Notes 1 Democratic Socialism: An Alternative Path of Development? 1. In this book, the name 'Manley' used alone refers to Michael Manley. Norman Manley and other members of the Manley family will be referred to by their full name or initials and last name. 2. Obviously, not all governments profess adherence to democracy defined as a method by which rulers are chosen in periodic competitive elections (Schump­ ter, 1962: 269). However, those who do not do so still profess to be promoting a more meaningful type of democracy in the sense of mass participation and rule in the interest of the mass of the population. 3. This literature is too voluminous to cite in more than a highly eclectic way. Frank (1967) is representative of the original, more extreme formulations. For surveys of the literature and evaluations of different positions, see Caporaso and Zare (1981} and Munoz (1981}. For crossnational data analysis testing various propositions derived from the dependency school see Born­ schier et al. (1978) and Evans and Timberlake (1980). One of the most useful formulations and analyses of dependent development in Latin America is Cardoso and Faletto (1979}. For dependency perspectives on the Caribbean, see Beckford (1972), Girvan (1976) and Payne and Sutton (1984}. 4. Among the many cases of breakdowns of democracies, there is only a single example (Czechoslovakia in 1948} of a democratic regime being overthrown from the left and replaced with a revolutionary socialist regime. For a related point in reference to maximalist strategies for transition to socialism, see Chapter 9, pp 330-1. 5. Ul Haq made an early convincing case for this (1973). For a more recent discussion of strategies to meet basic human needs in Latin America, see Brudenius and Lundahl (1982). 6. To postulate greater self-reliance as a goal of development runs counter to the neo-classical economic view of the world. Certainly, we do not suggest total self-reliance, that is, autarchy, as a goal. Rather, we suggest that the foreign exchange constraint may make the substitution of local for imported goods worthwhile even where local production costs are somewhat higher, particularly if the goods in question are essential. Such self-reliance can protect developing countries from the effects of drastic fluctuations in ex­ change earnings (as mentioned in the text) as well as from politically motivated economic pressures. Even developed countries often opt for protecting higher-cost domestic production of essential goods, particularly in agriculture. Given the distortions in international markets resulting from power differentials between economic actors, the incentive for developing countries to increase self-reliance is even greater. Thus, the choice of areas for increasing self-reliance requires careful weighing of straight economic as well as political considerations. 346 Notes 347 7. The 'political culture' school is in general agreement that attitudinal factors, particularly feelings of political efficacy, increase political participation, see for example, Almond and Verba (1968). Nie eta/. (1969) have shown that organization has a direct independent effect on political participation. 8. Of course, it can be argued that clearly aligned states are better able to extract concessions and expand economic co-operation with 'friendly' states. However, this argument overlooks the factor of independence. The key to gaining greater room for maneuver is diversification. Close economic rela­ tions with 'friendly' countries do not ensure stability. and predictability of foreign exchange earnings; furthermore, such countries may change their minds (or rather, their governments), withdraw their concessions, and thus push the dependent country into great economic difficulties. 9. Brenner (1976, 1977) and others have effectively attacked this point of view, which is most closely associated with the names of Andre Gunder Frank (1967) and Immanuel· Wallerstein (1974, 1980). While agreeing with the empirical evidence presented by Brenner and other critics, we feel that the theoretical critique goes too far. The theoretical point in question is their assertion that surplus value can only be created and realized in the process of production not in circulation, thus exchange in commodities (international trade) cannot be a process of transfer of surplus value. The clear implication of this for Third World strategy is that one simply has to nationalize or rather just localize ownership and then one can no longer be exploited in the international economic order. (For obvious reasons, none of these authors, at least to our knowledge, has drawn out this implication.) We would ~rgue that while surplus value can only be created in production, it can be realized in exchange. Thus, on the general point that a country can be exploited in the process of exchange, we would side with Frank and Wallerstein. All issues considered, our point of view is closest to that of Cardoso and Faletto (1979). 