Dialogus Cum Tryphone Dialogue of Justin, Philosopher and Martyr, With
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The Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria: a Commentary
Miguel Herrero de Jáuregui THE PROTREPTICUS OF CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA: A COMMENTARY to; ga;r yeu'do" ouj yilh'/ th'/ paraqevsei tajlhqou'" diaskedavnnutai, th'/ de; crhvsei th'" ajlhqeiva" ejkbiazovmenon fugadeuvetai. La falsedad no se dispersa por la simple comparación con la verdad, sino que la práctica de la verdad la fuerza a huir. Protréptico 8.77.3 PREFACIO Una tesis doctoral debe tratar de contribuir al avance del conocimiento humano en su disciplina, y la pretensión de que este comentario al Protréptico tenga la máxima utilidad posible me obliga a escribirla en inglés porque es la única lengua que hoy casi todos los interesados pueden leer. Pero no deja de ser extraño que en la casa de Nebrija se deje de lado la lengua castellana. La deuda que contraigo ahora con el español sólo se paliará si en el futuro puedo, en compensación, “dar a los hombres de mi lengua obras en que mejor puedan emplear su ocio”. Empiezo ahora a saldarla, empleándola para estos agradecimientos, breves en extensión pero no en sinceridad. Mi gratitud va, en primer lugar, al Cardenal Don Gil Álvarez de Albornoz, fundador del Real Colegio de España, a cuya generosidad y previsión debo dos años provechosos y felices en Bolonia. Al Rector, José Guillermo García-Valdecasas, que administra la herencia de Albornoz con ejemplar dedicación, eficacia y amor a la casa. A todas las personas que trabajan en el Colegio y hacen que cumpla con creces los objetivos para los que se fundó. Y a mis compañeros bolonios durante estos dos años. Ha sido un honor muy grato disfrutar con todos ellos de la herencia albornociana. -
Arethas of Caesarea and the Scholia On
Ryan Bailey ARETHAS OF CAESAREA AND THE SCHOLIA ON PHILOSTRATUS’ VITA APOLLONII IN LAUR. 69.33 MA Thesis in Medieval Studies Central European University CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2012 ARETHAS OF CAESAREA AND THE SCHOLIA ON PHILOSTRATUS’ VITA APOLLONII IN LAUR. 69.33 by Ryan Bailey (USA) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ Chair, Examination Committee ____________________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________________ Examiner ____________________________________________ CEU eTD Collection Examiner Budapest May 2012 ii ARETHAS OF CAESAREA AND THE SCHOLIA ON PHILOSTRATUS’ VITA APOLLONII IN LAUR. 69.33 by Ryan Bailey (USA) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ External Reader CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2012 iii ARETHAS OF CAESAREA AND THE SCHOLIA ON PHILOSTRATUS’ VITA APOLLONII IN LAUR. 69.33 by Ryan Bailey (USA) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ________________________ Supervisor ____________________________________________ External Supervisor CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2012 iv I, the undersigned, Ryan Bailey , candidate for the MA degree in Medieval Studies, declare herewith that the present thesis is exclusively my own work, based on my research and only such external information as properly credited in notes and bibliography. -
Talismans Against Tsunamis: Apollonius of Tyana and the Stelai of the Herakleion in Gades (VA 5.5) Manuel Álvarez Martí-Aguilar
Talismans against Tsunamis: Apollonius of Tyana and the stelai of the Herakleion in Gades (VA 5.5) Manuel Álvarez Martí-Aguilar HE HERAKLEION IN GADES was a religious centre famous throughout the ancient world.1 According to T the local accounts collected by Posidonius of Apamea and transmitted by Strabo (3.5.5–6), the origin of the sanctuary dated back to the time of the city’s foundation by colonists from Tyre, which is currently dated to the ninth century B.C.2 The sanctuary was dedicated to Melqart, the most important god of the metropolis and the new colony, who is identified in 1 Among the extensive bibliography, the most notable are A. García y Bellido, “Hércules Gaditanus,” ArchEsp 36 (1963) 70–153; D. van Berchem, “Sanctuaires d’Hercule-Melqart. Contribution à l’étude de l’expansion phénicienne en Méditerranée,” Syria 44 (1967) 80–87; J. M. Blázquez, “El Herakleion Gaditano, un templo semita en Occidente,” in Imagen y mito. Estudios sobre religiones mediterráneas e ibéricas (Madrid 1977) 17–28; C. Bonnet, Melqart. Cultes et mythes de l’Héraclès tyrien en Méditerranée (Leuven/Namur 1988) 203–229; A. T. Fear, “A Journey to the End of the World,” in J. Elsner and I. Rutherford (eds.), Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman and Early Christian Antiquity (Oxford 2005) 319–331; M. C. Marín, “Les contacts entre Phéniciens et Grecs dans le territoire de Gadir et leur formulation religieuse,” in S. Ribichini et al. (eds.), La questione delle influenze vicino-orientali sulla religione greca (Rome 2001) 315–331; M. C. Marín and A. -
The Bare Necessities: Ascetic Indian Sages in Philostratus' 'Life of Apollonius'
