DOCSLIB.ORG

Duvalier Flees Haiti, Ending 28-Year Family Rule; Military-Civilian Council Takes Power

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Duvalier Flees Haiti, Ending 28-Year Family Rule; Military-Civilian Council Takes Power Use your browser's Print command to print this page. Use your browser's Back command to go back to the original article and continue work. Issue Date: February 07, 1986 Duvalier Flees Haiti, Ending 28-Year Family Rule; Military-Civilian Council Takes Power State of Siege Failed to End Unrest State of Siege Set False Report Embarrasses U.S. 3 Nations Said to Refuse Asylum Exile Agreed Developments in the Unrest State of Siege Failed to End Unrest Giovann Coruzzi/AFP/Getty Images Jean-Claude Duvalier ("baby doc") President-for-Life Jean Claude Duvalier fled Haiti Feb. 7, ending a 28-year dictatorship by the Duvalier family. On leaving for France aboard a U.S. Air Force jet, he handed over power to a military-civilian council. [See 1986 Haiti: Duvalier Moves to Quell Protests; Other Developments] News of Duvalier's departure sparked joyful celebrations, both in Haiti and among Haitian exiles in the U.S. The president's ouster followed three months of protests against political repression and economic conditions. The protests had led Duvalier to impose a state of siege Jan. 31, amid rumors that he had fled Haiti. That day, the U.S. erroneously announced that his government had fallen. With the situation remaining tense, the U.S. and Jamaica in the coming days negotiated with Duvalier to step down to avoid further bloodshed. Duvalier had assumed the presidency at age 19 in 1971, on the death of his father, President-for-Life Francois (Papa Doc) Duvalier. The elder Duvalier was elected president in 1957 but permitted no further elections. Over the years the Duvalier family grew fabulously wealthy, reportedly through the misappropriation of public money, extortion and kickbacks. Francois Duvalier's rule was characterized by repression, brutality and corruption that left Haiti the poorest nation in the Western hemisphere. [See 1971 Haiti: Duvalier Dies; Son Succeeds Him; 1957 Haiti: News in Brief] Corruption continued under the younger Duvalier, although he was widely considered to be less brutal than his father. Baby Doc, as the son was called, was reported to have amassed a fortune of between US$200 million and US$500 million. State of Siege Set Duvalier had set a state of siege Jan. 31 as unprecedented protests against his government continued. The state of siege was declared at about 7:00 a.m., after it was approved by an emergency session of the nation's parliament that began the previous evening. On the morning of Jan. 31, the government again closed down Radio Soleil, the Roman Catholic Church-run radio station, and also Radio Lumiere, a Baptist-run station, and the private Radio Cacique. [See 1986 Haiti: Duvalier Moves to Quell Protests; Other Developments] At about 7:30 a.m., U.S. White House spokesman Larry Speakes told U.S. reporters that Duvalier had been ousted and had fled the country. But at 9:00 a.m., Duvalier went on national radio to deny the U.S. report. Using a common Creole expression, he announced that he was in power, "firm as a monkey's tail." He said he felt obliged to appear in the streets, and driven by his wife, Michele, and escorted by armed soldiers, he made a quick tour of the capital. Crowds had gathered early that morning in Port-au-Prince to celebrate, in the mistaken belief that Duvalier had fallen. Rumors to that effect had been circulating since the night before. (Later, news reports said that on the night of Jan. 30, Duvalier had decided to flee the country but was dissuaded from doing so by his family and supporters of his late father.) In the U.S., for the second time in as many days, Haitian exiles responded to rumors and false reports of Duvalier's ouster. On the night of Jan. 30, some 2,000 of the estimated 50,000 Haitian exiles in Miami had taken to the streets to celebrate Duvalier's supposed downfall. (Those celebrations turned to violence when a Haitian driver backed his car at high speed into a crowd of revelers, killing a woman and seriously injuring a man. In the ensuing melee, demonstrators threw rocks at police who had taken the driver into custody.) Twice in the afternoon of Jan. 31, Duvalier broadcast on radio and television to explain that the state of siege aimed to "restore calm and protect families and property." He admitted that Haiti had many shortcomings, but said that during his 15 years in office he had tried to improve the welfare of his people. He acknowledged that the "distribution of wealth is unequal and shocking" and said a new plan to rectify the situation would soon be presented. Duvalier claimed that he remained "the catalyst of your most cherished dreams and ambitions" and pledged to continue the democratization of Haiti. False Report Embarrasses U.S. The White House's erroneous announcement of Duvalier's departure Jan. 31 caused embarrassment to the U.S. administration. Speakes later blamed "bum information by people (in the State Department) who ought to know what they say." Unidentified State Department officials, in turn, accused Speakes of making a premature announcement based on limited information as yet unchecked by the department. 