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Armed Forces As a Significant Actor in Turkish Foreign Policy: Refahyol Government Period in Turkey*
Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi, Cilt 74, No. 1, 2019, s. 257 - 282 Araştırma Makalesi ARMED FORCES AS A SIGNIFICANT ACTOR IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY: REFAHYOL GOVERNMENT PERIOD IN TURKEY* Arş. Gör. Duygu Kabak Doç. Dr. Müge Aknur ODTÜ Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi İşletme Fakültesi ORCID: 0000-0002-9341-4194 ORCID: 0000-00002-1407-7047 ● ● ● Abstract The Turkish military, which dominated Turkish domestic politics in a continuation of its coups throughout the 1970s and 1980s, also dramatically increased its interference in foreign policy for a brief period in the mid-1990s during the Refahyol coalition government. This involvement in foreign policy was evidenced in Turkey’s relations with various Middle Eastern countries including Israel, and with the EU, in addition to the extension of Operation Provide Comfort. This article investigates why Turkish military’s role in foreign policy decision-making increased at this time by drawing on three approaches: Claude Welch’s classification of “military control with partners”, Michael Desch’s framework on the relationship of civilian control to intensity of internal threats and Joe Hagan’s fragmented regime analysis. Keywords: Turkish foreign policy, Refahyol government, Civil-military relations, Civilian control, Internal and external threats, and fragmented regimes Türk Dış Politikasında Önemli Bir Aktör Olarak Ordu: Türkiye’de Refahyol Hükümeti Dönemi Öz 1970 ve 1980’ler boyunca özellikle darbeler sonrasında Türk siyasi hayatında baskın bir rol oynayan Türk ordusu, 1990’ların ortasında özellikle Refahyol hükümeti döneminde kısa bir sure için Türk dış politikasındaki müdahelesini de arttırmıştır. Ordunun dış politikaya bu müdahelesi kendini Türkiye’nin İsrail de dahil olmak üzere Orta Doğu ülkeleri ve de AB ile ilişkilerinde, ayrıca Huzur Harekatı’nın (Çekiç Güç Harekatı’nın) süresinin uzatılmasında göstermiştir. -
Turkey and the Failed Coup One Year Later | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2835 Turkey and the Failed Coup One Year Later by Omer Taspinar, Soner Cagaptay, James Jeffrey Jul 20, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Omer Taspinar Omer Taspinar is a professor of national security strategy at the National War College, focusing on the political economy of Europe, the Middle East, and Turkey. Soner Cagaptay Soner Cagaptay is the Beyer Family fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute. James Jeffrey Ambassador is a former U.S. special representative for Syria engagement and former U.S. ambassador to Turkey and Iraq; from 2013-2018 he was the Philip Solondz Distinguished Fellow at The Washington Institute. He currently chairs the Wilson Center’s Middle East Program. Brief Analysis Watch three expert observers examine a divided Turkey one year after the failed military coup of 2016. On July 13, Omer Taspinar, Soner Cagaptay, and James F. Jeffrey addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute. Taspinar is a professor at the National War College and an adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies. Cagaptay is the Beyer Family Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at the Institute. Jeffrey is the Institute's Philip Solondz Distinguished Fellow and a former U.S. ambassador to Turkey. The following is a rapporteur's summary of their remarks. OMER TASPINAR W hile the authoritarian trend in Turkish politics is well documented in Washington circles, Fethullah Gulen is still very enigmatic for most Americans (despite his longtime exile in Pennsylvania). Some background on the Gulen movement's marriage of convenience with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP), therefore, provides important context. -
Populism and Corruption
Transparency International Anti-Corruption Helpdesk Answer Populism and corruption Author(s): Niklas Kossow, [email protected] Reviewer(s): Roberto Martínez B. Kukutschka, [email protected] Date: 14 January 2019 This Helpdesk Answer looks at how corruption and populism interlink. First, it provides an overview of the different definitions of populism, all of which point to the fact that populism, as a political ideology and as a style of political communication, divides society into two groups: the people and the “elites”. Second, it explains how corruption becomes an inherent part of populist rhetoric and policies: populist leaders stress the message that the elites works against the interest of the people and denounce corruption in government in order to stylize themselves as outsiders and the only true representatives of the people’s interest. While the denunciations of corruption can often be considered valid, populist leaders rather than effectively fighting corruption use the populist rhetoric as a smoke screen to redistribute the spoils of corruption amongst their allies. In many cases populism even facilitate new forms of corruption. Finally, the answer uses examples from Hungary, the Philippines and the USA to show how corruption and populism relate to one another. © 2019 Transparency International. All rights reserved. This document should not be considered as representative of the Commission or Transparency International’s official position. Neither the European Commission,Transparency International nor any person acting on behalf of the Commission is responsible for the use which might be made of the following information. This Anti-Corruption Helpdesk is operated by Transparency International and funded by the European Union. -