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 5-2011 The Bare Necessities: Ascetic Indian Sages in Philostratus' 'Life of Apollonius' Samuel McVane College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the Classical Literature and Philology Commons Recommended Citation McVane, Samuel, "The Bare Necessities: Ascetic Indian Sages in Philostratus' 'Life of Apollonius'" (2011). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 362. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/362 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Introduction One might not think that much direct contact occurred between the cultures of ancient Greece and Rome and ancient India. The civilizations lay thousands of miles apart, a vast distance for men who traveled by foot or horse. But in fact, we have much evidence, both material and literary, for rather extensive contact – economic, military, and cultural – between the ancient East and West. One of the most interesting interactions, in my opinion, was the intellectual exchange between the West and ancient Indian philosophers, sages, and religious thinkers. Fortunately, we have a great body of extant ancient Western literature – primarily in Greek – that provide numerous accounts and descriptions, historic, pseudo- historic, and fictional, of Indian wise men and their interactions with the West. This body of literature particularly focuses on portrayals of Indian ascetics who lived a very frugal lifestyle, scorning most material needs, in the pursuit of knowledge. -
81 the 'Marcellus Case' and the Loyalty of Julian
TALANTA XLV (2013), 81 - 96 THE ‘MARCELLUS CASE’ AND THE LOYALTY OF JULIAN: ‘LATENT ARGUMENTS’ AND OTHERNESS IN AMMIANUS’ RES GESTAE María Pilar García Ruiz* This paper explores the traces of ‘latent’ argumentation in the account of Julian’s initial moves in Gaul under the guidance of the magister equitum Marcellus. Consequently it is considered whether or not the Panegyric in Honour of Eusebia, sent to the Court at that time, should be read as part of Julian’s defence against the accusations made by Marcellus in Milan, and if it had any bearing on Constantius’ decision. Finally, the leitmotif of Julian’s loyalty in the Panegyric in Honour of Eusebia and the Res Gestae (pιστός and apparitor fidus) prompts a consideration of key cultural differences in the works of Julian and Ammianus. Ammianus Marcellinus, a soldier of Greek origin, wrote a history of Rome (Res Gestae: RG) in which he endeavoured to be wholly faithful to facts by drawing on authoritative texts (Amm. Marc. 16.1.3: quicquid autem narrabitur, quod non falsitas arguta concinnat, sed fides integra rerum absolvit documentis eviden- tibus fulta, ad laudativam paene materiam pertinebit (“Now whatever I shall tell – and no wordy deceit adorns my tale, but untrammelled faithfulness to fact, based upon clear proofs, composes it – will almost belong to the domain of pan- egyric”)1. However, “the historical truthfulness” of Ammianus’ account is the most common subject of debate among scholars, whose views range from regarding the RG as an ‘accurate document’ to describing it as a ‘complex work of art’, and encompass a broad spectrum of intermediary positions2. -
The Psukhē in and Behind Clement of Alexandria's Paedagogus
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Psukhai That Matter: The Psukhē in and Behind Clement of Alexandria’s Paedagogus Phillip Jay Webster University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Webster, Phillip Jay, "Psukhai That Matter: The Psukhē in and Behind Clement of Alexandria’s Paedagogus" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2088. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2088 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2088 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Psukhai That Matter: The Psukhē in and Behind Clement of Alexandria’s Paedagogus Abstract This dissertation aims to investigate the ideology and mechanics of the ancient soul’s materiality as witnessed in Clement of Alexandria’s late second- or early third-century work, the Paedagogus. I focus on four ways in which Clement refers to the soul: (1) as an entity in need of punishment and healing, (2) as vulnerable to substances and the activities of the body, (3) as made visible through the body’s appearance, and (4) as an internal moral-core. Through the lens of the Paedagogus, this dissertation introduces recent theoretical work on “materiality” and “the body,” especially as developed in gender studies, into the broad scholarly conversation about the ancient soul. In the process, it shows how Clement uses the interactions between the ancient soul and the ancient body in his attempt to produce and police Christian subjects. -
The Sophist and His Beard’ Working Papers in Nervan, Trajanic and Hadrianic Literature 1.7 (14/4/13)
