DOCSLIB.ORG

Coca, Eradication and Development in the Andes Thomas Grisaffi* and Kathryn Ledebur†

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Coca, Eradication and Development in the Andes Thomas Grisaffi* and Kathryn Ledebur† Grisaffi, T and Ledebur, K 2016 Citizenship or Repression? Coca, stability Eradication and Development in the Andes. Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, 5(1): 3, pp. 1–19, DOI: http:// dx.doi.org/10.5334/sta.440 RESEARCH ARTICLE Citizenship or Repression? Coca, Eradication and Development in the Andes Thomas Grisaffi* and Kathryn Ledebur† For over two decades the US has funded repressive forced coca eradication in Peru, Colombia and Bolivia to reduce the illegal cocaine trade. These policies have never met their stated goals and have generated violence and poverty. In 2006 Bolivia definitively broke with the US anti-narcotics model, replacing the militarized eradication of coca crops with a community-based coca control strategy. The program substantially reduced the coca crop while simultaneously respecting human rights and allowing farmers to diversify their livelihoods. This article outlines the elements of the Bolivian initiative that ensure its continued successful functioning. It explores to what extent this model can be translated to other Andean contexts. Successive US administrations have described Latin American leaders have begun to illicit drugs as a threat to national security openly critique the failure of present policies and have taken the battle to source regions. to achieve their goals and the high cost Over the past 30 years the US has channelled of implementing supply reduction efforts billions of dollars to South American military (in terms of violence, corruption and insti- and police forces to enable them to under- tutional instability). They have argued for take counter-narcotics operations. In the more effective and humane alternatives and Andean region the US has focused its efforts some countries have even made unilateral on the eradication of illicit crops (mostly coca changes to drugs policy (see Grisaffi 2014b). leaf – which is used to produce cocaine – As a result of pressure from Guatemala, but also opium poppy and marijuana), law Colombia and Mexico, the United Nations enforcement and the interdiction of drugs has scheduled a General Assembly Special shipments. The aim of ‘supply side enforce- Session (UNGASS) on drugs for April 2016. ment’ is to curb the flow of illicit narcotics The outcomes of the Special Session will reaching the United States. guide global drug policy cooperation for the Historically, the US has dictated the coming years. The last UNGASS regarding terms of the ‘war on drugs’, and has used drug policy in 1998 adopted the slogan ‘a its political and economic might to crush drug free world, we can do it’, but eighteen any debate on alternatives. However, some years later it has become clear that this is an unrealistic goal (Bewley Taylor 2012). This Special Session, then, provides an opportu- * University College London, GB nity for a profound shift in the global drug [email protected] policy debate. † Andean Information Network, BO This article adds to the discussion through Corresponding author: Thomas Grisaffi an analysis of illicit coca cultivation and the Art. 3, page 2 of 19 Grisaffi and Ledebur: Citizenship or Repression? Coca, Eradication and Development in the Andes Figure 1: The security forces respond to a coca grower roadblock in the Chapare (Photo cour- tesy of Godofredo Reinicke). policies to tackle it in the Andean region, with the elements of the Bolivian initiative that a specific focus on Bolivia. It draws attention permit its continued productive implementa- to the harms generated by US-backed milita- tion and explore their potential applicability rized eradication and the aerial fumigation to other Andean contexts. of coca crops, and explains why this policy This article is based on extensive long- ultimately fails to stem coca and cocaine pro- term ethnographic fieldwork and interview duction. The article then introduces Bolivia’s data.1 Grisaffi is an anthropologist who innovative model for coca control, which has spent over thirty months carrying out shifts the focus from reduced hectares of fieldwork in the Chapare (a coca-growing coca to farmer subsistence, citizenship and region of Bolivia) over several visits span- respect for human rights. The model, known ning the period 2005 to 2015. Ledebur has as ‘cooperative coca reduction’, allows regis- researched coca production in Bolivia since tered farmers to grow a limited amount of 1999 as director of the Andean Information coca while working with coca grower federa- Network. The authors carried out interviews tions and the security forces to voluntarily and participant observation with a broad reduce any excess coca production. Since range of informants, including coca farmers 2010 Bolivia has reduced coca acreage while and their families, landless labourers, simultaneously respecting human rights agricultural union leaders, low-level coca and successfully diversifying the economy paste producers, members of the security in coca-growing regions. It is argued that services and municipal officials. They have cooperative coca control represents a more also interviewed Bolivian, US and EU policy- humane, sustainable and productive alterna- makers, government officials, NGO agency tive to the forced eradication of coca crops. staff and representatives of international In the final section the authors examine organizations. Grisaffi and Ledebur: Citizenship or Repression? Coca, Art. 3, page 3 of 19 Eradication and Development in the Andes Coca Regulation leaders have started to question the sustain- Coca is a perennial shrub native to the