regulation was an issue of class or pecuniary status, for women, a question of moral regulation. See Hughes, 'Invisible Madonnas? The Italian Historiographical Tradition and the Women of Medieval Italy', in Women in Medieval Society, ed. Susan M. Stuard (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976); and Mills, 'Greek Clothing Regulations: Sacred or Profane?', Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 55 (1984), 255-65. More recently, Alan Hunt has questioned these arguments by suggesting that both men and women were variously targeted by sumptuary law, as governing bodies responded to changes in fashionable dress, although he concedes that sumptuary laws 'were a component of wider processes in which women were the targets of regulation and control', pp. 214-54. 38 Armstrong, 'The Rise of the Domestic Woman', pp. 110-11. 39 Harriet Guest, Small Change: Women, Learning and Patriotism, 1750-1810 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2000), pp. 76-86. 40 The extent and limitations of the revolutionary implications of a senti• mental meritocracy and the self-regulatory efforts of writers to guard against its more transgressive implications are explored by Markley in 'Sentimentality as Performance', pp. 210-30. 41 Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman (1759-1767), ed. Ian Campbell Ross (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 59. 42 Thomas Marriott, Being an Essay on the Art of Pleasing, 3rd edn (London: W. Owen, 1775), p. 202. 43 Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability, p. 74. 44 On cosmetics as sign, see Tassie Gwilliam, 'Cosmetic Poetics: Coloring Faces in the Eighteenth Century', in Body and Text in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Dorothea von Mucke and Veronica Kelly (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994), 144-59. The extent to which race and skin colour were seen as contingent or indelible signifiers of character see, among others, Felicity A. Nussbaum, The Limits of the Human: Fictions ofAnomaly, Race, and Gender in the Long Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). On defect, see Helen Deutsch and Felicity A. Nussbaum, eds, 'Defects': Engendering the Modern Body (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2000); and on the relationship between defect, beauty and physiognomy, see Robert W. Jones, Gender and the Formation of Taste in Eighteenth-Century Britain: The Analysis of Beauty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). Notes 181

45 Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability, p. 113. 46 Lady Bradshaigh, Letter to Richardson (n.d.), The Correspondence of Samuel Richardson, ed. Anna Laetitia Barbauld, 6 vols (London: Richard Phillips, 1804), IV, pp. 282-3. 4 7 Hannah More, Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education, 2nd edn, 2 vols (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1799), I, p. 74. 48 Jean H. Hagstrum, Sex and Sensibility: Ideal and Erotic Love from Milton to Mozart (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1980). 49 Markman Ellis, The Politics of Sensibility: Race, Gender and Commerce in the Sentimental Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). SO Gillian Skinner, Sensibility and Economics in the Novel, 1740-1800 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999); and Guest, Small Change, pp. 155-75. S 1 For a sustained account of sensibility's relationship to consumer culture, see Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility. 52 Ibid. Terry Eagleton, The Rape of Clarissa: Writing, Sexuality and Class Struggle in Samuel Richardson (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1982). 53 See Mary Poovey, The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer: Ideology as Style in the Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, and Jane Austen (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1984); Mitzi Myers, 'Sensibility and the "Walk of Reason": Mary Wollstonecraft's Literary Reviews as Cultural Critique', in Sensibility in Transformation: Creative Resistance to Sentiment from the Augustans to the Romantics, Essays in Honor o{Jean H. Hagstrum, ed. Syndy McMillen Conger (Rutherford, Madison and Teaneck: Farleigh Dickinson University Press; London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1990), pp. 120-44; Claudia L. Johnson, Equivocal Beings: Politics, Gender, and Sentimentality in the 1790s (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995); and Syndy McMillen Conger, Mary Wollstonecraft and the Language of Sensibility (Rutherford, Madison and Teaneck: Farleigh Dickin• son University Press; London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1994). 54 Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), ed. Miriam Brody (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1992), p. 197. 55 R. F. Brissenden, Virtue in Distress: Studies in the Novel of Sentiment from Richardson to Sade (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1974).

Chapter 1

1 Reference to the phenomenon as a 'vogue' has been common since Alan McKillop's Samuel Richardson, Printer and Novelist (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1936), p. 45, although this is only one of many terms used by McKillop to describe the events following the novel's publication. 2 James Grantham Turner, 'Novel Panic: Picture and Performance in the Reception of Richardson's Pamela', Representations, 48 (1994), p. 92. 3 Tassie Gwilliam, Samuel Richardson's Fictions of Gender (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1993), p. 15. Other studies which devote attention to dress in the novel include Carey Mcintosh, 'Pamela's Clothes', ELH, 35 (1968) 75-83; Caryn Chaden, 'Pamela's Identity Sewn in Clothes', in Eighteenth• Century Women and the Arts, ed. Frederick M. Keener and Susan E. Lorsch 182 Notes

(New York, West Point, CT and London: Greenwood Press, 1988), pp. 110-18; and Patricia Bruckmann, 'Clothes of Pamela's Own: Shopping at B-Hall', Eighteenth-Century Life, 25: 2 (2001) 201-15. 4 Robert W. Jones, Gender and The Formation of Taste in Eighteenth-Century Britain: The Analysis of Beauty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). See particularly pp. 206-10. 5 William B. Warner, Licensing Entertainment: The Elevation of Novel Reading in Britain, 1684-1750 (Berkeley, LA and London: University of California Press, 1998), p. 176. 6 Thomas Keymer and Peter Sabor, General Introduction to The Pamela Controversy (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2001), I, p. xvii. 7 Letter prefixed to the second edition of the novel, reprinted in The Pamela Controversy, I, pp. 22-3. 8 Michael McKeon, The Origins of the English Novel, 1660-1740 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), p. 224. McKeon uses the phrase in a discussion of the sixteenth-century text Jack of Newbery (1597) to describe a draper who has fallen on hard times, but who increases his wealth and eventually becomes sheriff after receiving the charitable gift of a suit of new clothes from the hero, Jack. 9 Samuel Richardson, Pamela: or, Virtue Rewarded, ed. Thomas Keymer and Alice Wakely (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 3. All quotations are taken from this edition (a reprint of the two-volume first edition) unless otherwise stated. Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 10 Warner, Licensing Entertainment, p. 203. 11 Aileen Ribeiro, Dress in Eighteenth-Century Europe, 1715-1789 (London: B. T. Batsford, 1984), p. 61. 12 Samuel Richardson, Clarissa or the History of a Young Lady, ed. Angus Ross (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), p. 966. 13 Diana De Marly, Working Dress: A History of Occupational Clothing (London: B. T. Batsford, 1986), p. 47. See also Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class [1899] (New York: Dover Publications, 1994), in which Veblen argues that the demonstration of conspicuous leisure, evident in the im• practicability of garments to the rigours of labouring-class life, was an imperative in nineteenth-century fashion. 14 Daniel Defoe, Every-Body's Business, is No-body's Business (London: W. Faden, 1758) p. 6. 15 Ibid., p. 13. 16 The importance of servants in potentially securing the future of the English textile industries in the face of the influx of comparatively cheap and fashionable imported cottons and silks was an important political issue in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In 1689 a Bill demanding that servants should wear felt hats of English manufacture was only narrowly defeated. For a full account of the hostility towards imported fabrics, see Beverly Lemire, Fashion's Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660-1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 3-42. 17 Bernard Mandeville, The Fable of the Bees and Other Writings, ed. E.]. Hundert (Indianapolis and Cambridge: Hackett, 1997), p. 77. Notes 183

18 J. C. Flugel, The Psychology of Clothes, 2nd edn (London: Hogarth Press, 1940), see particularly pp. 15-24; and Georg Simmel, 'Fashion, Adornment and Style', Simmel on Culture, ed. David Firsby and Mike Featherstone (London and New Delhi: Sage, 1997). 19 Defoe, Every-Body's Business, p. 15. 20 Daniel Defoe, The Great Law of Subordination Consider'd: or, the Insolence and Unsufferable Behaviour of Servants in England duly inquir'd into (London: H. Whittridge, 1724), p. 17. 21 Defoe, Every-Body's Business, p. 18. 22 Defoe, The Great Law of Subordination, p. 291. 23 Samuel Richardson, The Apprentice's Vade Mecum (California: University of California, William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 1975), p. v. 24 Ibid., p. 31. 25 Phillis Cunnington, Costume of Household Servants from the Middle Ages to 1900 (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1974), p. 148. 26 Defoe, The Great Law of Subordination, p. 138. 27 Bruckmann, 'Clothes of Pamela's Own', p. 202. 28 [Eliza Haywood], Anti-Pamela: or, Feign'd Innocence Detected, reprinted in The Pamela Controversy, III. Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 29 Eliza Haywood, A Present for a Servant-Maid, reprinted in Selected Works of Eliza Haywood, ed. Alexander Petit (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2000), I, p. 241. 30 Warner, Licensing Entertainment, p. 203. 31 Samuel Richardson, A Collection of the Moral and Instructive Sentiments, Maxims, Cautions, and Reflections Contained in the Histories of PAMELA, CLARISSA, AND Sir CHARLES GRANDISON (London: published for Samuel Richardson, 1755), p. 21. 32 Warner, Licensing Entertainment, pp. 192-9. 33 Though the term was seized on for its implications of deceit by countless anti-Pamelists, and most obviously in the creation of Haywood's Syrena Tricksy, tricking could simply describe the act of dressing. In the eighteenth century, 'tricksy' could mean to be 'artfully trimmed or decked, spruce, smart, fine' or to be 'full of tricks of deception' (OED). 34 [Anon.], Pamela: or, the fair Imposter. A Poem in Five Cantos, By J- W-, Esq., reprinted in The Pamela Controversy, I, p. 213. 35 For a discussion of the hierarchical implications of needlework, see Rozsika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (London: The Women's Press, 1996). The social implications of needlework are discussed further in Chapter 2. 36 Sheila C. Conboy, 'Fabric and Fabrication in Richardson's Pamela', ELH, 54: 1 (1987), p. 84. 37 [Anon.], Pamela: or, The Fair Imposter, p. 231. 38 Samuel Richardson, Pamela: or, Virtue Rewarded, 4 vols (London: Printed for S. Richardson, 1742), IV, pp. 114-19. The 'walking double entendre' that is Pamela at the masquerade is explored by Terry Castle in 'The Recamivalisation of Pamela: Richardson's "Pamela", Part 2', Masquerade and Civilisation, pp. 130-76. 39 For the history of Quaker dress, see joan Kendall, 'The Development of a Distinctive Form of Quaker Dress', Costume, 19 (1985), pp. 58-74. 184 Notes