10. This school of analysis of the state in capitalist societies has also been called the 'new political economy' (Hollingsworth and Hanneman, 1982) the 'social democratic model' (Shalev, 1982), the 'power resources' approach (Korpi, 1983), and the 'working-class power approach' (Weir and Skocpol, 1985). 2 State, Party and Society in a Post-Colonial Plantation-Mineral Enclave Economy 1. The other distinctive feature is, understandably, the emphasis on smallness. For important contributions to this approach, see Beckford (1972), Patterson (1967), Best (1966), Girvan (1976) and the contributions to the volume edited by Girvan and Jefferson (1971). 2. See Patterson (1967) for the social structure of this period. 3. See Beckford and Witter (1980) on the development of the Jamaican race­ class structure through time. 4. Garvey had launched the United Negro Improvement Association in Jamaica in 1914. However, his activities and appeals to black pride made a greater impact in the USA, from where he was deported back to Jamaica in 1927. 5. However, this legislation did not legalize peaceful picketing nor did it remove the liability for damages in case of strikes. 6. For a biography of Bustamante and an interpretation of his role in Jamaican politics and society, see Eaton (1975). Post (1978) offers an interesting discussion of Bustamante's role in his extremely well-documented work on the 1938 labor rebellion and its aftermath. 348 Notes 7. Public Opinion was launched by three young men, 0. T. Fairclough, Frank Hill and H: P. Jacobs, early in 1937. See Post (1978:215ff) for a discussion of the origins and orientation of the weekly paper. 8. The National Reform Association was also founded by a group of young men, two of whom, Ken Hill (Frank Hill's brother) and Noel N. Nethersole, were later to play important roles in the PNP. See Post (1978:218ff) on the formation of the NRA. 9. Fragments of an unfinished autobiography give some insight into Manley's early years (N. W. Manley, 1971:xcv-cxii). His thinking in later years is evident in the selected speeches and writings published in the same book. Nettleford's introduction to the book (pp. xi-xciv), as well as his introductions to the various sections, provide an excellent discussion of the social and political context in which Manley's work developed. 10. N. W. Manley and Bustamante were distant cousins (a family tree is provided by Eaton, 1975:xii), and Bustamante (then Alexander Clarke) spent a year as junior overseer with the Manley family at their Belmont property (N. W. Manley, 1971:xcvii). 11. There is much speculation about the reasons for this break. The interpreta­ tions range from personality rivalry, the less-educated Bustamante wanting to outdo his brilliant cousin (Post, 1978:253), to suspicion sown by an editorial in the Jamaica Standard, making Bustamante fear that the PNP leadership was trying to push him to the sidelines (N. W. Manely, 1971:6), to a deal between the Governor and Bustamante that he would be released from prison on the promise that he would break the union alliance with the PNP (Munroe, 1972:23); Eaton (1975:79-84) also discusses the break. 12. All tables numbered A.1-21 are in Appendix 1. 13. Post (1981:84ff) gives a very detailed discussion of the controversy over the publication of the report. 14. See Munroe (1972:26--8) and Post (1981:113ff) for discussions of the US and the global influences on the process of constitutional decolonization in the Caribbean. 15. Under heavy pressure from the PNP right wing, the TUC finally withdrew from the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) before the 1949 elections. A prominent figure among the right wing was Glasspole (who was appointed Governor-General in the 1970s) who resigned from the TUC executive in protest against its hesitation to follow the PNP executive's request for withdrawal from the WFTU. The impetus for the PNP executive's demand came from the British TUC which withdrew from the WFTU because of increasing communist influence in that organization, and which strongly urged the Jamaican TUC to follow suit. See Eaton (1975:135-50) and Munroe (1972:79-80) for a discussion of the break and the internal conflicts in the PNP. 16. A full discussion of the reasons for this change is beyond the scope of this chapter.lt can certainly be regarded as pragmatic adaptation to the prevailing political currents and economic trends in the region at the time. Though socialism more or less disappeared from the public political debate, N. W. Manley himself continued to profess a socialist commitment, defined as a commitment to equality, and he argued that he did 'not find it difficult or contradictory to invite capital to Jamaica and to help and to pledge the utmost good faith in our dealings with its enterprise (N. W. Manley, 1971:90). 17. The CLC's primary purpose was to integrate the unions in the region and to form international connections, but it also got involved in wider political issues.