South Africa and Cape Town 1985-1987

This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: • This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. • A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. • This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. • The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. • When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. A Tale of Two Townships: Race, Class and the Changing Contours of Collective Action in the Cape Town Townships of Guguletu and Bonteheuwel, 1976 - 2006 Luke Staniland A Thesis Submitted in Fulfilment of the PhD University of Edinburgh 2011 i Declaration The author has been engaged in a Masters by research and PhD by research programme of full-time study in the Centre of African Studies under the supervision of Prof. Paul Nugent and Dr. Sarah Dorman from 2004-2011 at the University of Edinburgh. All the work herein, unless otherwise specifically stated, is the original work of the author. Luke Staniland. i ii Abstract This thesis examines the emergence and evolution of ‘progressive activism and organisation’ between 1976 and 2006 in the African township of Guguletu and the coloured township of Bonteheuwel within the City of Cape Town. In doing so it compares both how activism has changed over time (including as a result of democratisation) and how it differed between and within these two communities. Whilst at heart an empirical study of activism it seeks to move beyond the specificities of the cases studied to also draw broader conclusions about the nature and causes of collective action and organisation. Drawing on both social movement and class theory it aims to shed some light on the fundamental question of the relationship between structure and agency - why do people act and what defines the form of action they take? It combines a quantitative study of the changing relationship between race, class and state policy with qualitative studies of activism in Guguletu and Bonteheuwel. These two studies cover in detail: the development and unfolding of the riots of 1976; the great boycott season of 1979/80 which saw large numbers of Africans and coloureds across Cape Town drawn into school, bus and consumer boycotts; the development of activism between 1980 and 1985, including the impact of the United Democratic Front; the township unrest of 1985-7; the transition period between 1988 and 1994; and post-apartheid activism in the two communities. It draws on theories of class which recognise the importance of peoples’ positions within the state’s distributional networks (citizenship), experiences and expectations of social mobility and the impact of historical experience of class formation on expectation (moral economy). In doing this it shows how differences in race, education, age and labour market position all interacted to pattern activism in the case studies. Struggles in Cape Town throughout the period 1976-2006 were not dualistic conflict between classes, races or between the oppressed and forces of iii global capital, nor were they mechanistic responses to the opening and closing of political space. They were complex coalitions of competing and collaborating class forces which were defined by the underlying nature of the city’s political economy and which emerged in interaction with changing opportunities for action. iv Acknowledgements It is hard to know who to thank first as without the help and generosity of many people this thesis would not have been possible. The funding for this thesis came from the UK’s Economic and Social Research Council, who both covered the costs of my fees and provided me with a living and travel allowance. I must also thank the French Institute for Southern Africa (IFAS) for a research grant which allowed me to return to South Africa in 2008 to undertake some additional research. At the University of Edinburgh, where I was registered for this thesis, I would like to thank my supervisors, Paul Nugent and Sarah Dorman, as well as the staff of the Centre for African Studies and the School of Social and Political Studies. In South Africa many people helped make this thesis possible; indeed without their generosity and assistance there would have been little to write about. I would like, therefore, to thank the people who helped me with my archival research. These include the staff at the University of Cape Town’s Manuscripts and Archives Centre, the University of the Western Cape’s Mayibuye Archive, the South African History Archive at the University of Witwatersrand and the Cape Town branch of the South African National Archive. Without their assistance, knowledge and photocopiers this thesis would not have been possible. Special thanks must also go to the member of staff at Cape Town High Court who allowed me to roam the basement, uncovering records of political trials amidst mountains of old case files. I would also like to thank the various academic and university staff who assisted me in my time in South Africa. These include Claire Benit-Gbaffou and Sophie Oldfield, as well as the staff at UCT’s Data First Centre, without whom chapter two would have never been possible. I would also like to extend a special thanks to everyone at the Centre for Social Science Research, particularly Jeremy Seekings. They provided me with a home away from home, a place to study, access to a wealth of material v and contact, and above all invaluable support challenge and encouragement. Their assistance was invaluable and much appreciated. Perhaps most importantly, I would like to thank all the South Africans who gave so freely gave of their time to assist me, particularly my interviewees. I never offered any financial reward for my interviews, yet I found a willingness to help me in my work that surpassed my expectations. My interviewees are the people who made the history which is written about in this thesis and they deserve great credit for the parts they played in creating the new South Africa. Finally I would like to thank the friends and family that supported me throughout my time, both in South Africa and writing up at home. These include Judith Kennedy who was a great friend and help in my research and all the other staff at Ilrig. I would also like to say a special thanks to Faried, Lahmeez, Omar, little Faried and the twins. They welcomed me into their home, treated me like a member of their family and made my time in South Africa truly special. Last of all I would like to thank my wife, Sarah, for all the support she has given me, emotionally and practically, as well as my son Owen, whose arrival provided an extra impetus to finish writing up. I love you both. vi Contents Declaration ......................................................................................................................... i Abstract ............................................................................................................................ iii Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................... v Glossary of Abbreviations Used ................................................................................... xv A Note on Terminology ................................................................................................ xix Map of Case Studies..........................................................................................................xxi Chapter One Introduction: Race, Class, and Collective Action in a South African City .................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 1.2. Thesis Rationale ..................................................................................................... 3 1.3. Research Questions and Thesis Coverage ........................................................... 8 1.3.1. Setting the scene: Guguletu and Bonteheuwel ............................................12 1.4. Theories of Collective Action ...............................................................................15 1.4.1. Political Opportunities, Resources and Rationality.....................................16 1.4.2. Social Structure and Action ...........................................................................20 1.5. Organisation and Activism in South Africa and Cape Town: Current Understandings ...........................................................................................................22 1.5.1. Activism and Apartheid ................................................................................22 vii 1.5.2. Activism after Apartheid: Decline of the Old, Rise of the New (Social Movements) ............................................................................................................. 31 1.6. Towards a Theorised Understanding of South African Activism: Race, Class and Rationality ...........................................................................................................

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