40 [Anon.]. Pamela: or the Fair Imposter, p. 236. 41 Henry Giffard, Pamela. A Comedy, reprinted in The Pamela Controversy, VI, pp. 66-7. 42 Ibid., p. 73. 43 Warner, Licensing Entertainment, p. 193. Warner develops his argument further by suggesting, in true anti-Pamelist tradition, that Pamela's appear• ance in her homespun gown is a metaphor for the novel itself: 'disguise in fact epitomises the fundamental communicative posture of Richardson's text. In this scene, the novels of amorous intrigue ... circulate like para• sitical foreign bodies within Pamela. Richardson's "new species of writing" becomes their host', pp. 196-7. 44 [Anon.]. Pamela Censured, p. 50. 45 Henry Fielding, An Apology for the Life of Mrs Shame/a Andrews, reprinted in The History of the Adventures of Joseph Andrews and of his Friend Mr Abraham Adams, ed. Douglas Brooks (London, New York and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 344. 46 Francis Grose, A Classical Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue (London: S. Hooper, 1785). 47 Robert Markley, 'Sentimentality as Performance: Shaftesbury, Sterne, and the Theatrics of Virtue', in The New Eighteenth Century: Theory, Politics, English Literature, ed. Felicity Nussbaum and Laura Brown (London and New York: Methuen, 1987), p. 220. Chaden in 'Pamela's Identity Sewn in Clothes', likewise argues that Pamela's 'complex ... class affiliation' (p. 110), as sym• bolised by her various garments, undermines the novel's 'moral resonance' (p. 116). 48 Ann Louise Kibbie, 'Sentimental Properties: Pamela and Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure', ELH, 58: 3 (1991), p. 561. 49 Ibid., p. 562. 50 Gwilliam, Samuel Richardson's Fictions of Gender, pp. 32-3. 51 Bruckmann, 'Clothes of Pamela's Own', p. 201. 52 'To the Author of Shamela', London Magazine, 10 Qune 1741), reprinted in The Pamela Controversy, I, p. 183. 53 Fred Davis, Fashion, Culture and Identity (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 5. 54 Bruckmann, 'Clothes of Pamela's Own', pp. 201-15. 55 The possible connection between Pamela and Griselda is noted by Margaret Anne Doody in A Natural Passion: A Study of the Novels of Samuel Richardson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), p. 64. 56 George Ogle, Gualtherus and Griselda: or, the Clerk of Oxford's Tale from Boccace, Petrarch and Chaucer (London: R. Dodsley, 1739), p. 10. Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 57 Aaron Hill, Letter to Samuel Richardson, 29 June 1741. Hill, Works, II, p. 176. 58 [Isaac Bickerstaffe], The Maid of the Mill. A Comic Opera. As it is Perform'd at the Theatre-Royal in Covent Garden, 5th edn (London:]. Newberry, R. Baldwin, T. Caston, W. Griffin, W. Nicall, T. Lowndes, T. Beckett, 1765), p. 72. 59 Richardson recapitulated B.'s rule in his Collection of Moral and Instructive Sentiments: 'Women owe to themselves, and to their Sex, to be always neat, and never to be surprised, by accidental visitors, in such a dishabille as would pain them to be seen in.' Richardson, Collection, p. 114. Notes 185

60 Anna Laetitia Barbauld, The Correspondence of Samuel Richardson, 6 vols (London: Richard Phillips, 1804), I, p. !viii. 61 Fielding, Shame/a, p. 319. 62 Ibid., p. 324. 63 [Anon.], 'Jenny: or, the Female Fortune Hunter', in The Theatre of Love: A Collection of Novels (London: W. Reeve, 1759). 64 Samuel Richardson, Pamela: or Virtue Rewarded, ed. Peter Sabor (Harmonds• worth: Penguin, 1985), p. 229. This edition is based on the 1801 edition. 65 Works focusing on the engravings and their troubling performativity include Marcia Allentuck, 'Narration and Illustration: The Problem of Richardson's Pamela', Philological Quarterly, 51 (1972) 874-86; and, more recently, James Grantham Turner, 'Novel Panic' and Stephen Raynie, 'Hayman and Gravelot's Anti-Pamela Designs for Richardson's Octavo Edition of Pamela', Eighteenth-Century Life, 23:3 (1999) 77-93. 66 Castle, Masquerade and Civilisation, p. 137. 67 Samuel Richardson, Pamela, 4 vols (1741), IV, p. 118. 68 John Kelly, Pamela's Conduct in High Life, 2 vols, reprinted in The Pamela Controversy, IV-V. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 69 Eaves and Kimpel have argued that Anti-Pamela was an effort to 'capitalise on Pamela's popularity [but] had little connection beyond the title' (Samuel Richardson, p. 130). Mary Anne Schofield divorces Anti-Pamela from Richardson's novel entirely, by placing it in a discussion of prostitution in Haywood's romance fiction. Mary Anne Schofield, '"Descending Angels": Salubrious Sluts and Pretty Prostitutes in Haywood's Fiction', in Fetter'd or Free?: British Women Novelists, 1670-1815, ed. Mary Anne Schofield and Cecilia Macheski (Athens and London: Ohio University Press, 1987), pp. 186-200. A recent exception to this dominant account is given by Catherine Ingrassia, in Authorship, Commerce, and Gender in Early Eighteenth• Century England: A Culture of Paper Credit (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), in which Ingrassia reclaims Haywood's work as one which seeks to question the didactic and generic conventions Richardson's novel established. See pp. 111-16. 70 Laurence Sterne, The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman, ed. Ian Campbell Ross (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 59. 71 The figure of the needlewoman, mantua-maker and milliner and her associ• ation with moral corruption and social ambition will be explored more fully in chapter 2. 72 This theme will be returned to in a discussion of Haywood's The History of Miss Betsy Thoughtless (1751) in Chapter 2.

Chapter 2

1 For a more detailed analysis of these changes, see Jennifer Jones, 'Coquettes and Grisettes: Women Buying and Selling in the Old Regime', in The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, ed. Victoria de Grazia with Ellen Furlough (Berkeley, LA and London: University of California Press, 1996), pp. 25-53. 186 Notes

2 Clare Haru Crowston, Fabricating Women: The Seamstresses of Old Regime France, 1675-1791 (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2001), p. 12. 3 Schwarz has argued that the fears provoked by women's usurpation of labour traditionally undertaken by tailors was an important impetus in the move• ment to establish tailors' unions in the mid-century. L. D. Schwarz, London in the Age of Industrialisation: Entrepreneurs, Labour Force and Living Conditions, 1700-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 190. 4 On the threat labour posed to conceptions of domestic femininity, see Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 78-81. 5 Robert Campbell, The London Tradesman, being a Compendious View of all the Trades, Professions, Arts, both liberal and mechanic, now practised in the Cities of London and Westminster (London: T. Gardner, 174 7), p. 191. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 6 See Christina Walkley, The Ghost in the Looking Glass (London: Peter Owen, 1981); and Lynn M. Alexander, 'Creating a Symbol: The Seamstress in Victorian Fiction', Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature, 18: 1 (1999) 29-38. 7 The increasingly contentious figure of the man-milliner is explored later in this chapter. 8 See Beverly Lemire, Dress, Culture and Commerce: The English Clothing Trade before the Factory, 1660-1800 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997); and Aileen Ribeiro, Dress in Eighteenth-Century Europe, 1715-1789 (London: Batsford, 1984), pp. 43-65. 9 [Anon.], A General Description of All Trades, Digested in Alphabetical Order (London: T. Waller, 1747), pp. 134, 149. 10 Shifts were shirt-like garments worn underneath stays. 11 Tony Henderson, Disorderly Women in Eighteenth-Century London: Prostitution Control in the Metropolis, 1730-1830 (London and New York: Longman, 1999), pp. 14-15. 12 [Anon.], The Intriguing Milliners and Attomies Clerks. A Mock-Tragedy in Two Acts (London:]. Hughs for W. Smith, 1738), p. 59. 13 John Cleland, Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure, ed. Peter Sabor (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), pp. 93-4. 14 Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, ed. Miriam Brody (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1992), p. 267. 15 Taking my lead from Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace, I am reading these texts not as 'the key to a historical understanding of the period, but to how an age discursively constructed its understanding of itself'. Elizabeth Kowaleski• Wallace, Consuming Subjects: Women, Shopping and Business in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p. 116. 16 Such studies include Laura Brown, Ends of Empire: Women and Ideology in Early Eighteenth-Century Literature (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993); Erin Mackie, Market a Ia Mode: Fashion, Commodity and Gender in The Tatler and The Spectator (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects; and Deidre Shauna Lynch, The Economy of Character: Novels, Market Culture, and the Business o(Inner Meaning (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1998), particularly pp. 165-206. Notes 187

