POPULISM in EUROPE: from SYMPTOM to ALTERNATIVE? Eckart Woertz (Coord.)
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Moussa Bourekba
ccording to the new Coface Political Risk Index published in March 2017, France is the second most populist country in Europe, with a score of 70%, just behind Athe United Kingdom (73%). The discourse about public order and national identity as well as distrust of multiculturalism are among the main reasons for the French score. After Donald Trump’s election last year, many observers consider France to be the next crucial vote. France’s presidential election is seen as a test that will confirm (or not) the theory that Trump’s victory would give a boost to anti-immigration rhetoric, POPULISM IN xenophobia and populist parties in Europe. Although FRANCE: conditions are different in both countries, the current TOWARDS presidential campaign of Marine Le Pen and her Front NORMALISATION? National (FN) shows interesting parallels with US right- wing populism: the anti-elite discourse against the candidates of “mainstream political parties”, the anti- centralist agitation against Brussels and Washington, Moussa respectively, and the rejection of the European Union. Bourekba Both Trump and Le Pen also blame their respective Researcher, CIDOB states for insufficient border control, which is seen as responsible for social dumping, the loss of national identity and terrorism. CIDOB REPORT # 01- 2017 Le Pen’s programme essentially revolves around these dimensions in order to help France to ensure what the Front National calls the “return of four sovereignties”: monetary, legislative, budgetary and territorial. Achieving this implies either renegotiating the conditions under which France belongs to the EU or organising a Frexit referendum to make France “free again”, pulling the country out of the eurozone, drastically limiting immigration to the needs of the labour market and reaffirming the republican model and its values through a fight against multiculturalism and radical Islam and by promoting the “national priority”, which consists of a series of protectionist measures favouring French goods, companies and individuals. -
Populism and Fascism
Populism and Fascism An evaluation of their similarities and differences MA Thesis in Philosophy University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Humanities Titus Vreeke Student number: 10171169 Supervisor: Dr. Robin Celikates Date: 04-08-2017 1 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Ideology ............................................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 1.2 Populism and fascism as ideologies ........................................................................................................ 9 1.3 The Dichotomies of Populism and Fascism ........................................................................................... 13 1.4 Culture and Nationalism in Populism and Fascism ............................................................................... 19 1.5 The Form of the State and its Role in Security ...................................................................................... 22 1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 25 2. Practice ............................................................................................................................................... -
On Trumpism, Or the End of American Exceptionalism
Teoria politica 9 | 2019 Annali IX On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Publisher Marcial Pons Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2019 Number of pages: 209-226 ISSN: 0394-1248 Electronic reference Nadia Urbinati, « On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism », Teoria politica. Nuova serie Annali [Online], 9 | 2019, Online since 01 April 2020, connection on 26 May 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/tp/820 Teoria politica On Trumpism, or the End of American Exceptionalism Nadia Urbinati* Abstract This papers uses Trumpism to illustrate populism in power. It analyses it in its rhetorical style; in its propaganda, tropes, and ideology; and finally in its aims and achievements. It shows how the representative construction of the people is rhetorical and is independent of social classes and traditional ideologies. The paper argues that populist democracy is the name of a new form of representative government that is based on two phenomena: a direct relation between the leader and those in society whom the leader defines as the «right» or «good» people; and the superlative authority of the audience. Its immediate targets are the «obstacles» to the development of those phenomena: intermediary opinion-making bodies, such as parties; established media; and institutionalized systems for monitoring and controlling political power. Populist leaders compete with other political actors with regard to the representation of the people and use electoral victory in order to prove that «the people» they represent is the «right» people and deserves to rule for its own good. -
Populists in Power Around the World | Institute for Global Change
Populists in Power Around the World JORDAN KYLE RENEWING LIMOR GULTCHIN THE CENTRE Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 The Trouble With Defining opulismP 9 Two Essential Features of Populism 12 Types of Populism 21 Cases of Populism in Power 26 Populism Trends Around the World 32 Conclusion 44 Appendix: Methodology 45 Downloaded from http://institute.global/insight/ renewing-centre/populists-power-around-world on November 7 2018 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EXE CUTIVE SUMMARY Populism is dramatically shifting the global political landscape. This report defines populism and identifies its global prevalence by introducing a global database “Populists in Power: 1990–2018”. Only with a clear and systematic understanding of the phenomenon of populism can political leaders begin to offer meaningful and credible alternatives. This report sets out to define populism from a