ability of this approach. Andean region; it grows in tropical areas at In Peru coca consumption is common in elevations of between 200 to 1500 meters. highland areas but is also consumed by mid- Coca leaf has been used for millennia by dle class urban professionals, and is served indigenous peoples in the Andean countries to tourists in Cusco to help them cope with and is most commonly chewed or prepared the high altitude. Peru’s coca legislation is as a tea. The people who consume coca less rigid than Colombia’s because while the value its properties as a mild stimulant but state officially condemns coca chewing and it also serves important social, religious and prohibits private coca cultivation, it never- cultural functions (Carter & Mamani 1986). theless authorizes limited coca production Despite its many positive benefits and and commercialization for medicinal, scien- the coca trade’s historic importance to the tific and industrial purposes. Like Colombia, regional economy, the leaf has always occu- Peru receives significant US counter-drug aid pied an ambiguous position in Andean and has ambitious plans to eradicate half the society. Since the Spanish conquest, activ- country’s coca crop over the coming years ists, legislators, scholars and the clergy have (Gootenberg 2014). debated the legality of coca and its derivative Bolivia has the strongest coca culture of all products (Gootenberg 2008). In 1961 the UN the Andean countries. A recent EU-funded classified coca leaf as a restricted drug (along- study calculated that about one third of side cocaine and heroin) under the Single Bolivia’s population regularly consumes coca Convention on Narcotic Drugs. The convention – or coca-based products, including coca teas, signed by Peru, Colombia and Bolivia – skin creams and liquor (CONALTID 2013). establishes that ‘the parties shall so far as Bolivian President Evo Morales has led the possible enforce the uprooting of all coca battle for the decriminalization of coca leaf bushes which grow wild. They shall destroy at the international level, arguing that the the coca bushes if illegally cultivated,’ and, ban on traditional use is not only a historic ‘coca leaf chewing must be abolished within mistake,3 but also discriminatory towards twenty-five years’ (Metaal et al 2006). The Andean peoples. In an unprecedented move, 1961 convention thus established the legal in 2011 Bolivia withdrew from the 1961 UN framework for future US-imposed coca eradi- Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, before cation efforts. re-joining in 2013 with a reservation that Peru, Colombia and Bolivia each have permits coca consumption within its terri- unique histories, cultures and traditions tory. Bolivia thus successfully reconciled its related to coca and, as a result, each nation international commitments and its 2009 pursues a different approach to enforcement. Constitution, which declares that the state Colombia penalizes coca most severely, out- has a duty to preserve and protect coca chew- lawing all aspects of production, consump- ing as an ancestral practice. tion and commercialization. Colombia has comparatively limited traditional consump- Coca Cultivation tion2 and so unlike in Peru and Bolivia, there Peru, Colombia and Bolivia are the world’s is no widespread support for its traditional largest producers of coca leaf. The most uses (Ramirez 2011: 55). Furthermore, in recent UN coca surveys estimate that Peru Colombia revenues derived from the illegal has 42,900 hectares of coca (UNODC 2015c), coca trade have fuelled the country’s civil Colombia 69,000 hectares (UNODC 2015a) conflict (Peceny & Durnan 2006; Thoumi and Bolivia 20,400 hectares (UNODC 2015b). 2002). The Colombian state has long In each country coca cultivation is concentrated embraced US-designed and funded forced in marginal areas, characterized by minimal eradication strategies, although recently its civilian state presence, limited infrastructure Art. 3, page 4 of 19 Grisaffi and Ledebur:
Load more

Recommended publications
  • LARC Resources on Indigenous Languages and Peoples of the Andes Film
    LARC Resources on Indigenous Languages and Peoples of the Andes The LARC Lending Library has an extensive collection of educational materials for teacher and classroom use such as videos, slides, units, books, games, curriculum units, and maps. They are available for free short term loan to any instructor in the United States. These materials can be found on the online searchable catalog: http://stonecenter.tulane.edu/pages/detail/48/Lending-Library Film Apaga y Vamonos The Mapuche people of South America survived conquest by the Incas and the Spanish, as well as assimilation by the state of Chile. But will they survive the construction of the Ralco hydroelectric power station? When ENDESA, a multinational company with roots in Spain, began the project in 1997, Mapuche families living along the Biobio River were offered land, animals, tools, and relocation assistance in return for the voluntary exchange of their land. However, many refused to leave; some alleged that they had been marooned in the Andean hinterlands with unsafe housing and, ironically, no electricity. Those who remained claim they have been sold out for progress; that Chile's Indigenous Law has been flouted by then-president Eduardo Frei, that Mapuches protesting the Ralco station have been rounded up and prosecuted for arson and conspiracy under Chile's anti-terrorist legislation, and that many have been forced into hiding to avoid unfair trials with dozens of anonymous informants testifying against them. Newspaper editor Pedro Cayuqueo says he was arrested and interrogated for participating in this documentary. Directed by Manel Mayol. 2006. Spanish w/ English subtitles, 80 min.