3 Nations Said to Refuse Asylum As uncertainty over Duvalier's intentions increased, representatives of the Swiss, Greek and Spanish governments said Feb. 5 that they had rejected requests on behalf of the Haitian president for asylum in their respective countries. Unconfirmed reports said Duvalier also had sought asylum in Argentina and Italy. The Haitian information ministry denied that Duvalier had asked for asylum anywhere. Later reports said Duvalier had been denied asylum in Gabon and Morocco, among other nations. Exile Agreed At his own request, Duvalier Feb. 6 met separately with U.S. Ambassador Clayton E. McManaway Jr. and the French ambassador, Jean-Francois Michel, and it was in these meetings that final arrangements for Duvalier's departure were made. Jamaican officials said Feb. 7 that Duvalier had met earlier in the week with Neville Gallimore, Jamaica's minister of social security, and that Gallimore had played a key role in persuading Duvalier to step down, for the good of the Caribbean in general. Duvalier, his wife, Michele, and their children, and some 20 other relatives left Haiti aboard a U.S. Air Force transport plane at 3:46 a.m. Feb. 7. The party arrived in Grenoble, France 15 hours later. France agreed to allow Duvalier to stay for only eight days. No other country, at this point, had agreed to take him in. Some three hours after his departure, Duvalier appeared on Haitian television in a videotaped message to announce that he was quitting. He cited "a meticulous consideration of the situation" that had shown no indication that "this nightmare of blood would be spared to my people." He continued: "That is why, wanting to go down in history with my head held high with a clean conscience, I have decided tonight to trust the destiny of the nation and the power to the armed forces of Haiti, desiring that this decision will allow a peaceful and rapid solution to the present crisis." He said, "I take God as a witness that I have never wanted bloodshed." Moments later the armed forces chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Henri Namphy, went on the air to announce that he would head a governing council of four military men and two civilians. Namphy assured the people that the army did not "entertain any political ambition" and that the council would "respect human rights and move toward democratic elections." The other members of the council were Col. Max Valles, commander of the presidential guard; Col. William Regala, army inspector general; Col. Prosper Avril, chief military adviser to Duvalier; Minister of Public Works Alix Cineas; and Gerard Gourgue, head of the Haitian League of Human Rights. All but Gourgue were described in the Washington Post as "old-line Duvalierists" who had made their careers under Papa Doc Duvalier. Nonetheless, the U.S. administration welcomed the new government and said initial statements issued by Namphy were "a positive sign" for Haiti's future. The U.S. said it was willing to consider an injection of emergency economic aid if the new government moved toward democracy and respected human rights. (The U.S. Jan. 29-30 had said it was withholding certification required for the release of aid to Haiti because of the Duvalier government's violations of human rights. The decision affected $7 million of the US$52 million allocated for aid to Haiti in 1986. [See 1985 Haiti: U.S. Certifies Rights Improvement]) With Duvalier's departure, Haitians flocked into the streets to celebrate, kissing and hugging members of the armed forces. They attacked symbols of the Duvalier regime, including the mausoleum of Papa Doc Duvalier, and sought out members of the dreaded Volunteers for National Security, better known as the Tontons Macoute (bogeymen, in Haitian Creole), the president's personal security force. By early afternoon, about 20 persons had been reported killed, half of them Tontons Macoute. A curfew was set in Port-au-Prince to quell the violence and looting, and the international airport was closed. Developments in the Unrest The wave of unrest that eventually unseated Duvalier began Jan. 26 with a march in Cap Haitien in the north. Demonstrations there continued into the following days, spreading also to Gonaives, 100 miles (160 km) north of the capital, where a crowd burned down the court house and the customs house Jan. 27. The protesters apparently intended to kill an army captain and two militiamen charged with murder Jan.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • President for Life, and Then Some - Nytimes.Com Page 1 of 2
    Letter from Africa - President for Life, and Then Some - NYTimes.com Page 1 of 2 • Reprints This copy is for your personal, noncommercial use only. You can order presentation-ready copies for distribution to your colleagues, clients or customers here or use the "Reprints" tool that appears next to any article. Visit www.nytreprints.com for samples and additional information. Order a reprint of this article now. May 11, 2010 President for Life, and Then Some By HOWARD W. FRENCH In the months before his death in 1993 at the age of 88 (or, as widely rumored, as old as 100) and after 33 years in power, the president of Ivory Coast, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, fondly repeated a formula he had once announced publicly to the nation. “A king of the Baoulé has no right to know the identity of his successor,” he is reported to have said. Mr. Houphouët-Boigny may have belonged to royal lineage, but critics said he seemed to be forgetting that the Baoulé were only one of Ivory Coast’s 50 or so ethnic groups, and that he was the president of a would-be modern country. Few were fooled about the old leader’s real intention to rule as president for life, come what may in his aftermath. And the aftermath in Ivory Coast has indeed been grim. West Africa’s most prosperous country has been ripped apart by a civil war whose roots trace directly back to the contested circumstances of his succession, and the old regime has been replaced by a predatory authoritarianism under new leaders determined to hang on at all costs.