Anna Ginestí Rosell: ‘The Sophist and his Beard’ Working Papers in Nervan, Trajanic and Hadrianic Literature 1.7 (14/4/13) The Sophist and his Beard Anna Ginestí Rosell Introduction Plutarch is not a sophist. He belongs to the πεπαιδευµένοι, a highly educated social stratum in the Hellenistic world of the imperial period, which also brought forth the members of the so called Second Sophistic and was raised with the ideals of the παιδεία. His writings often serve as a source for the phenomenon of the display oratory. Nevertheless, Plutarch does not form part of the Second Sophistic.1 Philostratus, our main source for the sophists, does not mention him in spite of listing “real” sophists and even “philosophers renowned as sophists”. He groups Dio Chrysostom and Favorinus into the latter category, authors quite similar to Plutarch.2 The reason for this is Plutarch’s harsh critique of Gorgias, founder of the sophistic in Philostratus' eyes, according to a letter assigned to him. This means that the dislike is mutual, neither does Plutarch see himself as a sophist, nor accept the sophists him as one of them.3 Plutarch interprets and stages himself as a philosopher – in his point of view quite the contrary to a sophist. This clear differentiation between the terms sophist and philosopher assigned to Plutarch becomes fuzzier when considering other texts of this time. There seems to be no clear-cut difference between rhetor, sophist and philosopher. At times one gets the impression of their synonymous use. Plutarch’s pronounced discrimination 1 ”Second Sophistic“ is being used in the narrower sense proposed by T. -
Philostratus's Apollonius
PHILOSTRATUS’S APOLLONIUS: A CASE STUDY IN APOLOGETICS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Andrew Mark Hagstrom A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirement of the degree of Master of Arts in Religious Studies in the School of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Zlatko Pleše Bart Ehrman James Rives © 2016 Andrew Mark Hagstrom ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Andrew Mark Hagstrom: Philostratus’s Apollonius: A Case Study in Apologetics in the Roman Empire Under the direction of Zlatko Pleše My argument is that Philostratus drew on the Christian gospels and acts to construct a narrative in which Apollonius both resembled and transcended Jesus and the Apostles. In the first chapter, I review earlier scholarship on this question from the time of Eusebius of Caesarea to the present. In the second chapter, I explore the context in which Philostratus wrote the VA, focusing on the Severan dynasty, the Second Sophistic, and the struggle for cultural supremacy between Pagans and Christians. In the third chapter, I turn to the text of the VA and the Christian gospels and acts. I point out specific literary parallels, maintaining that some cannot be explained by shared genre. I also suggest that the association of the Egyptian god Proteus with both Philostratus’s Apollonius and Jesus/Christians is further evidence for regarding VA as a polemical response to the Christians. In my concluding chapter, I tie the several strands of my argument together to show how they collectively support my thesis. -
Julian, Paideia and Education
The Culture and Political World of the Fourth Century AD: Julian, paideia and Education Victoria Elizabeth Hughes Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of History, Classics and Archaeology April 2018 Abstract This thesis examines the role of education and paideia in the political and cultural landscape of the mid-fourth century, focusing on the Greek East and the reign of Julian, particularly his educational measures. Julian’s edict and rescript on education are often understood (not least in light of the invectives of Gregory of Nazianzus) as marking an attempt on his part to ban Christians from teaching and, by extension, from engaging in elite public life. They have been used by some scholars as evidence to support the hypothesis that Julian, a committed pagan, implemented an anti-Christian persecution. This thesis reconsiders that hypothesis: it re-evaluates the reign of Julian and his educational measures, and considers the political role of paideia as the culmination and public expression of rhetorical education. Chapter one introduces the topic and provides a brief ‘literature review’ of the key items for a study of Julian and education in the fourth century. Chapter two addresses rhetorical education in the fourth century: it offers a survey of its methods and content, and explores the idea of a ‘typical’ student in contrast with ‘culture heroes’. Chapter three investigates the long-standing Christian debate on the compatibility of a traditional Greek education with Christian belief, and considers the role of Julian in this connection. Chapter four discusses the enhanced status of Latin and of law studies in light of the enlarged imperial administration in the fourth century, and considers the extent to which this development worked to the detriment of rhetorical studies. -
Declamation and Philosophy