    [Show full text]
  • The FARC and Colombia's Illegal Drug Trade
    LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM © JOHN VIZCANO/Reuters The FARC and Colombia’s Illegal Drug Trade By John Otis November 2014 Introduction In 2014, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Latin America’s oldest and largest guerrilla army known as the FARC, marked the 50th anniversary of the start of its war against the Colombian government. More than 220,000 people have been killed1 and more than five million people uprooted2 from their homes in the conflict, which is the last remaining guerrilla war in the Western Hemisphere. However, this grim, half-century milestone coincides with peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC that began in Havana, Cuba, in November 2012. The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.3 So far, the two sides have reached agreements on three of the five points on the negotiating agenda, including an accord to resolve an issue that helps explain why the conflict has lasted so long: The FARC’s deep involvement in the taxation, production, and trafficking of illegal drugs. On May 16, 2014, the government and the FARC signed an agreement stating that under the terms of a final peace treaty, the two sides would work in tandem to eradicate coca, the plant used to make cocaine, and to combat cocaine trafficking in areas under guerrilla control. The FARC “has promised to effectively contribute, in diverse and practical ways, to a definitive solution to the problem of illegal drugs,” Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos said in a televised speech the day the accord was signed.4 “The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.” A month later, Santos secured more time to bring the peace talks to a successful conclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Drugs and Development: the Great Disconnect
    ISSN 2054-2046 Drugs and Development: The Great Disconnect Julia Buxton Policy Report 2 | January 2015 Drugs and Development: The Great Disconnect Julia Buxton∗ Policy Report 2 | January 2015 Key Points • The 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS) will see a strong lobby in support of development oriented responses to the problem of drug supply, including from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). • The promotion of Alternative Development (AD) programmes that provide legal, non-drug related economic opportunities for drug crop cultivators reflects the limited success of enforcement responses, greater awareness of the development dimensions of cultivation activities and the importance of drugs and development agencies working co-operatively in drug environments. • Evidence from thirty years of AD programming demonstrates limited success in supply reduction and that poorly monitored and weakly evaluated programmes cause more harm than good; there has been little uptake of best practice approaches, cultivators rarely benefit from AD programmes, the concept of AD is contested and there is no shared understanding of ‘development’. • AD was popularised in the 1990s when development discourse emphasised participatory approaches and human wellbeing. This is distinct from the development approaches of the 2000s, which have been ‘securitised’ in the aftermath of the Global War on Terror and which re-legitimise military participation in AD. • UNGASS 2016 provides an opportunity for critical scrutiny of AD and the constraints imposed by the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs on innovative, rights based and nationally owned supply responses. Cultivation is a development not a crime and security issue.