    [Show full text]
  • To Download Senator Rubio's Speech Transcript
    Remarks as Delivered to the Ronald Reagan Institute on April 30, 2019 By Senator Marco Rubio Thank you very much. Thank you, Fred, for inviting me, for introducing me, that’s very kind. I want to thank John Heubusch, Roger Zakheim, Rachel Hoff, and your colleagues at the Institute for giving me this opportunity and for organizing this event to mark the 35th anniversary of that speech, which you just saw a snippet of a moment ago. I wanted to spend today with you doing 3 things. The first, I wanted to talk about the historic significance of that speech, not just to U.S.- China relations, but to the cause of freedom and liberty around the world. Then I wanted to turn to the complex and challenging relationship today between China in the 21st century and our country. And third, some of the difficult choices we face with regards to that relationship. Let’s talk first about the speech. Some of you here today probably don’t remember that speech very well in 1984. I would have been in 8th grade. Actually, April 1984, I would have been in 7th grade. I remember that year only because it was Dan Marino’s second year and the Dolphins were a football team. But we’re coming back. Many people who work for me weren’t even born in 1984. But it was a part, as you said, of that historic six-day visit, and it was directed at the Chinese people. And the speech was typical Reagan. It overflowed with hope and optimism.
    [Show full text]
  • Haiti Thirst for Justice
    September 1996 Vol. 8, No. 7 (B) HAITI THIRST FOR JUSTICE A Decade of Impunity in Haiti I. SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS...........................................................................................................................2 II. IMPUNITY SINCE THE FALL OF THE DUVALIER FAMILY DICTATORSHIP ...........................................................7 The Twenty-Nine Year Duvalier Dictatorship Ends with Jean-Claude Duvalier's Flight, February 7, 1986.................7 The National Governing Council, under Gen. Henri Namphy, Assumes Control, February 1986 ................................8 Gen. Henri Namphy's Assumes Full Control, June 19, 1988.........................................................................................9 Gen. Prosper Avril Assumes Power, October 1988.....................................................................................................10 President Ertha Pascal Trouillot Takes Office, March 13, 1990 .................................................................................11 Jean-Bertrand Aristide Assumes Office as Haiti's First Democratically Elected President, February 7, 1991............12 Gen. Raul Cédras, Lt. Col. Michel François, and Gen. Phillippe Biamby Lead a Coup d'Etat Forcing President Aristide into Exile, Sept. 30, 1991 ...................................................................................13 III. IMPUNITY FOLLOWING PRESIDENT JEAN-BERTRAND ARISTIDE'S RETURN ON OCTOBER 15, 1994, AND PRESIDENT RENÉ PRÉVAL'S INAUGURATION ON FEBRUARY 7, 1996..............................................16
    [Show full text]
  • HAITI COUNTRY READER TABLE of CONTENTS Merritt N. Cootes 1932
    HAITI COUNTRY READER TABLE OF CONTENTS Merritt N. Cootes 1932 Junior Officer, Port-au-Prince 1937-1940 Vice Consul, Port-au-Prince Henry L. T. Koren 1948-1951 Administrative Officer, Port-au-Prince Slator Clay Blackiston, Jr. 1950-1952 Economic Officer, Port-au-Prince Milton Barall 1954-1956 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port-au-Prince Raymond E. Chambers 1955-1957 Deputy Director of Binational Center, USIA, Port-au-Prince Edmund Murphy 1961-1963 Public Affairs Office, USIA, Port-au-Prince Jack Mendelsohn 1964-1966 Consular/Political Officer, Port-au-Prince Claude G. Ross 1967-1969 Ambassador, Haiti John R. Burke 1970-1972 Deputy Chief of Mission, Port-au-Prince Harry E. Mattox 1970-1973 Economic Officer, Port-au-Prince Robert S. Steven 1971-1973 Special Assistant to Under Secretary of Management, Department of State, Washington, DC Jon G. Edensword 1972-1973 