17 Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 87. 18 Francis Grose, Classical Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue (London: S. Hooper, 1785). Kowaleski-Wallace has recently suggested, for example, that the 'actual kind of business [a woman] engages in [in this period] is less significant than the fact that she engages in business at all.' Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 112. 19 This title was also adopted by John Collet for a 1770 engraving in which two leering milliners quite literally measure up a young, amorous customer, who gazes intently on one of the fashionable shopwomen. 20 Robert Drury, The Rival Milliners: or, the Humours of Covent-Garden. A Tragi• Comi-Operatic-Pastoral Farce. As it is acted at the New Theatre in the Hay-Market(London: G. Spavan, 1737), p. 2. 21 Holland is a kind of linen. 22 Drury, Rival Milliners, p. 15. 23 Ibid., p. 46. 24 Lynda M. Thompson, The 'Scandalous Memoirists': Constantia Philips, Laetitia Pilkington and the Shame of 'Publick Fame' (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2000), p. 81. 25 Laetitia Pilkington, Memoirs of Mrs Laetitia Pilkington, 2 vols (Dublin: Printed for the author, 1748), II, pp. 114-15. 26 Ibid., p. 115. 27 [Anon.], The Cherub: or, Guardian of Female Innocence (London: W. Locke: 1792). Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 28 Kimberly Chrisman Campbell, 'The Face of Fashion: Milliners in Eighteenth-Century Visual Culture', British Journal of Eighteenth-Century Studies, 25:2 (2002), p. 163. 29 Eliza Haywood, The History of Miss Betsy Thoughtless, ed. Beth Fowkes Tobin (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 11. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 30 As Deborah]. Nestor points out, the novel refuses to resolve the seduction/ rape question. Though Miss Forward meets Wildly of her own free will, and is clearly attracted to him, the physical force he exerts over her in the seduction/rape scene is stressed in the account Miss Forward gives to Betsy. See Nestor, 'Virtue Rarely Rewarded: Ideological Subversion and Narrative Form in Haywood's Later Fiction', Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900, 34: 3 (1994), p. 582. 31 Oliver Goldsmith, Citizen of the World, reprinted in Collected Works of Oliver Goldsmith, ed. Arthur Friedman, 5 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), II, p. 320. 32 A particularly glossy silk. 33 The Monthly Review, 5 (1751), p. 394. 34 Kowaleski-Wallace, Consuming Subjects, p. 87. 35 Frances Burney, Camilla: or, a Picture of Youth, ed. Edward A. Bloom and Lillian D. Bloom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 688. 36 Beth Fowkes Tobin, 'Introduction', Betsy Thoughtless, p. xxxii. 37 London Magazine, 35 Quly 1766), p. 335. 38 See Janet Todd, The Sign ofAngellica: Women, Writing and Fiction, 1660-1800 (London: Virago, 1989), p. 146; and Jane Spencer, The Rise of the Woman Novelist: From Aphra Behn to Jane Austen (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), p. 141. 188 Notes

39 Catherine Ingrassia, Authorship, Commerce and Gender in Early Eighteenth• Century England: A Culture of Paper Credit (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 129. 40 Pin-money offered women a modicum of financial independence after marriage in the form of an allowance for expenses, particularly for fabrics and dress, often secured in a pre-nuptial contract. See Susan Staves, 'Pin Money', Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, 14 (1985) 47-77. 41 See, for example, Ingrassia, Authorship, Commerce and Gender, pp. 128-37. 42 By embracing the sentimental novel, Haywood, like Betsy herself, was able to 'recover a lost reputation, and ... ]atone for her errors'. Clara Reeve, The Progress of Romance, Through Times, Countires, and Manners, 2 vols. (Colchester: W. Keymer; London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1785), I, p. 121. 43 Hogarth designed the trade card for his sisters' business. 44 For a discussion of Sarah Young, see Patricia Crown, 'Hogarth's Working Women: Commerce and Consumption', in The Other Hogarth: Aesthetics of Difference, ed. Bernadette Fort and Angela Rosenthal (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 224-39. 45 Vivien Jones, 'Placing Jemima: Women Writers of the 1790s and the Eighteenth-Century Prostitution Narrative', Women's Writing, 4: 2 (1997) 201-20. 46 For historical accounts of the decline in employment opportunities for women in the eighteenth century, see Ivy Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1850 (London: George Routledge and Sons Ltd., 1930); and Bridget Hill, Women, Work, and Sexual Politics in England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989). 47 Frances Burney, Evelina: or, the History of a Young Ladies Entrance into the World, ed. Edward A. Bloom and Lillian D. Bloom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 27. 48 In John 0' Keeffe's play, The Man Milliner, for example, the title character is a grotesque, effeminate man. Like his female counterparts he sets himself up as a matchmaker for his clients (although, unlike his female counter• parts, he is a very unsuccessful one) in the hopes of financial reward. The Man-Milliner, in Two Acts. Performed at the Theatre-Royal, Covent-Garden in 1787, in John O'Keeffe, The Dramatic Works of John O'Keeffe, Esq., IV (London: T. Woodfall, 1798). 49 Priscilla Wakefield, Reflections on the Present Condition of the Female Sex; with Suggestions for its Improvement (London:]. Johnson, 1798), pp. 153-4. 50 Frances Burney, 22 January 1780, Diary and Letters of Madame D'Arblay, ed. Charlotte Barrett (London: Bickers and Son, 1876), p. 210. 51 Kristina Straub, Divided Fictions: Fanny Burney and Feminine Strategy (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1987), p. 191. 52 Letter to Charles Burney, 13 August 1779. Frances Burney (2001), Journals and Letters, ed. Peter Sabor, Lars E. Troide, Stewart Cooke and Victoria Kortes• Papp (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2001), p. 128. Between August 1779 and the beginning of 1780, Burney would extensively revise the play. Later in her career she resurrected some of the characters from her earlier play in The Woman-Hater, written between 1800 and 1802. On the suppression of The Witlings and its later revision as The Woman-Hater, see Peter Sabor and Notes 189

Geoffrey Sill's 'Introduction' to The Witlings and Woman-Hater (London: Pickering and Chatto, 1997), pp. x-xxxv. 53 Frances Burney, The Witlings, ed. Clayton]. Delery (East Lansing, MI: Colleagues Press, 1995), p. 31. Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 54 This view would be uncomfortably confirmed by personal experience when Burney became the 'Keeper of the Robes of Queen Charlotte' in 1786. As someone who hated sewing, the weekly task of stitching caps and restoring petticoats for the full-court dress worn on Thursday afternoons as St. James's Palace was a particularly trying experience for Burney. Kate Chisholm, Fanny Burney: Her Life (London: Vintage, 1999), p. 140. 55 Polly Wheedle, as already mentioned, is one of the eponymous rival milliners of Drury's play. Although The Rival Milliners was written some 40 years earlier than The Witlings it is possible that Burney was aware of the play. A one-off performance of the play was staged at the Haymarket on 27 December 1779, while Burney was writing The Witlings and living in London. Index to the London Stage. 56 Barbara Darby, Frances Burney, Dramatist: Gender, Performance and the Late Eighteenth-Century Stage (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1997), p. 40. 57 Ibid., p. 27. 58 Frances Burney, The Wanderer: or, Female Difficulties, ed. Margaret Anne Doody, Robert Mack and Peter Sabor (Oxford and New York: Oxford Uni• versity Press, 1991), p. 11. Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 59 Margaret Anne Doody, Frances Burney: The Life in the Works (Cambridge, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne and Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 355. 60 Cecilia Macheski, 'Penelope's Daughters: Images of Needlework in Eighteenth-Century Literature', in Fetter'd or Free, p. 86. 61 Rozsika Parker, The Subversive Stitch: Embroidery and the Making of the Feminine (London: The Women's Press, 1996), p. 11. 62 Doody, Frances Burney, p. 354. 63 Edward Copeland, Women Writing About Money: Women's Fiction in England, 1790-1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 162-3. 64 For a discussion reassessing the importance of the conflict between Elinor and Juliet to Burney's novel and its politics see Andrea Austin, 'Between Two Women: Frances Burney's The Wanderer', English Studies in Canada, 22:3 (1996) 253-66. 65 Mary Lamb, who worked to support her family as a mantua-maker for eleven years, wrote an article for The British Lady's Magazine in 1815 enti• tled 'On Needlework'. Writing under the pseudonym Sempronia, Lamb reflects the new sensibility towards the dressmaking trades by divorcing its workers from the articles of their production and making the case for appropriate remuneration for this labour-intensive work. Lamb's first• hand experience of this mentally and physically exhausting work was tragic. In 1796, she famously stabbed her mother to death while attempt• ing to injure her journeywoman apprentice. See the Morning Chronicle, 26 September 1796. 190 Notes