    [Show full text]
  • An Economic Analysis of Coca Eradication Policy in Colombia
    An Economic Analysis of Coca Eradication Policy in Colombia by Rocio Moreno-Sanchez David S. Kraybill Stanley R. Thompson1 Department of Agricultural, Environmental, and Development Economics The Ohio State University May 2002 Paper submitted for presentation at the AAEA Annual Meeting July 28 – 31, 2002, Long Beach, CA Abstract. We estimate an econometric model of coca production in Colombia. Our results indicate that coca eradication is an ineffective means of supply control as farmers compensate by cultivating the crop more extensively. The evidence further suggests that incentives to produce legal substitute crops may have greater supply- reducing potential than eradication. Key words: coca production, coca eradication, drug control policy 1 Graduate Assistant and Professors, respectively, in the Department of Agricultural, Environmental, and Development Economics at The Ohio State University. 2120 Fyffe Road, Columbus, OH 43210. Email: [email protected] Copyright 2002 by Rocio Moreno, David Kraybill, and Stanley Thompson. All rights reserved. Readers may make verbatim copies of this document for non-commercial purposes by any means, provided that this copyright notice appears on all such copies Introduction Coca (Erythroxylum coca) is the main input in the manufacture of cocaine hydrochloride, an addictive, pscyhostimulant drug whose use is illegal today in most countries. Policies regarding production and use of coca and its derivatives are controversial. The controversy focuses primarily on whether drug-control policies are effective in achieving their stated objectives of reducing cocaine usage. The Policy Setting Cocaine is produced in four stages: cultivation of the coca plant and harvesting of the leaf, extraction of coca paste, transformation of the paste into cocaine base, and conversion of the base into cocaine (Riley, 1993).
    [Show full text]
  • Turning Over a New Leaf: a Subnational Analysis of 'Coca Yes
    Journal of Latin American Studies (2021), 53, 573–600 doi:10.1017/S0022216X21000456 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Turning Over a New Leaf: A Subnational Analysis of ‘Coca Yes, Cocaine No’ in Bolivia Susan Brewer-Osorio* Assistant Professor, Latin American Studies, University of Arizona *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] (Received 9 October 2019; revised 14 April 2021; accepted 19 April 2021; first published online 16 June 2021) Abstract International pressure to suppress cocaine trafficking sustained decades of harsh drug laws in Bolivia against cocaleros (coca producers), thus affecting coca production for traditional consumption and for manufacturing illicit cocaine. These harsh drug laws caused social unrest in cocalero communities outside traditional coca zones. President Evo Morales, leader of the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward Socialism, MAS) party, implemented ‘Coca Yes, Cocaine No’ (CYCN), a harm-reduction strategy that authorised ‘non-traditional’ farmers to cultivate legal coca and self-police production. This article compares CYCN outcomes in Bolivia’s traditional and non-traditional coca regions and finds that strong cocalero organisations were vital to CYCN success in non-traditional areas. In contrast, organised resistance in traditional zones restricted CYCN success and added to regime instability in the lead-up to Morales’ forced resignation in 2019. Hence, while Morales harnessed state power to change drug policy, he was constrained by the rural grassroots organisations that brought him to power.
    [Show full text]
  • Drug Supply Indicators
    Working Paper Considering the Harms: Drug Supply Indicators Bryce Pardo RAND Drug Policy Research Center WR-1339 March 2020 Prepared for the Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission RAND working papers are intended to share researchers’ latest findings and to solicit informal peer review. They have been approved for circulation by RAND Social and Economic Well-Being but have not been formally edited or peer reviewed. Unless otherwise indicated, working papers can be quoted and cited without permission of the author, provided the source is clearly referred to as a working paper. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. is a registered trademark. Preface This working paper has been commissioned by the Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission, a Congressionally established body mandated to evaluate U.S. drug policies and programs in the Western Hemisphere with the aim of making recommendations to the President and Congress on the future of counter narcotics policies. The topic discussed in this manuscript deals with matters of drug supply- oriented policies and interventions with a particular focus on available supply-side indicators used to inform contemporary drug policy, the limits of those indicators, the future challenges of drug policy, and how to improve indicators such that they appropriately incorporate harms. Justice Policy Program RAND Social and Economic Well-Being is a division of the RAND Corporation that seeks to actively improve the health and social and economic well-being of populations and communities throughout the world. This research was conducted in the Justice Policy Program within RAND Social and Economic Well-Being.