Visa Officer, Port-au-Prince Michael Norton 1972-1980 Radio News Reporter, Haiti Keith L. Wauchope 1973-1974 State Department Haiti Desk Officer, Washington, DC Scott Behoteguy 1973-1977 Mission Director, USAID, Haiti Wayne White 1976-1978 Consular Officer, Port-au-Prince Lawrence E. Harrison 1977-1979 USAID Mission Director, Port-au-Prince William B. Jones 1977-1980 Ambassador, Haiti Anne O. Cary 1978-1980 Economic/Commercial Officer, Port-au- Prince Ints M. Silins 1978-1980 Political Officer, Port-au-Prince Scott E. Smith 1979-1981 Head of Project Development Office, USAID, Port-au-Prince Henry L. Kimelman 1980-1981 Ambassador, Haiti David R. Adams 1981-1984 Mission Director, USAID, Haiti Clayton E. McManaway, Jr. 1983-1986 Ambassador, Haiti Jon G.
    [Show full text]
  • Will Xi Jinping Succeed?
    1 Will Xi Jinping Succeed? William H. Overholt I want to offer you a way of understanding China and a very different way of viewing its current leadership. China is the latecomer of a group of Asian miracle economies. It faces a turning point shared by all the Asian miracles, a crisis of success. These crises of success are caused by complexity. Economic success creates a highly differentiated society. The extraordinary complexity of a modern economy can’t be managed from the offices of the top leaders. Likewise, the social complexity requires different political management. The crisis of success A crisis of success is a moment in development of a successful business or a country where continued success requires organizational transformation. Think of an entrepreneur who invents a cool widget and the business takes off, managed as the entourage of that one successful inventor. Soon the point comes where a simple business becomes complicated. It needs to list 1 2 on the stock exchange. It needs professional accounting and professional human resources management. It needs a board of directors and a public rule book. It requires an organizational transformation, and its future success or failure depends on successful transformation. Call it an Elon Musk moment. Xi Jinping’s job is to manage China’s Elon Musk moment. These crises of success share certain characteristics. Like South Korea and Taiwan in the 1980s China finds itself overleveraged, threatened by debt, bubbles, inflation and bankruptcies. The big companies find themselves indebted and unprofitable. Politics also grows more complex, with rising demonstrations and powerful interest groups demanding control over policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Everyday Life
    Everyday Life The North Korean people live under a strict communist regime. They have no say in how their country is managed. The central government controls nearly every aspect of life in the country. Most jobs don’t have salaries. Food and clothing are mostly provided by the government. People who do have a job with a paycheck earn around $1,500 per year. The majority of North Korean people are very poor. They don’t have things like washing machines, fridges, or even bicycles. Practicing a religion is not allowed as the state sees it as a threat. Instead, children are raised to worship Kim Il Sung, “the President for life”. There are over 34,000 statues of Kim Il Sung in North Korea, and all wedding ceremonies must take place in front of one. Portraits of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il can be found pretty much everywhere. All citizens must hang these portraits, which are provided by the government. Once a month, the police come over and check whether the portraits are still hanging and properly taken care of. Electricity is very unreliable in the country; most homes only have electricity a few hours per day. When buildings on one side of the street are blacked out, the other side gets electricity. When this situation occurs, there is a mad rush of children who run to their friends’ apartments on the other side. Internet is only available to the elite in North Korea. Even cellphones are extremely rare. Only people who are trusted by the government can buy a cell phone, but they must pay a registration fee of $825.