Classica, Belo Horizonte, v. 19, n. 1, p. 74-82, 2006 Declamation and Philosophy MICHAEL WINTERBOTTOM University of Oxford1 United Kingdom RESUMO. Declamação e Filosofia. Cícero estava ansioso para promover uma reconci- liação entre a oratória e a filosofia que, pensava ele, estavam separadas uma da outra desde os tempos de Platão. Ele imaginava que um orador deveria ser capaz de falar sobre questões abstratas e de mover-se livremente entre o geral e o particular, e que o treinamento na oratória deveria ter alguma fundamentação na filosofia. Este ensaio argumenta que a educação retórica que floresceu depois de Platão levou esses pontos em consideração, e que na Segunda Sofística, como na Primeira, era possível a um único homem ser orador e também filósofo. PALAVRAS-CHAVE. Educação, Declamação, Filosofia, Cícero, Filostrato, Primeira Sofís- tica, Segunda Sofística. Two familiar ancient sources formulated models for the history of the relationship between oratory and philosophy from the fifth century BC on. Philostratus, writing in the first half of the third century AD, distin- guished two Sophistics (VS 480-4). The ‘old’ Sophistic, founded by Gorgias, he sums up as ‘rhetoric philosophising’. Unlike philosophy itself (Philos- tratus means philosophy as it developed later), it assumed the truth of what it spoke of; and it dealt with philosophical themes ‘diffusely and at length’ (Philostratus here implies another contrast with developed philosophy). The examples given are courage, justice, heroes and gods, and the manner in which the universe received its shape. The rather later ‘second’ Sophistic, on the other hand, was concerned with type characters, poor men and rich men, war heroes and tyrants, and treated tas es onoma hupotheseis, particu- lar cases involving named persons. -
RECALLING THESEUS Philostratus' Third-Century AD Text, the Lives of the Sophists, Which Invents and Defines the So- Called '
RECALLING THESEUS PHILOSTRATUS’ PORTRAIT OF HERODES ATTICUS Philostratus’ third-century AD text, the Lives of the Sophists, which invents and defines the so- called ‘second sophistic’, privileges Athens over any other city in the empire and Herodes Atticus over any other sophist. Athens is the centre of sophistic activity; Herodes is the city’s most prominent citizen, and both the city and the man combine to create and reinforce each other’s significance within this work to the extent that the whole sophistic scene seems to be controlled by Herodes, and Athens itself becomes his domain.1 There has been a lot of scholarly attention paid to Herodes in recent years, but less to Philostratus’ rhetorical presentation of him, since many scholars have long accepted Philostratus as a eulogist or at least an apologist for the great man.2 On a superficial level this picture, particularly Philostratus’ defensive stance towards Herodes, 1 See Anderson 1986, 83; Eshleman 2008, 397-9; Eshleman 2012, 128-32; Kemezis 2011. See also Civiletti 2002, 30- 31. Kemezis 2014, 212, describes the movement’s establishment by an exiled Athenian in Aeschines, its early flourishing in Asia, and Herodes Atticus as the instrument that brings it home to Athens and makes that city its centre. See also Bowie 2015, 241-2. This article focuses on the construction of personal identity and legacy in particular, but will touch on aspects of cultural identity, whether literary or historical, that has been the focus of ‘second sophistic’ studies. Some of the most important of these studies are: Bowersock 1969 (the political importance of imperial sophists); Bowie 1970 and Swain 1996 (on Greek cultural resistance/acquiescence to Roman power); Gleason 1995, Schmitz 1997, Connolly 2001, Whitmarsh 2001 and 2005 (on the performativity, mutability, and competitive nature of imperial Greek identities). -
Longinus on Sublimity
promoting access to White Rose research papers Universities of Leeds, Sheffield and York http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/2655/ Published paper Heath, M. (1999) Longinus On Sublimity. Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, 45 . pp. 43-74. White Rose Research Online [email protected] Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 45 (1999), 43-74 © Malcolm Heath Longinus On Sublimity MALCOLM HEATH (UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS) Abstract: The traditional attribution of On Sublimity to the third-century critic Cassius Longinus has been rejected by most scholars since the early nineteenth century. The arguments against a third-century date are examined and shown to be unfounded. It is argued that the interest in sublimity and a number of aspects of the treatise’s vocabulary show distinctive points of contact with the evidence for Cassius Longinus, and with authors influenced by him. There is therefore a balance of probability in favour of the traditional attribution. 1. Introduction Until the beginning of the nineteenth century the treatise On Sublimity was universally attributed to the third-century critic, rhetorician and philosopher Cassius Longinus.1 Weiske’s edition, first issued in 1809, marked a turning-point in the trend of scholarly opinion, and Longinus’ claim to authorship is now generally rejected, often summarily.2 A variety of alternative attributions have been canvassed; most commonly the work is assigned to an anonymous author of the first century AD.3 But a minority of scholars have resisted the consensus and defended Longinus’ claim to authorship.4 This paper will argue that they were right to do so.