global perspective and identify some of its key trends since 1990. Populism contains two primary claims: • A country’s ‘true people’ are locked into conflict with outsiders, including establishment elites. • Nothing should constrain the will of the true people. Although populism always shares these two essential claims, it can take on widely varying forms across contexts. This report identifies three types of populism, distinguished by how populist leaders frame the conflict between the ‘true people’ and outsiders: • Cultural populism claims that the true people are the native members of the nation-state, and outsiders can include immigrants, criminals, ethnic and religious minorities, and cosmopolitan elites. Cultural populism tends to emphasise 3 religious traditionalism, law and order, sovereignty, and painting migrants as enemies. • Socio-economic populism claims that the true people are honest, hard-working members of the working class, and outsiders can include big business, capital owners and actors perceived as propping up an international capitalist system. -
Nicaragua | Freedom House
Nicaragua | Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/nicaragua About Us DONATE Blog Contact Us REGIONS ISSUES Reports Programs Initiatives News Experts Events Donate FREEDOM IN THE WORLD Nicaragua Nicaragua Freedom in the World 2012 OVERVIEW: 2012 In November 2011, President Daniel Ortega was re-elected by an SCORES overwhelming margin and his party, the Sandanista National Liberation Front, won a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly. There were STATUS concerns about the legality of Ortega’s candidacy, as well as transparency issues and other irregularities during the election. Partly Although international observers found no evidence of widespread fraud, serious concerns remained about the politicization of institutions and the Free rule of law. FREEDOM RATING The independent Republic of Nicaragua was established in 1838, 17 years 4.5 after the end of Spanish rule. Its subsequent history has been marked by CIVIL LIBERTIES internal strife and dictatorship. The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a leftist rebel group, overthrew the authoritarian regime of the Somoza 4 family in 1979. The FSLN then moved to establish a left-wing government, leading to a civil war. The United States intervened, in part by supporting POLITICAL RIGHTS irregular rebel forces known as the contras. In 1990, National Opposition Union presidential candidate Violeta Chamorro 5 defeated the FSLN’s Daniel Ortega in free and open elections, leading to a peaceful transfer of power. Before leaving office, however, the Sandinistas revised laws and sold off state property to party leaders, ensuring that they would retain political and economic clout. Former Managua mayor Arnoldo Alemán of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party (PLC) defeated Ortega in the 1996 presidential election, but he was accused of corruption throughout his ensuing presidency. -
Constructing Identity in the Multi- Level Political Space of Europe
13 JCER VOLUME 1 • ISSUE 2 Sub-State Nationalism and Euro- pean Integration: Constructing Identity in the Multi- Level Political Space of Europe Marcus Hoppe 1. Introduction The European Union has been transformed into a multi-level political system by processes of European integration and globalisation on the one hand, and by pressures for decentralisation on the other. Thus, 'European integration and regionalism have posed twin challenges to the nation state in Western Europe' (Keating 1995: 1). While the central governments of the member states remain important actors within this new framework, their autonomy and the capacity to control policy-making and outcome has been reduced considerably. This is the consequence of two complementary processes: On the one hand, certain competencies have been shifted up- wards to the supranational EU level.1 On the other hand, nationalist and regionalist pressures for decentralisation and devolution in several member states have transferred some powers of the central state downwards to the sub-state political levels (Hooghe and Marks 2001). The emerging European polity offers new opportunity structures2 for strong political units below the level of the state, to enhance their autonomy and self-governing capacities in internal and external affairs.3 At the same time any involvement in Europe means being affected by the cons- training aspects of EU institutions, regulations and increased economic competition within the single market (Dyson and Goetz 2003). Sub-state nationalist parties, as actors within -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Case of Lega Nord
TILBURG UNIVERSITY UNIVERSITY OF TRENTO MSc Sociology An integrated and dynamic approach to the life cycle of populist radical right parties: the case of Lega Nord Supervisors: Dr Koen Abts Prof. Mario Diani Candidate: Alessandra Lo Piccolo 2017/2018 1 Abstract: This work aims at explaining populist radical right parties’ (PRRPs) electoral success and failure over their life-cycle by developing a dynamic and integrated approach to the study of their supply-side. For this purpose, the study of PRRPs is integrated building on concepts elaborated in the field of contentious politics: the political opportunity structure, the mobilizing structure and the framing processes. This work combines these perspectives in order to explain the fluctuating electoral fortune of the Italian Lega Nord at the national level (LN), here considered as a prototypical example of PRRPs. After the first participation in a national government (1994) and its peak in the general election of 1996 (10.1%), the LN electoral performances have been characterised by constant fluctuations. However, the party has managed to survive throughout different phases of the recent Italian political history. Scholars have often explained the party’s electoral success referring to its folkloristic appeal, its regionalist and populist discourses as well as the strong leadership of Umberto Bossi. However, most contributions adopt a static and one-sided analysis of the party performances, without integrating the interplay between political opportunities, organisational resources and framing strategies in a dynamic way. On the contrary, this work focuses on the interplay of exogenous and endogenous factors in accounting for the fluctuating electoral results of the party over three phases: regionalist phase (1990-1995), the move to the right (1998-2003) and the new nationalist period (2012-2018). -