    [Show full text]
  • Xi Jinping: Personality and Policies Prasanna Aditya a Intern, Chennai Centre for China Studies June 12 2020
    Image Courtesy: New York Times Issue Brief III Xi Jinping: Personality and Policies Prasanna Aditya A Intern, Chennai Centre For China Studies June 12 2020 Introduction Disappointed with the rise of „bourgeois elements‟ in society, Chairman Mao Zedong unleashed what he called the „Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution‟ in 1966 which went on to be seared in Chinese collective memory as a period of unspeakable horror. He exhorted the masses to root out the capitalist sympathisers and preserve the revolution. Mao was a towering figure in Chinese politics since the People‟s Republic of China was founded in 1949. Even before the PRC became a sovereign country, the clout that Mao commanded in its territory was enormous. He built his base across the Chinese countryside and was genuinely viewed by his supporters and the masses as a revolutionary figure. The civil war between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), led by Mao and the nationalist Kuomintang was long and exhausting. The Japanese occupation of China in 1937 gave the fighters a cause to shed their differences and unite in defence of a common cause. Once the Japanese were expelled from their land with the end of the Second World War, the Chinese continued their infighting. After a protracted period of struggle, the CCP came out on top and founded the People‟s Republic of China and banished the Kuomintang to an island 140 miles off the coast now known as Taiwan. Since the genesis of the state, its history was intertwined and indistinguishable from that of the Communist Party. Mao, with his undisputed leadership of the party, was its face and his authority over the affairs of the state was supreme and unquestionable.
    [Show full text]
  • My Experience Working with the UN, the OAS, IFES, IRI, USAID, and Other International Organizations on Haiti’S Elections, from 1987 to 2000 by Jean Paul Poirier
    My Experience Working with the UN, the OAS, IFES, IRI, USAID, and other International Organizations on Haiti’s Elections, from 1987 to 2000 by Jean Paul Poirier Historical Context Haiti has the distinction for defeating the Napoleonic Armies1 and for being the first black republic.2 Although this was a historic undertaking, it led to many difficulties in the develop- ment of the burgeoning nation.3 That the war against France virtually destroyed the capital Port-au-Prince, as well as the infrastructure of the economy, which was mostly oriented in providing sugar and other agricultural goods to France, was a crippling consequence.4 The fact that most developed nations boycotted the new nation in its early stages5 also contributed to the slow development of the new republic. As Hauge stated, “A symbiotic relationship developed between the two most powerful groups in Haiti, the military and the merchant elites.” He further added, “By 1938 Haiti had transferred more than 30 million Francs to France.” The alliance between the military and the merchant elites was countered in 1957 by Dr. François Duvalier coming to power, and retained his power by creating his own personal armed militia, the feared Tonton Macoutes.6 This violent and brutal force assisted Duvalier in maintaining a reign of terror, depleting the country of many of its elites who took refuge in the U.S., Canada,7 and France. At Duvalier’s death in 1971,8 he was succeeded by his son Jean Claude, aged nineteen years old. As Wenche brought forth, “Jean Claude reestablished the traditional relationship between the state and Haiti’s elites and in doing this lost support of the old Duvalierists.” Although Haiti gained considerable economic support during Jean Claude’s tenure, he lost his grasp on power though a number of factors, including the development of popular and peasant organizations in the 1980s,9 It all came to a head when Pope Jean Paul II’s famous phrase “Il faut que sa change,”10 rocked Duvalier’s regime to its core.
    [Show full text]
  • Do Executive Term Limits Work
    ON THE EVASION OF EXECUTIVE TERM LIMITS TOM GINSBURG ,* JAMES MELTON ** & ZACHARY ELKINS *** ABSTRACT Executive term limits are precommitments through which the polity restricts its ability to retain a popular executive down the road. But in recent years, many presidents around the world have chosen to remain in office even after their initial maximum term in office has expired. They have largely done so by amending the constitution, sometimes by replacing it entirely. The practice of revising higher law for the sake of a particular incumbent raises intriguing issues that touch ultimately on the normative justification for term limits in the first place. This Article reviews the normative debate over term limits and identifies the key claims of proponents and opponents. It introduces the idea of characterizing term limits as a type of default rule executives may overcome if sufficient political support is apparent. It then turns to historical evidence to assess the probability of attempts, both successful and unsuccessful, to evade term limits. It finds that, notwithstanding some high-profile cases, executives observe term limits with remarkable frequency in consolidated democracies. The final Part considers alternative institutional designs that may accomplish some of the goals of term limits, but * Professor of Law, University of Chicago. This Article is an outgrowth of the Wythe Lecture delivered at William & Mary Law School on April 8, 2010. We thank Jose Cheibub, Henry Dietz, Rosalind Dixon, Lee Ann Fennell, David Fontana, Jennifer Gandhi, Guadalupe Gonzalez, Donald Horowitz, Wendy Hunter, Aziz Huq, Brian Kalt, Brian Leiter, Raul Madrid, Anup Malani, Eric Posner, Adam Przeworski, Adam Samaha, Alexei Trochev, Adrian Vermeule, and Kurt Weyland for their comments and suggestions.