    [Show full text]
  • Drug Crop Eradication and Alternative Development in the Andes
    Order Code RL33163 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Drug Crop Eradication and Alternative Development in the Andes November 18, 2005 Connie Veillette Analyst in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Carolina Navarrete-Frías Research Associate Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Drug Crop Eradication and Alternative Development in the Andes Summary The United States has supported drug crop eradication and alternative development programs in the Andes for decades. Colombia, Bolivia, and Peru collectively produce nearly the entire global supply of cocaine. In addition, Colombia has become a producer of high quality heroin, most of it destined for the United States and Europe. The United States provides counternarcotics assistance through the Andean Counterdrug Initiative (ACI). The program supports a number of missions, including interdiction of drug trafficking, illicit crop eradication, alternative development, and rule of law and democracy promotion. From FY2000 through FY2005, the United States has provided a total of about $4.3 billion in ACI funds. Since 2001, coca cultivation in the Andes has been reduced by 22%, with the largest decrease occurring in Colombia, according to the State Department. Opium poppy crops, grown mainly in Colombia and from which heroin is made, have been reduced by 67%. However, the region was still capable of producing 640 metric tons of cocaine, and 3.8 metric tons of heroin in 2004, according to the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy. Congress has expressed a number of concerns with regard to eradication, especially the health and environmental effects of aerial spraying, its sustainability and social consequences, and the reliability of drug crop estimates.
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia's Divisions
    BOLIVIA'S DIVISIONS: TOO DEEP TO HEAL? 6 July 2004 Latin America Report N°7 Quito/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. HISTORICAL SYNOPSIS ............................................................................................ 2 III. THE MESA ADMINISTRATION ............................................................................... 4 IV. THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL OPPOSITION ...................................................... 7 A. EVO'S EVOLUTION AND THE MAS TODAY...............................................................................7 B. LABOUR ORGANISATIONS: THE STREET-BASED OPPOSITION.................................................8 C. OTHER POLITICAL PARTIES...................................................................................................9 D. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND NGOS ..................................................................................10 V. SPARKS THAT COULD SET THE COUNTRY AFLAME ................................... 11 A. NATURAL GAS ....................................................................................................................13 B. CAMBAS AND COLLAS ........................................................................................................14 C. THE COCA LEAF .................................................................................................................17
    [Show full text]
  • Factors Influencing Coca Reduction Initiatives 2
    Factors Influencing Coca Reduction Initiatives 2 he Andean region is complex in its geology, ecology, and cultural history. This complexity precludes simple or broadly applicable coca substitution strategies. Success- ful, cooperative, counternarcotics efforts among the UnitedT States and Andean countries require careful consideration of all of these factors. This chapter examines the biophysical, cultural, socio-political, and economic conditions that may affect the success of efforts to reduce coca cultivation in Bolivia, Peru, and Colombia. GEOECOLOGY OF THE NORTHERN AND CENTRAL ANDES Clear understanding of the biological and physical environ- ments in the Andean region is critical for appropriate design of projects to eradicate or offer alternatives to coca. The natural environmental diversity of Bolivia, Peru, and Colombia results largely from the abrupt altitude changes in the Andes mountain system (2). There is a vertical succession of ecozones, ranging from rainforest and desert at the lowest levels to mountain tundra, snow, and ice at the highest (104). The enormous latitudinal span (approximately from 10 degrees north to 40 degrees south along the western edge of South America) and longitudinal breadth (approximately between 80 degrees west and 60 degrees west) also make for considerable variations in climate, soil, vegetation, and land-use (104). Thus, the local and regional diversity of biophysical environments requires that any project be site- specific (2). 35 36 I Alternative Coca Reduction Strategies in the Andean Region I Andean Geography and Geology montaña, has been profoundly modified by coffee The Andean cordillera (mountain range) di- plantation agriculture. The best coffee soils are vides the South American continent into Atlantic developed on volcanic ash, which is sensitive to and Pacific drainage systems and is part of a great erosion.
    [Show full text]
  • Plan Colombia: Illegal Drugs, Economic Development, and Counterinsurgency – an Econometric Analysis of Colombia’S Failed War
    This is the accepted manuscript of an article published by Wiley in Development Policy Review available online: https://doi.org/10.1111/dpr.12161 Accepted version downloaded from SOAS Research Online: https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/31771/ Plan Colombia: Illegal Drugs, Economic Development, and Counterinsurgency – An Econometric Analysis of Colombia’s Failed War Abstract: This article examines the socioeconomic effects of the illegal drug industry on economic and social development in Colombia. It shows that illegal drugs have fostered violence and have had a negative effect on economic development. This article also shows that the anti-drug policy Plan Colombia has been a rather ineffective strategy to decrease drug production, generate economic development, and reduce violence. Since this study includes both, a statistical analysis of the effects violence and illegal drugs have on the economic growth of Colombia, as well as an enhanced evaluation of the policy programme Plan Colombia, it fills the gap between existing empirical studies about the Colombian illegal drug industry and analyses of Plan Colombia. 1. Introduction In many Latin American countries there is an on-going discussion on how to tackle the economic, social and political problems that are caused not only by the illegal drug industry itself but much more by the policies that focus on repressing production and trafficking of illegal drugs. The need to reform international drug policy and change the strategy in the war on drugs was publicly emphasised by a report of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy (2009). Led by three former Latin American presidents and the Global Commission on Drugs and Democracy, the report recognised that the war on drugs in many Latin American countries has failed (Campero et al., 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • Coca Myths T N Drugs and Democracy Programme I
    DEB ATE PAPERS JUNE 2009 no17 Coca Myths T N Drugs and Democracy Programme I TRANSNATIONAL TNI Briefing Series No 2009/1 CO N TE N T S AUTHORS • Editorial 3 Anthony Henman Pien Metaal • Myth One: Coca and Nutrition 4 EDITORS Martin Jelsma Box: Nutritional value of coca leaf - Harvard Study 7 Amira Armenta DESIGN • Myth Two: Coca and Alkaloids 7 Jan Abrahim Vos • Myth Three: Coca and Addiction 13 PRINTER Drukkerijj PrimaveraQuint • Myth Four: Amsterdam Coca and the Environment 16 FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTIONS • Myth Five: Coca and Society 20 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Netherlands) • Final Remarks 22 Foundation Open Society T Institute (FOSI) • Bibliography 23 N Drugs & Conflict Series I CONTACT Transnational Institute No. 1 Europe and Plan Colombia, April 2001 De Wittenstraat 25 1052 AK Amsterdam No. 2 In the Heat of the Debate. Fumigation and Conflict in Colombia, September 2001 Netherlands No. 3 Merging Wars. Afghanistan. Drugs and Terrorism, December Tel: -31-20-6626608 2001 Fax: -31-20-6757176 No. 4 A Failed Balance. Alternative Development and Eradication, [email protected] March 2002 www.tni.org/drugs No. 5 Breaking the Impasse. Polarisation & Paralysis in UN Drug www.ungassondrugs.org Control, July 2002 No. 6 Change of Course. An Agenda for Vienna, March 2003 The contents of this No. 7 Cross Purposes. Alternative Development and Conflict in Colombia, document can be quoted or June 2003 reproduced as long as the No. 8 Transcending Drug Control. Forward Operating Locations in Latin America, September 2003 source is mentioned. TNI No. 9 Drugs and Conflict in Burma (Myanmar). Dilemmas for Policy would appreciate receiving a Responses, December 2003 copy of the text in which this No.
    [Show full text]
  • And the Indigenous People of Bolivia Maral Shoaei University of South Florida, [email protected]
    University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School January 2012 MAS and the Indigenous People of Bolivia Maral Shoaei University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the Latin American Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Shoaei, Maral, "MAS and the Indigenous People of Bolivia" (2012). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4401 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MAS and the Indigenous People of Bolivia by Maral Shoaei A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science College of Arts and Sciences Universtiy of South Florida Major Professor: Bernd Reiter, Ph.D. Rachel May, Ph.D. Harry E. Vanden, Ph.D. Date of Approval: October 16, 2012 Keywords: Social Movements, Evo Morales, Cultural Politics, Marginalization and Exclusion Copyright © 2012, Maral Shoaei Acknowledgement I would like to first thank my committee chair, Dr. Bernd Reiter, whose extensive knowledge, expertise and passion for Latin American politics provided me invaluable guidance and support. I have benefited greatly from his enthusiasm and encouragement throughout the research process, and for this I am extremely grateful. I would also like to thank Dr. Rachel May and Dr. Harry Vanden for taking time out to serve as members of my committee and provide me with critical comments, advice and support.
    [Show full text]