Political Uncertainty Moderates Neural Evaluation of Incongruent Policy Positions
POLITICAL UNCERTAINTY 1 Political Uncertainty Moderates Neural Evaluation of Incongruent Policy Positions Ingrid J. Haas Department of Political Science Center for Brain, Biology, and Behavior University of Nebraska-Lincoln Melissa N. Baker Department of Political Science University of California-Merced Frank J. Gonzalez School of Government and Public Policy University of Arizona Final manuscript accepted for publication (2020-12-29). Please cite as: Haas, I. J., Baker, M. N., & Gonzalez, F. J. (in press). Political uncertainty moderates neural evaluation of incongruent policy positions. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B. doi: 10.1098/rstb.2020.0138 Word Count: 5276 Corresponding Author: Ingrid J. Haas Department of Political Science University of Nebraska-Lincoln 531 Oldfather Hall Lincoln, Nebraska 68588 Email: [email protected] POLITICAL UNCERTAINTY 2 Abstract Uncertainty has been shown to impact political evaluation, yet the exact mechanisms by which uncertainty affects the minds of citizens remain unclear. This experiment examines the neural underpinnings of uncertainty in political evaluation using functional MRI (fMRI). During fMRI, participants completed an experimental task where they evaluated policy positions attributed to hypothetical political candidates. Policy positions were either congruent or incongruent with candidates’ political party affiliation and presented with varying levels of certainty. Neural activity was modeled as a function of uncertainty and incongruence. Analyses suggest that neural activity in brain regions previously implicated in affective and evaluative processing (anterior cingulate cortex, insular cortex) differed as a function of the interaction between uncertainty and incongruence, such that activation in these areas was greatest when information was both certain and incongruent and uncertainty influenced processing differently as a function of the valence of the attached information. -
DO AS the SPANIARDS DO. the 1821 PIEDMONT INSURRECTION and the BIRTH of CONSTITUTIONALISM Haced Como Los Españoles. Los Movimi
DO AS THE SPANIARDS DO. THE 1821 PIEDMONT INSURRECTION AND THE BIRTH OF CONSTITUTIONALISM Haced como los españoles. Los movimientos de 1821 en Piamonte y el origen del constitucionalismo PIERANGELO GENTILE Universidad de Turín [email protected] Cómo citar/Citation Gentile, P. (2021). Do as the Spaniards do. The 1821 Piedmont insurrection and the birth of constitutionalism. Historia y Política, 45, 23-51. doi: https://doi.org/10.18042/hp.45.02 (Reception: 15/01/2020; review: 19/04/2020; acceptance: 19/09/2020; publication: 01/06/2021) Abstract Despite the local reference historiography, the 1821 Piedmont insurrection still lacks a reading that gives due weight to the historical-constitutional aspect. When Carlo Alberto, the “revolutionary” Prince of Carignano, granted the Cádiz Consti- tution, after the abdication of Vittorio Emanuele I, a crisis began in the secular history of the dynasty and the kingdom of Sardinia: for the first time freedoms and rights of representation broke the direct pledge of allegiance, tipycal of the absolute state, between kings and people. The new political system was not autochthonous but looked to that of Spain, among the many possible models. Using the extensive available bibliography, I analyzed the national and international influences of that 24 PIERANGELO GENTILE short historical season. Moreover I emphasized the social and geographic origin of the leaders of the insurrection (i.e. nobility and bourgeoisie, core and periphery of the State) and the consequences of their actions. Even if the insurrection was brought down by the convergence of the royalist forces and the Austrian army, its legacy weighed on the dynasty. -
S New Anti-Capitalist Party, Seven Years Later: Project, Reality, Questions
France's New Anti-Capitalist Party, Seven Years Later: Project, Reality, Questions The following piece was written for Kojkkino, the theoretical magazine of the Greek organization DEA. Though quite long, it does not claim to cover all sides of the question. Indeed, it’s the kind of article that is never really finished and that has to be constantly reworked and supplemented. Its main objective is to stimulate collective thinking about the lessons of the successes and failures of the NPA from its birth to the present day. Radical Left organizations in Europe have tended to focus their attention on the major political and electoral experiences that have stood out in the recent period – beginning with Syriza in Greece, Podemos in the Spanish State and the Left Bloc in Portugal, and often also including Die Linke in Germany, Rifondazione Comunista in Italy, the Red- Green Alliance in Denmark (RGA) and others. This is entirely justified. Still, other attempts at “doing something new” merit analysis, even where their successes were fewer or shorter-lived. They provide food for thought about a broader range of national contexts. The key thing is that the attempt to “do something new” be real and not just cosmetic. This was the case with the 2009 launch of the New Anti-Capitalist Party (NPA) in France. No doubt, the initiative was launched by the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR) on its own, but the LCR dissolved itself at a special congress. We knew, or at least a number of us did, that we were crossing the Rubicon. Whatever was going to happen next, it wouldn’t be possible to return to the past.