1944 Pan-Turanism Movements: from Cultural Nationalism to Political Nationalism
УПРАВЛЕНИЕ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЕ MANAGEMENT AND EDUCATION TOM V (3) 2009 VOL. V (3) 2009 1944 PAN-TURANISM MOVEMENTS: FROM CULTURAL NATIONALISM TO POLITICAL NATIONALISM A. Baran Dural ДВИЖЕНИЕТО ПАН-ТУРАНИЗЪМ 1944 г.: ОТ КУЛТУРЕН НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ НАЦИОНАЛИЗЪМ А. Баран Дурал ABSTRACT: The trial of Turanism in 1944 has a historical importance in terms of nationalism being an ac- tionary movement in Turkish history. When socialism turned out to be a dreadful ideology by getting reactions all over the world, there would not be any more natural attitude than that intellectuals coming from an educa- tion system full of nationalist proposals conflicted with this movement. However, that the same intellectuals crashed the logic of the government saying “if needed, we bring communism, then we deal with it without the help of anyone” was really a dramatic paradox. Movements of Turkism on 3rd of May did not curb the movement of Turkism, on the contrary, the transformation the government avoided most happened and supporters of Turk- ism spread to all parts of the country by politicizing. While Nihal Atsız, one of the nationalist leaders of the time- was summarizing results taken out from the trial process by his ideology, he could not even be regarded unjust in his remarks saying “The 3rd of May became a turning point in the history of Turkism. Turkism, which was only a thought and emotion and which could not go beyond literary and scientific borders, became a movement sud- denly on the 3rd of May, 1944”. Keywords: Turanism Movements, Turk nationalism, one-party ideology, Nihal Atsız, socialism, racism. -
MAJOR PERIODS of CIVIL SOCIETY SECTOR DEVELOPMENT in TURKEY
WORKING PAPERS The Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project Lester M. Salamon, Director MAJOR PERIODS of CIVIL SOCIETY SECTOR DEVELOPMENT in TURKEY by Assist. Prof. Dr. Burak Özçetin Dr. Ulaş Tol M.Ali Çalışkan Prof. Dr. Mustafa Özer Working Paper Number 52 October 2014 The CNP Project in Turkey Research team: Mustafa Özer, Project Director; Anadolu University, Professor of Economics Sezgin Acikalın, Anadolu University, Associate Professor of Economics Ahmet Tiryaki, Anadolu University, Associate Professor of Economics Nurcan Turan, Anadolu University, Associate Professor of Business Administration Kasım Akbaş, Anadolu University, Assistant Professor of Law Erkan Özata, Anadolu University, Assistant Professor of Economics Burak Özçetin, Akdeniz University, Assistant Professor of Public Relations Ayşe Hepkul, Anadolu University, Assistant Professor of Business Administration Kadir Beyaztaş, Researcher, YADA Foundation Mine Karakus, Anadolu University, Project Assistant, Doctoral Student in Sociology Advisory Committee: Davut Aydin, Anadolu University, Professor of Accounting and Finance Mehmet Ali Caliskan, Director of YADA Foundation Dr. Ugras Ulas Tol, Research Director, YADA Foundation Ali Simsek, Anadolu University, Professor of Educational Communications and Technology Zafer Erdogan, Anadolu University, Professor of Marketing Communications Prof. Dr. Aysel Celikel, Director of Support for Modern Life Association Sevim Conka, Educational Volunteers Foundation for Turkey Güven Savul, Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions, -
Turkey's Deep State
#1.12 PERSPECTIVES Political analysis and commentary from Turkey FEATURE ARTICLES TURKEY’S DEEP STATE CULTURE INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ECOLOGY AKP’s Cultural Policy: Syria: The Case of the Seasonal Agricultural Arts and Censorship “Arab Spring” Workers in Turkey Pelin Başaran Transforming into the Sidar Çınar Page 28 “Arab Revolution” Page 32 Cengiz Çandar Page 35 TURKEY REPRESENTATION Content Editor’s note 3 ■ Feature articles: Turkey’s Deep State Tracing the Deep State, Ayşegül Sabuktay 4 The Deep State: Forms of Domination, Informal Institutions and Democracy, Mehtap Söyler 8 Ergenekon as an Illusion of Democratization, Ahmet Şık 12 Democratization, revanchism, or..., Aydın Engin 16 The Near Future of Turkey on the Axis of the AKP-Gülen Movement, Ruşen Çakır 18 Counter-Guerilla Becoming the State, the State Becoming the Counter-Guerilla, Ertuğrul Mavioğlu 22 Is the Ergenekon Case an Opportunity or a Handicap? Ali Koç 25 The Dink Murder and State Lies, Nedim Şener 28 ■ Culture Freedom of Expression in the Arts and