Chapter 3

1 Fashionable Magazine, 1 (June 1786), p. iii. 2 Minna Thornton, 'The Fashion Plate in London, 1759-1809' (unpublished MA thesis, Victoria and Albert Museum and RCA, 1993), pp. 54-9. 3 Magazine a Ia Mode, 1 (April1777), p. 196. 4 Magazine a Ia Mode, 1 (July 1777), p. 244. 5 Nicolaus von Heideloff's Gallery of Fashion (1794) was the first serial publication devoted solely to fashion. 6 The Fashionable Magazine, 1 (June 1786), p. iii-iv. 7 The Lady's Magazine ran from 1770 to 1832 before joining with the Ladies' Museum to form The Lady's Magazine and Museum of Belles Lettres. This title in turn ran until 1838 when the publication combined with the Court Magazine to form The Court Magazine and Monthly Critic and Lady's Magazine and Museum of Belles Lettres. This title ran until 1847. Alison Adburgham, Women in Print: Writing Women and Women's Magazines from the Restoration to Accession of Victoria (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1972), p. 280. Subsequent references to the Lady's Magazine will be given parenthetically in the text, by volume and page number. 8 Jacqueline Pearson, "'Books, my greatest joy" Constructing the Female Reader in The Lady's Magazine', Women's Writing, 3: 1 (1996) 3-15. 9 Edward Copeland, Women Writing About Money: Women's Fiction in England, 1790-1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 117. 10 Erin Mackie, Market a Ia Mode: Fashion, Commodity and Gender in The Tatter and The Spectator (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), p. 27. 11 Kathryn Shevelow, Women and Print Culture: The Construction of Feminin• ity in the Early Periodical (London and New York: Routledge, 1989), p. 167. 12 The Female Spectator, 15 (1745), p. 177. 13 Shevelow, Women and Print Culture, p. 170. 14 The Female Spectator, 1 (1744), pp. 4-5. 15 F. W. Fairholt collected articles on fashion from these and other eighteenth• century periodicals and magazines in a series of scrapbooks titled Collections on Costume which are held by the British Museum Prints and Drawings Department. BM 169*c.12-14. 16 London Magazine, 35 (July 1766), p. 334. 17 Ibid., p. 335. 18 Female Spectator, 15 (1745), p. 178. 19 Shevelow, Women and Print Culture, p. 142. 20 The Lady's Museum (1760-1), p. 15. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 21 Patricia Meyer Spacks, 'Sisters', in Fetter'd or Free? British Women Novelists 1670-1815, ed. Mary Anne Schofield and Cecilia Macheski (Athens and London: Ohio University Press, 1987), p. 137. 22 Other readings of Sophia include those of Robert W. Jones, Gender and the Formation of Taste in Eighteenth-Century England: The Analysis of Beauty (Cabridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1998), pp. 164-70; and Mary Anne Schofield in Masking and Unmasking the Female Mind: Disguising Romances in Notes 191

Feminine Fiction, 1713-1799 (London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1990), pp. 141-2. 23 Robert D. Mayo, The English Novel in the Magazines, 1740-1815 (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press; London: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. 290. 24 Schofield, Masking and Unmasking the Female Mind, p. 142. 25 Ibid., p. 142. 26 Jones, Gender and the Formation of Taste, pp. 168-9. 27 Shevelow, Women and Print Culture, p. 188. 28 Shevelow's study of women's periodicals does not refer to pocket books at all, and they are only briefly discussed in Alison Adburgham's Women in Print. Adburgham's interest in pocket books seems to derive less from their intrinsic value than as one of the various publishing activities of the Minerva Press's William Lane (pp. 159-64). 29 Anne Buck and Harry Matthews, 'Pocket Guides to Fashion: Ladies' Pocket Books Published in England, 1760-1830', Costume, 18 (1984) 35-58. Buck and Matthews provide a useful appendix of pocket books and their loca• tions based on their research. However, since the publication of this article more pocket books have emerged. 30 Harris's British Ladies Complete Pocket Memorandum Book For the Year 1792 (London: H. Goldney [1791]), p. 2. Pocket books were printed in the autumn prior to the year for which they were designed. 31 The Ladies Compleat Pocket-Book for the Year of Our Lord 1753 (London: ]. Newbery, [1752]) n.p. BL Catalogue number c.136.bb.30. 32 The New Memorandum-Book Improv'd: or, the Gentleman and Tradesman's Daily Pocket Journal for the Year 1753 (London: R. Dodsley [1752]), no page numbers. B.L. catalogue number P.P.2490.cc. 33 New Memorandum Book, n. p. 34 The Ladies Compleat Pocket-Book For the Year of Our Lord 1762 (London: ]. Newbery, [1761]), n.p., B.L. catalogue number c. 136.bb.30. 35 See Gillian Skinner, Sensibility and Economics in the Novel, 1740-1800: The Price of a Tear (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999). 36 The 17 53 Lady's Compleat Pocket Book is the earliest pocket book I have located. It contains no fashion plate, although this may have been removed. Often plates were cut from pocket books to place in private collections and scrapbooks, the most famous example of which is Barbara Johnson's 'Album' held by the Victoria and Albert Museum. A facsimile of the textile book has been published as Barbara Johnson's Album of Fashions and Fabrics, ed. Natalie Rothstein (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987). The earliest plate in the 'Album' exhibits a dress for 1754, although its source is unknown. 3 7 The Ladies Compleat Pocket-Book for 1762, p. iii. 38 The Ladies Miscellany, or, New, Useful and Entertaining Companion for the Year 1789 (London:]. Brown, [1788]), p. 122. 39 Harriet Guest, Small Change: Women, Learning, Patriotism, 1750-1810 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2000), pp. 76-82. 40 I am grateful to Claire Brock for alerting me to this text. 41 PaulJodrell, A Widow and No Widow. A Dramatic Piece of Three Acts (Dublin: G. Bonham, 1780), p. 41. 192 Notes

42 Ibid., p. 44. 43 The Ladies Miscellany, or, New, Useful and Entertaining Companion, For the Year 1789, p. 124. 44 Nancy Armstrong, 'The Rise of the Domestic Woman', in The Ideology of Conduct: Essays on Literature and the History of Sexuality, ed. Nany Armstong and Leonard Tennenhouse (London and New York: Methuen, 1987), pp. 110-11. 45 The Ladies Miscellany, or, New, Useful and Entertaining Companion For the Year 1787 (London:]. Brown [1786]), p. 10. 46 The Ladies Miscellany, or, New, Useful and Entertaining Companion for the Year 1789, pp. 121-3. 47 The Ladies Miscellany, or, New, Useful and Entertaining Companion For the Year 1787, p. 126. 48 The Ladies Daily Companion: or useful and entertaining Pocket Book for the Year of Our Lord 1786 (Rochester: T. Fisher [1785]), pp. 20-S. 49 The Ladies Most Elegant and Convenient Pocket Book for the Year 1784 (London: E. Newbery [1783]), p. 121. Corporation of London Guildhall Library. Store 1277, Almanacs 35. SO For a more detailed discussion of changes in the dissemination of fashion and the concerns these shifts raised see McKendrick, 'The Commercialisation of Fashion'. 51 Magazine a Ia Mode, 1 Ganuary 1777), p. 3. 52 Oliver Goldsmith, She Stoops to Conquer: or, the Mistakes of a Night. A Comedy (London: E. Newbery, 1773), II, i, 39. 53 The Christian-Lady's Pocket Book for the Year 1792 (London: J. S. Jordan and G. Terry [1791]), p. 4. 54 The Ladies Museum, or Complete Pocket Memorandum Book For the Year 1774 (London: William Lane [1773]), B.L Catalogue Number c.l1S.n.68. 55 The Ladies Most Elegant and Convenient Pocket Book, for the Year 1785 (London: E. Newbery [1784]). Corporation of London Guildhall Library Reference Store 1277, Almanacs 36. 56 BL Catalogue number c.136.bb.30 S 7 Harris's Original British Ladies Memorandum Book For 1782 (London:]. Pasham [1781]), p. S. 58 Indeed George Robinson, publisher of the Lady's Magazine also published a successful pocket book entitled The Ladies Own Memorandum Book, or Daily Pocket Journal which ran from as early as 1769 well into the nineteenth century. 59 Jean E. Hunter, 'The Lady's Magazine and the Study of Englishwomen in the Eighteenth Century', in Newsletters to Newspapers: Eighteenth-Century Journalism, ed. Donald F. Bond (Morgantown: West Virginia University, 1977), p. 112. 60 In February 1785 The Lady's Magazine published an article on 'One of the Leading Causes of Prostitution', the 'Dress of Servant Girls above their Station'. 61 Of course, pocket books had published fashion plates since the late 1750s, long before the first issue of The Lady's Magazine. 62 See Hunter, 'The Lady's Magazine', p. 106. 63 Ibid., p. 107. Notes 193