    [Show full text]
  • Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy
    Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy A Journey Through Time A Resource Guide for Teachers HABETAC The Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center HABETAC The Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center @ Brooklyn College 2900 Bedford Avenue James Hall, Room 3103J Brooklyn, NY 11210 Copyright © 2005 Teachers and educators, please feel free to make copies as needed to use with your students in class. Please contact HABETAC at 718-951-4668 to obtain copies of this publication. Funded by the New York State Education Department Acknowledgments Haitian Historical and Cultural Legacy: A Journey Through Time is for teachers of grades K through 12. The idea of this book was initiated by the Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center (HABETAC) at City College under the direction of Myriam C. Augustin, the former director of HABETAC. This is the realization of the following team of committed, knowledgeable, and creative writers, researchers, activity developers, artists, and editors: Marie José Bernard, Resource Specialist, HABETAC at City College, New York, NY Menes Dejoie, School Psychologist, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Yves Raymond, Bilingual Coordinator, Erasmus Hall High School for Science and Math, Brooklyn, NY Marie Lily Cerat, Writing Specialist, P.S. 181, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Christine Etienne, Bilingual Staff Developer, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Amidor Almonord, Bilingual Teacher, P.S. 189, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Peter Kondrat, Educational Consultant and Freelance Writer, Brooklyn, NY Alix Ambroise, Jr., Social Studies Teacher, P.S. 138, CSD 17, Brooklyn, NY Professor Jean Y. Plaisir, Assistant Professor, Department of Childhood Education, City College of New York, New York, NY Claudette Laurent, Administrative Assistant, HABETAC at City College, New York, NY Christian Lemoine, Graphic Artist, HLH Panoramic, New York, NY.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? Roie Yellinek
    COMMENTARY Why Did Beijing Decide to Apply the Security Law to Hong Kong Now? ROIE YELLINEK Abstract In 1997, after a century in which Britain ruled the Hong Kong, the United King- dom transferred responsibility over the colony into China’s hands. Twenty- three years later, in early July 2020, Beijing passed a security law that expanded China’s powers over Hong Kong, at a dramatic time when China is also involved in bor- der struggles and the global sphere deals with the coronavirus. What led China to make this dramatic move? Chinese leaders have done so because they are capable of doing so and can do so and want to continue to expand China’s sphere of influ- ence. Judging by the words of Zhang Xiaoming, former director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, who said, “The era when the Chinese cared what others thought and looked up to others is in the past, never to return,” events in Hong Kong seem to be indicative of Beijing’s plans for the future development of things. (Photo by Iris Tong, Voice of America Cantonese Service) Figure 1. Hong Kong protests. On 1 July 2020, the first day of the implementation of the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law, tens of thousands of protestors gathered on the streets in Causeway Bay to march. WILD BLUE YONDER 20 JULY 2020 43 Yellinek Introduction In 1997, after a century in which Britain ruled the Hong Kong, the United Kingdom transferred responsibility over the colony into China’s hands. Twenty- three years later, in early July 2020, Beijing passed a security law that expanded China’s powers over Hong Kong citizens and the city’s highly developed econo- my.1 This was in contradiction with agreed upon terms between China and the United Kingdom regarding Hong Kong’s status—an agreement made when China was not yet at its peak like it is these days.
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Corporate Interests on USAID's Development Agenda
    Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 4-2-2012 The nflueI nce of Corporate Interests on USAID's Development Agenda: The aC se of Haiti Guy Metayer Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI12050218 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Metayer, Guy, "The nflueI nce of Corporate Interests on USAID's Development Agenda: The asC e of Haiti" (2012). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 609. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/609 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida THE INFLUENCE OF CORPORATE INTERESTS ON USAID'S DEVELOPMENT AGENDA: THE CASE OF HAITI A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in POLITICAL SCIENCE by Guy Metayer 2012 To: Dean Kenneth G. Furton choose the name of dean of your college/school College of Arts and Sciences choose the name of your college/school This dissertation, written by Guy Metayer, and entitled The Influence of Corporate Interests on USAID's Development Agenda: The Case of Haiti, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Richard S. Olson _______________________________________ John F.
    [Show full text]