the Current State of Censorship in Turkey, Pelin Başaran 31 ■ Ecology Solar Energy in Turkey: Challenges and Expectations, Ateş Uğurel 33 A Brief Evaluation of Seasonal Agricultural Workers in Turkey, Sidar Çınar 35 ■ International Politics Syria: The Case of the “Arab Spring” Transforming into the “Arab Revolution”, Cengiz Çandar 38 Turkey/Iran: A Critical Move in the Historical Competition, Mete Çubukçu 41 ■ Democracy 4+4+4: Turning the Education System Upside Down, Aytuğ Şaşmaz 43 “Health Transformation Program” and the 2012 Turkey Health Panorama, Mustafa Sütlaş 46 How Multi-Faceted are the Problems of Freedom of Opinion and Expression in Turkey?, Şanar Yurdatapan 48 Crimes against Humanity and Persistent Resistance against Cruel Policies, Nimet Tanrıkulu 49 ■ News from hbs 53 Heinrich Böll Stiftung – Turkey Representation The Heinrich Böll Stiftung, associated with the German Green Party, is a legally autonomous and intellectually open political foundation. -
Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations
Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations Updated November 9, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R41368 SUMMARY R41368 Turkey: Background and U.S. Relations November 9, 2020 U.S.-Turkey tensions have raised questions about the future of bilateral relations and have led to congressional action against Turkey, including informal holds on major new Jim Zanotti arms sales (such as upgrades to F-16 aircraft) and efforts to impose sanctions. Specialist in Middle Nevertheless, both countries’ officials emphasize the importance of continued U.S.- Eastern Affairs Turkey cooperation and Turkey’s membership in NATO. Observers voice concerns about the largely authoritarian rule of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Clayton Thomas Turkey’s polarized electorate could affect Erdogan’s future leadership. His biggest Analyst in Middle Eastern challenge may be structural weaknesses in Turkey’s economy—including a sharp Affairs decline in Turkey’s currency—that have worsened since the Coronavirus Disease 2019 pandemic began. The following are key factors in the U.S.-Turkey relationship. Turkey’s strategic orientation and U.S./NATO basing. Traditionally, Turkey has relied closely on the United States and NATO for defense cooperation, European countries for trade and investment, and Russia and Iran for energy imports. A number of complicated situations in Turkey’s surrounding region—including those involving Syria, Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh (a region disputed by Armenia and Azerbaijan), and Eastern Mediterranean energy exploration—affect its relationships with the United States and other key actors, as Turkey seeks a more independent role. President Erdogan’s concerns about maintaining his parliamentary coalition with Turkish nationalists may partly explain his actions in some of the situations mentioned above. -
Combating Corruption in Latin America: Congressional Considerations
Combating Corruption in Latin America: Congressional Considerations May 21, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45733 SUMMARY R45733 Combating Corruption in Latin America May 21, 2019 Corruption of public officials in Latin America continues to be a prominent political concern. In the past few years, 11 presidents and former presidents in Latin America have been forced from June S. Beittel, office, jailed, or are under investigation for corruption. As in previous years, Transparency Coordinator International’s Corruption Perceptions Index covering 2018 found that the majority of Analyst in Latin American respondents in several Latin American nations believed that corruption was increasing. Several Affairs analysts have suggested that heightened awareness of corruption in Latin America may be due to several possible factors: the growing use of social media to reveal violations and mobilize Peter J. Meyer citizens, greater media and investor scrutiny, or, in some cases, judicial and legislative Specialist in Latin investigations. Moreover, as expectations for good government tend to rise with greater American Affairs affluence, the expanding middle class in Latin America has sought more integrity from its politicians. U.S. congressional interest in addressing corruption comes at a time of this heightened rejection of corruption in public office across several Latin American and Caribbean Clare Ribando Seelke countries. Specialist in Latin American Affairs Whether or not the perception that corruption is increasing is accurate, it is nevertheless fueling civil society efforts to combat corrupt behavior and demand greater accountability. Voter Maureen Taft-Morales discontent and outright indignation has focused on bribery and the economic consequences of Specialist in Latin official corruption, diminished public services, and the link of public corruption to organized American Affairs crime and criminal impunity. -
The Plot Against the Generals