Chapter 4

1 James Fordyce, Sermons to Young Women, 3rd edn, 2 vols (London: A. Millar and T. Cadell,]. Dodsley and]. Payne, 1766), I, pp. 73-4. All quotations are taken from the first volume. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 2 Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, ed. Miriam Brody (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1992), pp. 194-5. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 3 See Monthly Review, 34 (1766), pp. 452-67; 35 (1766), pp. 10-20; and Critical Review, 22 (1766), pp. 18-31. 4 Despite the popularity of his work, Fordyce's personal popularity appears to have waned later in his career. The circumstances of his decline are obscure, but the ruinous financial speculations of his brother Alexander, which affected some of James's acquaintance, as well as a quarrel with Thomas Toller who preached at the same chapel in Monkwell Street as Fordyce, and which effectively split the congregation, seem to have played significant roles. DNB. 5 [Anon.], Fordyce Delineated a Satire: A Satire Occasioned by His Sermons to Young Women, 2nd edn (London:]. Dixwell, [1765?]), p. 19. 6 Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice, reprinted in The Novels of Jane Austen, ed. R. W. Chapman, 3rd edn, 5 vols (London, Oxford and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1959), II, pp. 68-9. 7 More detailed accounts of Mary Wollstonecraft's complex relationship to sentimentalism can be found in Syndy McMillen Conger, Mary Woll• stonecraft and the Language of Sensibility (Rutherford, Madison and Teaneck: Farleigh Dickinson University Press; London and Toronto: Associated University Presses, 1994); and G.]. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1992). See, in particular, pp. 281-5 and 362-4. 8 McMillen Conger, Mary Wollstonecra{t, pp. 121-2. 9 My use of the term 'fashion system' is not accidental. It is intended to serve both literally, underscoring Fordyce's telling description of his sartorial blue• print as a 'system', and to evoke Barthes' theorisation of the fashion system and his model of fashion's tripartite structure: the image, the written and the real. Fordyce's system, I argue, hovers precariously between written articula• tion and the real; the failure of each structure to fully translate into the other anticipates the text's failure. Roland Barthes, The Fashion System, trans. Matthew Ward and Richard Howard (London: Jonathan Cape, 1985). 10 Vivien Jones, ed., Women in the Eighteenth Century: Constructions ofFemininity (London and New York: Routledge, 1990), p. 78. 11 Vivien Jones, 'Placing Jemima: Women Writers of the 1790s and the Eighteenth-Century Prostitute Narrative', Women's Writing 4: 2 (1997), p. 204. 12 Saunders Welch, A Proposal to render Effectual a Plan to remove the Nuisance of Common Prostitutes from the Streets of this Metropolis (London: C. Henderson, 1758), p. 19. Subsequent references will be given, parenthetically, in the text. 13 Furbanks and Owen have cast doubt on this attribution. Some Considerations is not cited, for example, in P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens, The Canonisation ofDefoe (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990). 194 Notes

14 Bradford K. Mudge, The Whore's Story: Women, Pornography, and the British Novel, 1684-1830 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 54. 15 [Daniel Defoe], Some Considerations Upon Street-Walkers (London: A. Moore, [1726(?)]), pp. 9-10. 16 Ibid., pp. 11-12. 17 While the proposal for a system of sartorially codifying prostitutes outlined in Some Considerations is intended to designate women of low moral status, the original systems of sartorial legislation in Greece and Rome may not have worked in this way. As Evans has argued, in the more permissive society of ancient Greece prostitutes were perceived as socially rather than morally inferior, and the regulation of their dress may have been driven by class rather than by moral considerations. See Hilary Evans, The Oldest Profession: An Illustrated History of Prostitution (London and Newton Abbot: David and Charles, 1979), p. 35. 18 Goethe's Sorrows of Young Werther (1774) inspired male fashion across Europe. The sentimental hero's dark blue coat, yellow waistcoat, buff breeches and boots were widely imitated after the book's publication. Aileen Ribeiro, Dress in Eighteenth-Century Europe, 1715-1789 (London: Batsford, 1984), p. 144. 19 Sarah Scott, The History of Sir George Ellison, ed. Betty Rizzo (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1996), p. 197. 20 Ibid., p. 197. 21 Ibid., pp. 197-8. 22 Nancy Armstrong, 'The Rise of the Domestic Woman', in The Ideology of Conduct: Essays on Literaure and thre History of Sexuality, ed. Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse (London and New York: Methuen, 1987), p. 97. 23 Thomas Marriott, Female Conduct: Being an Essay on the Art of Pleasing. To be Practised by the Fair Sex, Before, and After Marriage. A Poem, in Two Books, 3rd edn (London: W. Own, 1775), p. 79. 24 Wetenhall Wilkes, A Letter of Genteel and Moral Advice to a Young Lady (Dublin: E. Jones, 1740), p. 14. Subsequent references will be given, paren• thetically, in the text. 25 Robert W. Jones, Gender and the Formation of Taste in Eighteenth-Century Britain The Analysis of Beauty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 76-7. 26 Harriet Guest, Small Change: Women, Learning, Patriotism, 1750-1810 (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 2000), pp. 243-6. 27 Thorstein Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Dover Publications, 1994), p. 103. 28 Ibid., pp. 104-5. 29 Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility, pp. 268-9. 30 While Quakerism and Methodism encouraged particular styles of dress, broadly condemned in contemporary novels, plays and periodical literature, the question of how widely such modes of dress were adopted remains a matter of conjecture. As Marcia Painton argues, for example, there is considerable evidence from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century that many Quakers did not reject fashionable costume. Indeed, the persistence with which writers reiterate arguments against superfluity in dress suggests Notes 195

that sartorial asceticism was not universally adhered to. Marcia Painton, 'Quakerism and Visual Culture, 1650-1800', Art History, 20: 3 (1997), p. 412. 31 For a discussion of the specific characteristics of Quaker dress and its evo• lution, see Joan Kendall, 'The Development of a Distinctive Form of Quaker Dress', Costume, 19 (1985) 58-74. 32 John Wesley, Advice to the People Called Methodists with Regards to Dress (London: G. Paramore and G. Whitfield, 1795), p. 7. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 33 Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility, pp. 268-9. 34 Painton, 'Quakerism', pp. 400-1. 35 George Fox, The Journal of George Fox, ed. Norman Penney, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1911), p. 175. 36 Painton, 'Quakerism', p. 412. 3 7 This criticism of Quaker dress was widely held in the eighteenth century. As the traveller Archenholz remarked, Quaker women compensated for the fact that they could not 'use fancy colours, nor wear powder, feathers, ribbands, nor jewels' by wearing clothes made out of the 'dearest stuffs'. M. D'Archenholz, A Picture ofEngland, Containing a Description of the Customs and Manners of England, Interspersed with Curious and Interesting Anecdotes (Dublin: P. Byrne, 1791), p. 109. 38 The Lady's Magazine: or Polite Companion for the Fair Sex, 2 (June 1760), pp. 458-61. 39 London Magazine 8 (November 1739), pp. 603-4. 40 Quaker dress, it should be noted, was a popular masquerade costume throughout the eighteenth century, and satires directed against Friends frequently pointed to the hypocrisy masked by their simple, modest and supposedly virtuous costume. 41 Hannah More, Essays on Various Subjects, Principally Designed for Young Ladies (London:]. Wilkie and T. Caddell, 1777), p. 78. 42 Ibid., p. 111. 43 Joseph Hanway, Reflections, Essays and Meditations on Life and Religion, 2 vols (London: John Rivington; R. and]. Dodsley and C. Henderson, 1761). 44 See Robin Evans, The Fabrication of Virtue: English Prison Architecture, 1750-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 71; and Miles Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, London's Geographies 1680-1780 (London and New York: The Guildford Press, 1998), p. 68. 45 See, for example, Donna T. Andrew, Philanthropy and Police: London Charity in the Eighteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 119-26; Ann Jessie Van Sant, Eighteenth-Century Sensibility and the Novel: The Senses in Social Context (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 30-7; Markman Ellis, The Politics of Sensibility: Race, Gender an Commerce in the Sentimental Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 160-89; Sarah Lloyd, 'Pleasure's Golden Bait': Prostitution, Poverty and the Magdalen Hospital in Eighteenth-Century London', History Workshop Journal, 41 (1996) 51-72; and Ogborn, Spaces ofModemity, pp. 39-74. 46 Andrew, Philanthropy and Police, p. 120. 4 7 Robert Dingley, Proposals for Establishing a Public Place ofReception for Penitent Prostitutes, &c. (London: W. Faden, 1758), p. 4. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 196 Notes

48 Ironically, the charity used dress, as bawds did, to lock the women into a form of contract from which they could not extricate themselves without difficulty. Hanway, for example, remarked that the penitents should 'be informed, that if they shall find means to leave the house, in a clandestine manner, and carry away the cloaths, or any thing which is the property of the Treasurer or any other person, as the cloaths and furniture, &c. shall be deemed, they will be considered as robbers in any similar case'. Jonas Hanway, A Plan for Establishing a Charity-House, or Charity-Houses, for the Reception of Repenting Prostitutes. To be called the Magdalen Charity (London: [n. pub.]. 1758), p. 22. 49 Ellis, The Politics of Sensibility, see particularly pp. 177-89. SO This narrative has endured to the present day. Emma Donoghue's Slammerkin is a fictionalised account of the life of Mary Saunders, based on a broadsheet that documents the servant's vicious murder of her mistress, purportedly for the sake of a suit of 'fine clothes'. Slammerkin traces the short life of Saunders, a seamstress's daughter, from her seduction by a hawker for the sake of a single ribbon, through her pregnancy, to her life as a prostitute and her reluctant stay in the Magdalen House. Emma Donoghue, Slammerkin (London: Virago, 2000). 51 William Dodd, The Visitor, 2 vols (London: Edward and Charles Dilly, 1764), I, p. 60. 52 Ibid., I, p. 62. 53 Hanway, Plan, p. 22. 54 Massie's Plan is unique in its advocation of a dress code that would reflect the social standing of its wearer rather than level the charity's inmates. Joseph Massie, A Plan for the Establishment of Charity-Houses for Exposed or Deserted Women and Girls, and for Penitent Prostitutes (London: T. Payne, W. Shropshire, W. Owen and C. Henderson, 1758), p. 41. 55 In a letter to the Marine Society, 'On Occasion of their Clothing and fitting out for Sea-SERVICE 3,097 Men, and 2,045 Boys', Hanway argued that the 'gift of clothings are a means of inducing many stout land-men to enter into the sea-service, who would not otherwise come'. Jonas Hanway, Three Letters on the Subject of the Marine Society (London: R. and J. Dodsley, P. Vaillant and]. Waugh, 1758), p. 3. 56 Hanway, Plan, p. 2. 57 Ogborn, Spaces of Modernity, p. 48. 58 Massie, Plan, p. 8. 59 John Fielding, A Plan for a Preservatory and Reformatory, for the Bene(lt of Deserted Girls and Penitent Prostitutes (London: R. Francklin, 1758), p. 22. 60 Ibid., pp. 20-1. 61 VanSant, Eighteenth-Century Sensibility and the Novel, p. 21. 62 William Dodd, A Sermon on St Matthew, Chap. IX. Ver. 12, 13. Preach'd at the Parish Church ofSt Laurence, near Guild-Hall, April the 26t11 1759 (London: W. Faden, 1759), p. ii. 63 Peter Stallybrass and Allan White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1986), pp. 83-97. 64 VanSant, Eighteenth-Century Sensibility and the Novel, p. 36. 65 These narratives include [Anon.]. The Histories of Some of the Penitents in the Magdalen-Hause, As Supposed to be Related by Themselves, 2 vols Notes 197

(London:]. Rivington and]. Dodsley, 1760); William Dodd, The Visitor, 2 vols (London: Edward and Charles Dilly, 1764); and Hugh Kelly, Memoirs of a Magdalen: or, the History ofLouisa Mildmay, 2 vols (London: W. Griffin, 1767). 66 Horace Walpole, Horace Walpole's Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, 48 vols (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1937-83), IX, pp. 273-4. 67 Caroline Gonda, 'Misses, Murderesses, and Magdalens: Women in the Public Eye', in Women, Writing and the Public Sphere, 1700-1830, ed. Elizabeth Eger, Charlotte Grant, CHona() Gallchoir and Penny Warburton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 66. 68 William Dodd, Advice to the Magdalens (London: W. Faden, [1759 or 17 60(?)])' p. 1.

ChapterS

1 Markman Ellis, The Politics of Sensibility: Race, Gender and Commerce in the Sentimental Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 191-2. 2 Chris Jones, Radical Sensibility: Literature and Ideas in the 1790s (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), p. 3. 3 Ibid., p. 7. 4 Claudia L. Johnson, Equivocal Beings: Politics, Gender, and Sentimentality in the 1790s (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1995). See, in particular, pp. 1-19. The unduly feminising influence of sentimentalism is also cited by Todd as one of the key factors in the mode's decline. See Janet Todd, Sensibility: An Introduction (London and New York: Methuen, 1986), pp. 129-46. 5 Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, ed. Miria Brody (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1992), p. 170. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 6 Hannah More, Stricture on the Modem Syste of Female Education. With a View of the Principles and Conduct Prevalent among Women of Rank and Fortune, 2nd edn, I (London: T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1799), pp. 73-4. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 7 Maria Edgeworth and Richard Lovell Edgeworth, Practical Education, 2 vols (London: ]. Johnson, 1798), I, p. 26 7. 8 Maria Edgeworth, 'Angelina; or the Fair Inconnue', in Moral Tales for Young People (London: Joseph Johnson, 1801). 9 Throughout this chapter I will be referring to the 1802 second 'Corrected and Improved' edition of the novel. More substantial revisions were later made when Edgeworth prepared the text for publication in Anna Barbauld's British Novelists series in 1810. These revisions were maintained in the third edition of the text in 1811. 10 Maria Edgeworth, Belinda, ed. Kathryn]. Kirkpatrick (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 3. Subsequent references will be given parenthetically in the text. 11 Mitzi Myers, 'Shot from the Canons: or, Maria Edgeworth and the Cultural Production and Consumption of the Late Eighteenth-century Woman Writer', in The Consumption of Culture, 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, ed. Ann Bermingham and John Brewer (New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 199. 198 Notes

12 Laurence Sterne, A Sentimental Journey, reprinted in A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy By Mr Yorick with The Journal to Eliza and A Political Romance, ed. Ian Jack (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 114. 13 Recently, such readings have been challenged by Jordana Rosenberg, who argues that the 'struggle between the seductions of the social and the superiority of the domestic' is problematised by the fact that 'the seduction is proven to have been a sham all along' and by Belinda's complicity with the fictions she is supposed to debunk. The fact that Belinda is also taken in by Lady Delacour's illness signals for Rosenberg the limits of the heroine's rationality and the bourgeois ideology she is supposed to embody. Jordana Rosenberg, 'The Bosom of the Bourgeoisie: Edgeworth's Belinda', ELH, 70: 2 (2003), pp. 575-96. 14 Susan C. Greenfield, '"Abroad and at Home": Sexual Ambiguity, Mis• cegenation and Colonial Boundaries in Edgeworth's Belinda', PMLA , 112: 2 (1995), p. 217. 15 Heather MacFadyen, in 'Lady Delacour's Library: Maria Edgeworth's Belinda and Fashionable Reading', Nineteenth-Century Literature, 48:4 (1994), pp. 423-39. 16 Alexander Pope, 'The Rape of the Lock', Book II, l. 19, reprinted in Poems, p. 223. 17 Anne Mellor, Romanticism and Gender (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), p. 41. 18 Several such experiments to educate young women as future wives were inspired by Rousseau's Emile, including Romney's 'education' of Emma Hamilton. Belinda's subplot was inspired more specifically, however, by the experiment made by Thomas Day, a family friend of the Edgeworths, to create a real-life Sophie by educating Sabrina Sidney to become his wife. Sidney and Day did not marry, however. Eight years after being sent away from Day following an argument, Sidney married Day's friend, John Bicknell. See Marilyn Butler, Maria Edgeworth: a Literary Biography (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), p. 39. 19 In addition to Belinda and Virginia, Lady Delacour's character is split between her spirited public self, and private, tragic identity, while Harriet Freke's appearance in various disguises and dress signals an equally fluid identity. 20 Greenfield, "'Abroad and at Home", p. 214. 21 Maria Edgeworth, Letters for Literary Ladies to which is added An Essay on the Noble Science of Self-Justification, ed. Claire Connolly (London: J. M. Dent; and Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle, 1993), p. 48. 22 Falls and bruises were deemed one of the possible causes of breast cancer in the eighteenth century. For a discussion of the medical understanding of the disease in the period, see Ruth Perry, 'Colonising the Breast: Sexuality and Maternity in Eighteenth-Century England', Eighteenth-Century Life, 16: 1 (1992), pp. 185-213. 23 MacFadyen, 'Lady Delacour's Library', p. 426. 24 For a more detailed analysis of this theme, see ibid., pp. 423-39. 25 Greenfield, "'Abroad and at Home'", p. 216. 26 Terry Castle, Masquerade and Civilisation: The Camivalesque in Eighteenth• Century English Culture and Fiction (London: Methuen, 1986), pp. 332-3. Notes 199

27 See Eleanor Ty, 'Freke in Men's Clothes: Transgression and the Carnival• esque in Edgeworth's Belinda', in The Clothes that Wear Us: Essays on Dressing and Transgressing in Eighteenth-Century Culture, ed. Jessica Munns and Penny Richards (Newark: University of Delaware Press; and London: Associated University Presses, 1999), p. 159. 28 Throughout the following section I use the terms dressing room and boudoir interchangeably. In fact, the boudoir and the dressing room were separate spaces. From the 1780s the traditional function of the dressing room as a lady's toilette-cum-sitting room changed. Dressing rooms were no longer commonly used for entertaining. Such activities increasingly took place in the boudoir, which, like the dressing room, often adjoined a bedchamber. Mark Girouard, Life in the English Country House: A Social and Architectural History (New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 231. Lady Delacour possesses both a dressing room and a boudoir, but uses both spaces as dressing rooms. Rather than the semi-public space it was intended to be, Lady Delacour keeps her boudoir locked, and it is in here that she goes about the fatal business of her toilette. Belinda, p. 20. 29 Jonathan Swift, The Lady's Dressing Room To which is added a Poem on Cutting down the Old Thorn at Market Hill (London: J. Roberts, 1732), p. 5. 30 Felicity A. Nussbaum, 'The Brink of all we Hate': English Satires on Women, 1660-1750 (Lexington, KY: The University Press of Kentucky, 1984), p. 105. See also, Ellen Pollak, The Poetics of Sexual Myth: Gender and Ideology in the Verse of Swift and Pope (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1985). 31 Nussbaum, 'The Brink of all we Hate', p. 113. 32 Swift, Lady's Dressing Room, p. 12. 33 Nussbaum, 'The Brink of all we Hate', p. 105. 34 For the differences between the closet, bedchamber and dressing room, see Girouard, Life in the English Country House. 35 Simon Varey, Space and the Eighteenth-Century English Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 186. 36 Samuel Richardson, Pamela (1740), p. 81. 3 7 Charles Povey, The Virgin in Eden (17 41), reprinted in The Pamela Cotroversy: Criticisms and Adaptations of Samuel Richardson's Pamela, 1740-17 50, 6 vols (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2001) , II, p. 152. 38 John Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability: The Language of Feeling in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), p. 61. 39 The representation of physical deformity and disfigurement in eigh• teenth-century literature is necessarily beyond the scope of this study. While writers often made a connection between physical and moral deformity (such as Mrs Sinclair in Richardson's Clarissa) many other writers, such as Sarah Scott and Burney, often used 'ugliness' or physical abnormalities as symbols of moral purity. For a detailed analysis of this theme, see Helen Deutsch and Felicity Nussbaum, eds, 'Defects': En• gendering the Modern Body (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2000). 40 Ty, 'Freke in Men's Clothes', p. 166. 41 Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability, p. 221. 200 Notes

42 Elizabeth Kowaleski-Wallace, Their Fathers' Daughters: Hannah More, Maria Edgeworth and Patriarchal Complicity (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), p. 110. 43 Ibid., p. 128. 44 For a detailed discussion of the novel's colonialist discourse see Greenfield "'Abroad and At Home'". 45 Other works on Edgeworthian feminism include Marilyn Butler, Jane Austen and the War ofIdeas (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1975; repr. 1987), pp. 124-57; Caroline Gonda, Reading Daughters' Fictions, 1709-1834: Novels and Society from Manley to Edgeworth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 204-38; Kowaleski-Wallace, Their Fathers' Daughters, Mellor, Romantic• ism and Gender, pp. 40-8, 78-80; Alan Richardson, Literature, Education and Romanticism: Reading as Social Practice, 1780-1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 189-94. 46 lain Topliss, 'Mary Wollstonecraft and Maria Edgeworth's Modern Ladies', Etudes Irlandaises, 6 (1981), p. 15. 47 Syndy McMillen Conger, Mary Wollstonecraft and the Language of Sensibility (Rutherford, Madison and Teaneck: Farleigh Dickinson University Press; London and Toronto: Associated Universities Press, 1994), pp. xii-xiii. 48 Maria Edgeworth, Letters for Literary Ladies, to which is added, An Essay on the Noble Science of Self-Justification (1795), ed. Claire Connolly (London: ]. M. Dent, 1993), pp. SS-6. 49 Ibid., p. 62. SO Kowaleski-Wallace, Their Fathers Daughters, p. 104. 51 Rosenberg, 'The Bosom of the Bourgeoisie', p. 581. 52 For a more detailed discussion of the eighteenth-century female Bildungs• roman, see Lorna Ellis, Appearing to Diminish: Female Development and the British Bildungsroman, 1750-1850 (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press; London: Associated University Press, 1999). 53 Perry, 'Colonising the Breast', p. 206. 54 The Monthly Review, 37 (1802), pp. 368-9. 55 Kowaleski-Wallace, Their Fathers Daughters, p. 110. 56 Monthly Review, 37 (1802), p. 368. 57 The Critical Review, 34 (1802), p. 236. 58 Ibid., p. 237. 59 Gonda, Reading Daughters Fictions, p. 211. 60 Richardson, Literature, Education and Romanticism, p. 193. Bibliography

Archival

Fairholt, F. W., Collections on Costume. Part 1. Extracts Relating to the General History ofDress (1845), British Museum Prints and Drawings, 169*c.12 -- Collections on Costume. Part 2. Extracts Illustrative of the Peculiarities of Fashion Chronologically Arranged from 1732 (1845), British Museum Prints and Drawings, 169*c.14 Forster Collection, Correspondence of Samuel Richardson, Victoria and Albert Museum, Forster MSS XI, XIII, XIV, XVI

Periodicals and pocket books

The Annual Present for the Ladies: or, a New and Fashionable Ladies Pocket-Book (London: Printed by L. Wayland and sold by T. Willis) The Christian-Lady's Pocket Book (London:]. S. Jordan and G. Terry) The Fashionable Magazine: or, Lady's and Gentleman's Monthly Recorder of New Fashions (London: Harrison and Co., June-December, 1786) The Gallery of Fashion (London: L. X. Bulmer and Co., 1794-1802) Harris's Original British Ladies Memorandum Book (London: Printed for J. W. Pasham, Blackfriars and sold by J. Scatchard and I. Whitaker, and Alex. Hogg) Harris's British Ladies Complete Pocket Memorandum Book (London: Printed for H. Goldney, and sold by Scatchard and Whitaker; Norwich: Crouch and Stevenson; Exeter: Shirley Woolmer) The Female Spectator, 4 vols (London: T. Gardner, 1744-6) The Ladies' Compleat Pocket-Book (London: J. Newbery) The Ladies' Daily Companion: or useful and entertaining Pocket Book (Rochester: T. Fisher) The Ladies' Diary: or, Woman's Almanack (London: Stationer's Company) The Ladies' Mirror: or, Mental Companion (London: S. Chapple) The Ladies' Miscellany: or, New, Useful and Entertaining Companion (London: J. Brown) The Ladies' most Elegant and Convenient Pocket Book (London:]. Wheble) The Ladies' Museum: or, Complete Pocket Memorandum Book (London: W. Lane) The Ladies' Own Memorandum Book: or, Daily Pocket Journal (London: G. Robinson; Newcastle: T. Slack) The Ladies' Pocket Journal: or, Toilet Assistant (London: S. Bladon) The Lady's Magazine: or, Polite Companion for the Fair Sex (London: ]. Wilkie, 1759-63) The Lady's Magazine: or, Entertaining Companion for the Fair Sex (London: J. Wheble [1770-1]; G. Robinson and]. Roberts, 1771-1818) The Lady's Museum (London: J. Newbery, 1760-1)

201 202 Bibliography

The London Magazine: or, Gentleman's Monthly Intelligencer (London: C. Ackers; T. Cox;]. Clarke and T. Astley, 1732-83) The New Memorandum-Book Improv'd: or, the Gentleman and Tradesman's Daily (London: R. Dodsley) The Norfolk Ladies Memorandum Book: or, Fashionable Pocket Repository (Bury St. Edmonds:]. Rackham) The Sentimental Magazine: or, General Assemblage of Science, Taste etc. (London: George Kearsley, 1773-7) The Town and Country Magazine (London: A. Hamilton, 1769-92) The Universal Magazine ofKnowledge and Pleasure (London:]. Hinton, 17 4 7-1803)

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anti-Pamelist literature, 9, 19, 21, Clerk's Tale 28-30, 33-6, 153 see Ogle Anti-Pamela see Haywood Conboy, Sheila C., 32 'Jenny, or the Female Fortune conduct books, 11-12, 101 Hunter' (Anon), 43-4 see also Fordyce; Marriott; Wilkes Pamela: A Comedy (Giffard), 34 Conger, Syndy Mcmillen, 18, 121 Pamela Censured (Anon), 35-6 consumer revolution, 7-14, 39 Pamela: or The Fair Imposter (Anon), and Pamela, 37, 39 32, 33 consumption, 5, 7-8, 57-8, 103 'To the Author of Shame/a', 37-8 and the female consumer, 7, 57-8, Virgin in Eden, The, 165 62-4, 66, 69-70, 78 Armstrong, Nancy, 11-12, 20, 101, see also consumer revolution 130, 133-4, 15 7 Copeland, Edward, 86, 105 Astell, Mary, 130 Crisp, Samuel, 72-3 Austen, Jane Crowston, Clare Haru, 52 Pride and Prejudice, 121, 162 Cunnington, Phillis, 26

Barbauld, Anna Laetitia, 43 Davis, Fred, 9, 38 Barker-Benfield, G.]., 17, 18, 135, 152 Defoe, Daniel, 30, 35 Barthes, Roland, 9, 114 Every-Body's Business is No-Body's body Business, 8, 23-4 as index of feeling, 13, 166-8: in Great Law of Subordination Consider'd, Pamela, 21-2, 36; in Sermons to 24-7 Young Women, 123, 124-5; in Roxana, 35 The Wanderer, 78-9 Some Considerations on Street-Walkers, dress as barrier to, 13 127-8, 129, 142 dress as extension of, 12-13, 31-6, Dingley, Robert, 142, 144, 146-7 79, 109, 124-6 Dodd, William, 144, 146-7, 148 Boscawen, Frances, 1-2 domestic woman, 12 Bradshaigh, Lady, 14-15 Donoghue, Emma, 196n50 Brissenden, R.F., 18 division of labour, 71-2 Brown, Laura, 5 dress Bri.ickmann, Patricia, 37, 39 and the Bible, 122, 124-5, 130, 132 Burney, Frances, 129 as cause of prostitution, 8, 28, 142-4 Camilla, 66 and destruction of social hierarchy, Evelina, 71 7-8, 10, 23-7 Wanderer, The, 72, 75-82 as diagnostic tool, 22, 51, 60 Witlings, The, 72, 73-5 aslanguage,4, 9-10,38 of married women, 111-12 Campbell, Robert of Methodists, 135-9 London Tradesman, 53-6, 58, 67 of prostitutes, 11, 22, 127-8, 140 Castle, Terry, 8, 44, 81, 161 of Quakers, 33, 45, 133-9, 195n37 Chapone, Hester, 130 and sartorial metaphors, 5-6, 19, Cherub, The (Anon), 60-1, 62, 67 21, 152-3 Cleland, John of servants, 8, 10, 22-31, 182n16 Memoirs of a Woman of Pleasure, dressing room, 163-70, 199n28 56-7 satires, 163-5

213 214 Index dressmakers, 49, 52-82 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 129, and their shops, 62, 66-7, 73-4, 77-8 194n18 and social advancement, 48, 65-6 Gonda, Caroline, 149, 175 dressmaking trades, 48-9, 52-5, 146 Greenfield, Susan C., 157, 159, 161 feminist re-evaluation of, 71-2, Gregory, Dr John, 123, 130 75-9, 81-2: Burney's role in, Gualtherus and Griselda (Ogle), 39-43 72-82 Guest, Harriet, 11-12, 15, 20, 100 reputation of, 56-8, 61, 146 Gwilliam, Tassie, 19, 37, 48 see also labour market Drury, Robert Hagstrum, Jean, 15 Rival Milliners, 58-9, 62 Hanway, Jonas, 140, 144-5, 141, 147, 149 Eagleton, Terry, 17, 152 Hays, Mary, 71 Edgeworth, Maria, 17 Haywood, Eliza, 10, 89-90 Belinda, 155-77: critique of Anti-Pamela, 10, 28-30, 47-51 sensibility in, 155-7, 168-9, Fantomina, 35 170, 173-4 Female Spectator, The, 89-91 Letters for Literary Ladies, 154, 159, History of Miss Betsy Thoughtless, 163 The, 62-70 Moral Tales, 154-5 Present for a Servant Maid, 29 Practical Education, 154, 156 Henderson, Tony, 56 Ellis, Markman, 15, 143 Hill, Aaron, 5-7, 21, 36, 45 emulation, 7-8, 10, 24-6, 28, 64, 117 Hogarth, William Evans, Robin, 140 Rake's Progress, 70-1 Hume, David, 7 fashion commercialisation of, 8, 52 inconspicuous consumption, 11, as disease, 113 133-5 reporters, 114-15 Intriguing Milliners and Attomies Clerks reports, 109-10 (Anon), 56 see also dress fashion plates, 83-4, 103-5, 107, Jodrell, Paul 109-10 A Widow and No Widow, 100-1 Fashionable Magazine, The, 83-4, 103 Jones, Chris, 151-2 feminisation Jones, Robert W., 20 of culture, 17-18 Jones, Vivien, 127 of taste, 20 Johnson, Claudia L., 18, 152 Fielding, Henry Shame/a, 35-6, 43, 45, 60 Kelly, John Fielding, John, 146 Pamela's Conduct in High Life, 45-8 Fliigel, ].C., 24 Keymer, Thomas and Peter Sabor, 20 Fordyce Delineated: A Satire (Anon), 121 Kibbie, Ann Louise, 36-7 Fordyce, James, 193n4 Kowaleski-Wallace, Elizabeth, 57 Sermons to Young Women, 120-8, 129-35, 137-9, 149-50, 154 labour market Fox, George, 135-7 female, 52-6, 71-2, 79-82, 145-6 'To Such as Followed ye Fashions', Lady's Magazine (1759-63), 138-9 136 Lady's Magazine (1770-1832), 8, 9, 85-8, 103, 108-19 General Description ofAll the Trades Lady's Museum, 91-6 (Anon), 55 Lamb, Mary, 82, 189n65 Goldsmith, Oliver Lemire, Beverly, 8 Citizen of the World, 63 Lennox, Charlotte She Stoops to Conquer, 104-5 'Harriot and Sophia', 92-6 Index 215 letters Pearson, Jacqueline, 86, lOS as analogue to dress, 19-20, 41-3 periodicals Lock Hospital, 149 see magazines Locke, John, 178n4 Pilkington, Laetitia luxury, 7-8, 76 Memoirs of Mrs Laetitia Pilkington, 59-60,62 MacFadyen, Heather, 157, 161 pin money, 68 Macheski, Cecilia, 77 pocket books, 97-108 Magazine a Ia Mode, 83-4, 104 Poovey, Mary, 11 magazines, 83-96, 108-19 Pope, Alexander gentleman's magazines, 90-1 Essay on Criticism, 3-6, 21 see also individual titles; Haywood; Rape of the Lock, 158, 161 Lennox prostitution, 71, 126-8, 139-50 Magdalen House, 139-50, 172 dress as cause of, 8, 22, 142-3, 144 pamphlets, 140-1, 142-S sentimental re-evaluation of, 71, uniform, 140, 144-S, 147 127, 140-2 Maid of the Mill (Bickerstaffe), 40 see also dress of prostitutes; Mandeville, Bernard Magdalen House Fable of the Bees, 7, 24 public and private spheres, 15, 159 mantua-makers see dressmakers Radcliffe, Mary Anne, 71 Marine Society, 145 Reeve, Clara, 70 Markley, Robert, 36 Richardson, Alan, 175-6 Marriott, Thomas Richardson, Samuel, S, 129 Female Conduct, 12-13, 130 Apprentice's Vade Mecum, 25-6, 31 masquerade, 9, 33, 45, 49-50, 79-80, Clarissa, 2, 3, 10, 23, 31, 165, 169 161-3 Collection of the Moral and Instructive Massie, Joseph, 145 Sentiments, 30-1 McKendrick, Neil, 8 Pamela, S-7, 10, 16, 19-51, 69, McKeon, Michael, 21 143-4, 151, 153, 154, 165-6: memorandum books critical backlash against, 19, see pocket books 33-4, 37-8, 43-51; and debates milliners on servant dress, 26-7; dress see dressmakers and letters in, 19, 21, 41-2; misogynist satire, S, 19 1801 edition, 44; heroine's see also Swift homespun gown, S-3, 31-8; Montagu, George, 148 illustrations, 44; Pamela II More, Hannah, 139 (continuation of Pamela), 44-S; Essays on Various Subjects, 139 'tricking scene', 31-43 'Sensibility', 1-3, 4, S-7, 13, 22 see also anti-Pamelist literature Strictures on the Modem System of Rosenberg, Jordana, 17 4 Female Education, 15, 153-4 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 121, 123, Mullan, John, 13, 14 130, 154, 172 Myers, Mitzi, 18, 155 Sophie, 10, 56 needlework, 32, 77 Scott, Sarah Nussbaum, Felicity, 164 History of Sir George Ellison, The, 129 sensibility, 1-3, 14-16, 17-18 passim ceconomy, 97-100, 101-3 as artifice, 13-14, 18, 139 Ogborn, Miles, 140, 145 and commerce, 15-16 critical debates about, 15-18 'Pamela vogue', 19, 20, 34, 43 demise of, 14-15, 151-2, 153-4 see also Pamela as disease, 155, 157, 168-9, 170, Parker, Roszika, 77 173-4 216 Index sensibility continued Todd, Janet, 68 and fashion, 3-6,14-15,154,174, Turner, James Grantham, 19 177 Ty, Eleanor, 162 as fashion, 14-15, 19 and motherhood, 168-70, 172 uniforms paradox of, 3, 14, 22 see Magdalen House and politics, 15 Universal Magazine, 10 sentiment see sensibility VanSant, Ann, 147 servants Varey, Simon, 165 see dress of servants Veblen, Thorstein, 134 shopping see consumption Wakefield, Priscilla, 71, 72 Simmel, Georg, 24 Walpole, Horace, 140, 148-9 simplicity, 122-3, 130, 132-5, 138 Warner, William B., 20, 22, 30, 31, Skinner, Gillian, 15 25 Slocock, Dr, 43 Welch, Saunders, 127, 142-3 Smith Adam Wesley, John Wealth of Nations, 7-8 Advice to the People Called Methodists Spencer, Jane, 68 135-8 Sterne, Laurence, 12, 154, 156 Wilkes, Wetenhall, 131 sumptuary legislation, 7, 10, 11, 25, A Letter of Genteel and Moral Advice, 36, 126-8, 180n37, 194-17 131-2, 137 Swift, Jonathan, 5, 163-5 Williams, Raymond, 178n Wollstonecraft, Mary, 17, 18, 71, 124, tailors, 54-5 177 Thompson, Lynda M., 59 Vindication of the Rights of Woman, Tobin, Beth Fowkes, 66 57, 120-3, 152-3, 156, 171-2