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Illness and Death Experiences in Northwestern Tanzania

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Illness and Death Experiences in Northwestern Tanzania ILLNESS AND DEATH EXPERIENCES IN NORTHWESTERN TANZANIA: AN INVESTIGATION OF DISCOURSES, PRACTICES, BELIEFS, AND SOCIAL OUTCOMES, ESPECIALLY RELATED TO WITCHCRAFT, USED IN A CRITICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION AND EDUCATION PROCESS WITH PENTECOSTAL MINISTERS by Steven Dale Horsager Rasmussen B.A., Bethel College, 1985 M.Div., Bethel Seminary, 1992 A DISSERTATION Submitted to the faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Intercultural Studies at Trinity International University Deerfield, Illinois August 2008 (slightly revised February 2009) Accepted: ______________________________ Dissertation Director ______________________________ Second Reader ______________________________ Third Reader ______________________________ Program Director ii ABSTRACT This research (1) secured detailed information on discourses and practices during selected episodes involving illness and/or death in Northwestern Tanzania with particular attention to the beliefs involved, and to the social outcomes of these practices and (2) used this material as the basis for a carefully documented critical contextualization and education process in which ministers inductively grappled with the theological and pastoral issues which these cases represent. Most Northwestern Tanzanians believe “witches” cause most serious illnesses and deaths. Along with its explanatory power, witchcraft brings negative feelings like fear and negative social outcomes ranging from distrust and destroyed relationships to banishment, beatings, and death. “Witches” may use spirits. Spirits such as ancestors, majini (genies or jinn), or demons may themselves cause illness or death or remove their protection. They do this because the afflicted person has broken their taboo, or they want to motivate toward a particular action. People who are not witches can also cause illness through the invisible means of poison/dawa, bad luck or curses. Northwestern Tanzanians usually understand these interpersonal causal ontologies as primary; moral and biomedical causal ontologies as secondary: “Your failure allowed her to make you sick:” The ill person sinned, broke a taboo, or offended someone. As a result an ancestor, spirit, or iii God caused his/her illness or removed his/her spiritual protection so that a “witch” or spirit could cause the illness. “She used it:” An object or accident may be the means, but ultimately someone is responsible. Someone may ask, “Who sent the mosquito with the malaria parasite and prevented treatment from being effective so that my child died?” Northwestern Tanzanians choose, mix, and argue from three primary options to explain, treat, and evaluate illness and death: Local/neo-traditional, biomedical, and Christian. The local/neo-traditional explanation and treatment system focuses on relationships with “witches” (present, visible, evil people) using invisible witchcraft, and also present, invisible spirits. The biomedical system focuses on visible, physical objects such as parasites, viruses, and medicines as causal agents using a mechanical analogy. The Pentecostal Christian system says that demons, witchcraft, sin, God‟s will, and/or biomedical objects can cause illnesses and deaths, but focuses on Jesus as powerfully present to heal and protect his followers. It identifies all spirits as demons, whether called ancestors, majini or other. Pentecostal ministers cast out these demons with the authority of Jesus, rather than negotiate with them for peace, health, wealth, or divination powers. Sometimes, fearless trust in Jesus allows Pentecostals to restore relationships broken by witchcraft suspicion. Sometimes, fear causes them to passively follow the community in suspecting and even shunning a neighbor. When a suspected witch joins the church, church members‟ opinions remain divided (“Is she fully converted or still dangerous?”). iv I conducted a critical contextualization and education process with four classes of Pentecostal ministers and two church groups. Students brought interviews. Lively, open discussion primarily described the issues in the context, especially issues related to witchcraft. As students sought a Christian response to illness, death, and witchcraft, areas of agreement and disagreement emerged. We all agreed that sin, physical entities like parasites, and spiritual beings like demons cause illness and death. We all agreed that Jesus is most powerful and does heal. Students disagreed among themselves about whether witchcraft or something else caused particular cases, whether pastors should ever use local medicines, and whether local healers divine accurately and treat effectively. Students all believed that witches cause illness and death while I remained skeptical. We all approached Scripture using our experiences and worldview, but learned from each other. v I dedicate this to my heroes/teachers/friends who strive to live like Jesus in their context including my family, especially my parents, Virgil and Ruth Rasmussen, and Pentecostal Ministers in Northwestern Tanzania, especially John and Elizabeth Mwanzalima CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ....................................................................................................... xii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................. xiv Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 Research Concern ............................................................................................... 2 Research Problem ............................................................................................... 2 Sub-Research Questions: .................................................................................... 2 Significance of the Study .................................................................................... 4 Significant Suffering ..................................................................................... 5 Insufficient Response .................................................................................... 5 Limitations .......................................................................................................... 9 2. PRECEDENT LITERATURE ......................................................................................... 13 Location and Participants.................................................................................. 13 Northwestern Tanzania ............................................................................... 13 Sukumaland................................................................................................. 16 Pentecostal Ministers .................................................................................. 19 Relationship of Experiences, Discourse, Practices, and Beliefs ....................... 22 Beliefs: Causes and Cures of Suffering ............................................................ 25 Social Outcomes ............................................................................................... 28 Contextualization Theory.................................................................................. 31 Historical Sketch of Contextualization ....................................................... 31 vii Development of Contextualization Theory................................................. 35 Critical Contextualization ........................................................................... 43 Spiritual Warfare............................................................................................... 45 Debate in Missiology .................................................................................. 45 Discussion in Africa.................................................................................... 48 Suffering and Witchcraft................................................................................... 53 A Theology of Suffering and Misfortune for East Africa........................... 53 Anthropological Descriptions of Witchcraft............................................... 58 Recent Missiological Responses to Witchcraft........................................... 61 3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................................................................... 66 Data Collection ................................................................................................. 66 Theoretical Base for this Data Collection ................................................... 67 Historical Development of the Data Collection .......................................... 69 Data Analysis .................................................................................................... 73 4. INTRODUCTION TO THE FIELD OF ANALYSIS ..................................................... 76 Pentecostal Churches in Tanzania .................................................................... 76 Biomedical Setting ............................................................................................ 83 5. SYNCHRONIC EXPLANATION OF NORTHWESTERN TANZANIANS RESPONSES TO ILLNESS AND DEATH ................................................................... 87 Label a Misfortune ............................................................................................ 88 Choose an Explanation System......................................................................... 89 God.............................................................................................................
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