THE PLOT AGAINST THE GENERALS Dani Rodrik* June 2014 On a drizzly winter day four-and-a-half years ago, my wife and I woke up at our home in Cambridge, Massachusetts, to sensational news from our native Turkey. Splashed on the first page of Taraf, a paper followed closely by the country’s intelligentsia and well-known for its anti-military stance, were plans for a military coup as detailed as they were gory, including the bombing of an Istanbul mosque, the false- flag downing of a Turkish military jet, and lists of politicians and journalists to be detained. The paper said it had obtained documents from 2003 which showed a group within the Turkish military had plotted to overthrow the then-newly elected Islamist government. The putative mastermind behind the coup plot was pictured prominently on the front page: General Çetin Doğan, my father-in-law (see picture). General Doğan and hundreds of his alleged collaborators would be subsequently demonized in the media, jailed, tried, and convicted in a landmark trial that captivated the nation and allowed Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to consolidate his power over the secular establishment. In a judgment issued in October 2013, Turkey’s court of appeals would ratify the lower court’s decision and the decades-long prison sentences it had meted out. Today it is widely recognized that the coup plans were in fact forgeries. Forensic experts have determined that the plans published by Taraf and forming the backbone of the prosecution were produced on backdated computers and Cover of Taraf on the alleged coup attempt made to look as if they were prepared in 2003. -
Post-Communist Mafia State
REVIEWS 275 tion’s wealth for themselves: rather, as is the Magyar, Bálint: case in Hungary, it could be a country whose corrupt, kleptocratic leaders also go out of POST-COMMUNIST MAFIA STATE. their way to actively control illicit societal THE CASE OF HUNGARY. activities and organized crime. These leaders do not simply steal from the state: they rot Budapest: Central European University it and create a society of thieves dependent Press. 2016. 311 pages. upon the elites who sanction their crimes (pp. 81–82). It is a vicious cycle that makes DOI: 10.5817/PC2018-3-275 everyone complicit in the state’s corruption. Magyar’s latest text successfully tests his An unequivocal condemnation of the Fi expanded theory of the mafia state, con deszcontrolled Hungary, Bálint Magyar’s cretizing it and demonstrating how Hun Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of gary’s authoritarian government can mas Hungary could not be timelier. This book querade as a ‘good’ state whilst eroding civil explores the deceitful mechanisms by which society and democratic institutions – even the hybrid regime installed by Prime Min without exerting any physical mass violence ister Viktor Orbán and his fellow Fidesz of (see Levitsky, Lucan 2010). It argues that ficials has systematically stripped Hungari Hungary is a corrupt, parasitic state (p. 13). ans of civil liberties (p. 255) with impunity, The book begins with the premise that upon ironically owing to its control over the rule its accession to the European Union in 2004, of law. While this text specifically investi Hungary was the model of liberal democrat gates democratic backsliding in Hungary, its ic consolidation for other former Commu framework will surely prove crucial for un nist states. -
WHAT DOES TURKEY THINK? Edited by Dimitar Bechev
WHAT DOES TURKEY THINK? Edited by Dimitar Bechev The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. This paper, like all publications of the European Council on Foreign Relations, represents only the views of its authors. The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. This paper, like all publications of the European Council on Foreign Relations, represents only the views of its authors. Copyright of this publication is held by the European Council on Foreign Relations. You may not copy, reproduce, republish or circulate in any way the content from this publication except for your own personal and non-commercial use. Any other use requires the prior written permission of the European Council on Foreign Relations. © ECFR June 2011. ISBN: 978-1-906538-33-0 Published by the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), 35 Old Queen Street, London, SW1H 9JA, United Kingdom [email protected] Contents Preface 5 Introduction 9 TURKEY’S MULTIPLE IDENTITIES 15 1. Mustafa Akyol 17 Who are the Turks? 2. Ays¸e Kadıog˘lu and Orhan Mirog˘lu 23 From oblivion to memory: Skeletons in the Turkish republican closet CHALLENGES FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION 29 3. S¸ahin Alpay 31 Will Turkey veer towards authoritarianism without the EU anchor? 4. Hakan Altinay 37 Moving parts 5. Osman Baydemir 43 The “we know best” democracy FOREIGN POLICY: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE 49 6. Ibrahim Kalın 51 Turkish foreign policy in 2011: an assessment 7. Atila Eralp and Zerrin Torun 57 Turkey-EU relations: just another impasse? 8. Suat Kınıklıog˘lu 63 Turkey’s neighbourhood policy: reintegration into multiple regions 9. -
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad.