Retrospective Experience of Revolutionary Activity to Seize Power in Armenia
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Appeasement and Autonomy | Armenian
APPEASEMENT AND AUTONOMY BRIEF / 2 Jan 2021 Armenian-Russian relations from revolution to war by GEOPOLITICALSERIES Narek Sukiasyan PhD candidate and teaching associate at Yerevan State University, Armenia Summary › Armenia’s 2018 Velvet Revolution did not INTRODUCTION change the country’s foreign and secu- rity policy priorities: a close security al- Armenia’s foreign policy and its role in the post-Soviet liance with Russia has been used to bal- space are often characterised as ‘pro-Russian’. While ance its regional adversaries Turkey and such a description is partially true, it is overly sim- Azerbaijan; however, the revolutionary plistic. This Brief analyses the main trends and evolu- prime minister Nikol Pashinyan has also at- tions in Armenia’s Russia policy after the 2018 Velvet tempted to increase Armenia’s autonomy Revolution: how the changes have influenced Russia’s vis-à-vis Russia. approach towards Armenia, how these dynamics af- › Pashinyan’s attempts to address the for- fect Armenia’s autonomy and what the consequences mer presidents’ abuses of power and cur- of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war are for Armenia’s tail Russian influence in Armenia, coupled regional security and alliances. with moves that could have been interpret- ed as anti-Russian, have created tensions After the revolution and up until the 2020 with Moscow. Nagorno-Karabakh war, no substantial strategic changes were made to Armenian foreign policy. The › The need to sustain the strategic alliance leadership has avoided framing its external affairs in circumstances in which the Kremlin has in geopolitical ‘pro or against’ terms, promoting a been deeply mistrustful of Armenia’s new ‘pro-Armenian’ policy that aims to maintain good re- leadership has forced Pashinyan’s govern- lations in all directions and prioritises sovereignty as ment to appease Russia. -
The Outcome of the Second Karabakh War: Confrontation Between the Diaspora and the Armenian Government
APRIL-2021 ANALYSIS THE OUTCOME OF THE SECOND KARABAKH WAR: CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE DIASPORA AND THE ARMENIAN GOVERNMENT The trilateral agreement signed by the heads of state of Azerbaijan, Russia and Armenia on November 10, 2020 caused a growing discontent both among the citizens of Armenia and among representatives of the diaspora. The Armenian people were divided into several camps: those accusing the West of inaction; those accusing Russia of betrayal; and, finally, those accusing the current government of both betrayal and unpreparedness for military action. It should be noted that diaspora organizations did not openly criticize Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan in their statements at first, blaming Azerbaijan and its ally Turkey for everything. One of the first to speak out against the current administration was the Union of Armenians of Russia (UAR), led by its chairman Ara Abramyan. The situation was further aggravated by the spread of unfounded information about the government misappropriating the funds raised by the Hayastan Foundation during the war. As a result, representatives of the diaspora began to demand the resignation of the present administration. As noted above, one of the first large diaspora organizations to blame the current Armenian government was the Union of Armenians of Russia. Immediately after the signing of said agreement, the UAR held an online meeting of 50 heads of its regional offices, led by its chairman A. Abramyan[1], and on November 11, the organization issued a statement on behalf of the chairman, accusing Prime Minister Pashinyan of “incapacity and inability to run the country effectively.”[2] Russian businessman of Armenian origin Samvel Karapetyan, as well as entrepreneurs Artak Tovmasyan and Ruben Vardanyan, also joined these appeals. -
The Great Expectations of the Armenian Revolution: Democracy V
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2019, Baden-Baden 2020, pp. 65-80. Ekaterina Dorodnova The Great Expectations of the Armenian Revolution: Democracy v. Stability? Introduction The purpose of this contribution is to explore and discuss one of the most re- markable developments in Armenia over the course of the past two years. Un- like many other incidents that shattered stability in the country following inde- pendence, the non-violent yet revolutionary events of April 2018 reverberated positively not only in Armenia, but far beyond its borders too. One and a half years later, the peaceful transition of power in Armenia is still largely regarded as an undeniable achievement in democracy-building. In many ways, it did exceed the most optimistic expectations of domestic and international observers. However, deeply-rooted and systemic challenges in ensuring the country’s security and resilience are mounting, and many remain unresolved despite the high expectations placed on the new authorities. Given the rapid pace, complexity, and uncertainty of these developments, this contribution reviews the most relevant events that unfolded during and after the revolution, and the most likely further scenarios. Mobilization and Non-Violence Beyond Expectation The world applauded the Armenians for the non-violent transfer of power in April-May 2018, known as the “Velvet Revolution” or “the Revolution of Love and Solidarity”.1 Without a single shot being fired, on 23 April 2018, former president-turned-prime minister Serzh Sargsyan handed the reins of power to Nikol Pashinyan after a decade in power. Pashinyan was a former journalist and political prisoner-turned-opposition MP, and an exceptionally charismatic and talented revolutionary leader. -
Bgr
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 09/28/2020 4:52:04 PM From: Tavlarides, Mark <mtavlarides(a)bgrdc.com> Sent: Monday, September 28, 2020 4:39 PM To: Tavlarides, Mark <mtavlarides(q>bgrdc.com> Subject: Azerbaijan Update Good afternoon, I wanted to bring to your attention a press release from the Embassy of the Republic of Azerbaijan on the recent attacks by Armenia on Azerbaijani civilians. It can be found here. Since yesterday, September 27, Armenia has launched a large-scale provocation against Azerbaijan, targeting residential areas and the armed forces of Azerbaijan. As a result of massive shelling of Azerbaijani villages, 8 civilians were killed and many more injured. The Azerbaijani Army, using the right of self-defense and in order to protect civilians, reacted through counter-offensive measures. Azerbaijan's operations are conducted within its internationally recognized sovereign territories, and Azerbaijan is abiding by its commitments under international humanitarian law. Azerbaijan has long expressed warnings that it expects larger military provocations by Armenia at any time. Open provocations by the Armenian leadership, especially by Prime Minister Pashinyan; recent intensified reconnaissance; and sabotage activities by Armenia, including using tactical drones against Azerbaijani positions, demonstrate that Armenia was preparing to launch another attack. Armenia has violated all the norms and principles of international law by occupying internationally recognized territories of Azerbaijan, which was condemned by four UN Security Council Resolutions. Against this background, please see attached for relevant information on the latest developments, including the list of Armenian provocations for the last 2 years. Please let me know if you have any questions. -
Karabakh-Discourses-In-Armenia
Caucasus Edition Journal of Conflict Transformation POLITICAL TRANSITIONS AND CONFLICTS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS Caucasus Edition Volume 3, Issue 2 2018 In This Issue From the Editorial Team 1 PART 1 4 Engagement with the South Caucasus de facto states: A viable strategy for conflict transformation? Nina Caspersen 5 Russia and the conflicts in the South Caucasus: main approaches, problems, and prospects Sergey Markedonov 24 Two Modalities of Foreign and Domestic Policies in Turkey: From Soft Power to War Rhetoric Ömer Turan 48 PART 2 66 Nationalism and Hegemony in Post-Communist Georgia Bakar Berekashvili 67 Russia and Georgia 2008-2018 – Escapism for the Sake of Peace? Dmitry Dubrovskiy 80 Recommendations Dmitry Dubrovskiy 92 The Poverty of Militarism: The ‘Velvet Revolution’ and the Defeat of Militarist Quasi-Ideology in Armenia Mikayel Zolyan 95 Discourses of War and Peace within the Context of the Nagorno- Karabakh Conflict: The Case of Azerbaijan Lala Jumayeva 105 Recommendations Lala Jumayeva, Mikayel Zolyan 117 Perceptions in Azerbaijan of the Impact of Revolutionary Changes in Armenia on the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process Zaur Shiriyev 119 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan 140 Recommendations Anahit Shirinyan, Zaur Shiriyev 155 Authors 158 Editors 161 Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Karabakh Discourses in Armenia Following the Velvet Revolution Anahit Shirinyan The question as to what changes Armenia’s Velvet Revolution may be bearing for the peace process around Nagorno-Karabakh is trending among the South Caucasus watchers. The new Armenian government is ready to discuss mutual compromises, but suggests that Azerbaijan shelf its war rhetoric first. -
Monitoring of Armenian Broadcast Media Coverage of Elections to Ra National Assembly on April 2, 2017
EU/CoE Joint Project Promote Professional and Responsible Journalism by Supporting Regional Network of Self-Regulatory Bodies MONITORING OF ARMENIAN BROADCAST MEDIA COVERAGE OF ELECTIONS TO RA NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON APRIL 2, 2017 YEREVAN PRESS CLUB This document has been produced using funds of a Joint Project between the European Union and the Council of Europe. The views expressed herein can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the European Union or the Council of Europe. PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2017 YEREVAN PRESS CLUB www.ypc.am 2 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2017 CONTENTS RESULTS OF THE ELECTIONS TO RA NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON APRIL 2, 2017 4 KEY CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS BASED ON THE MONITORING OF COVERAGE OF 2017 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 5 REPORT ON MONITORING OF ARMENIAN BROADCAST MEDIA COVERAGE OF ELECTIONS TO RA NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN 2017 7 GENERAL INFORMATION ON MONITORING 27 MONITORING METHODOLOGY 28 PARTIES/BLOCS INCLUDED IN THE LIST OF MONITORING 33 THE MEDIA STUDIED: BRIEF OVERVIEW 34 TABLES. PRE-ELECTION PROMOTION (MARCH 5-31, 2017) 35 TABLES. AHEAD OF PRE-ELECTION PROMOTION (FEBRUARY 15 - MARCH 4, 2017) 48 3 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2017 RESULTS OF THE ELECTIONS TO RA NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ON APRIL 2, 2017 On April 2, 2017, five parties and four blocs took part in the elections to the RA National Assembly by national electoral lists. On April 9, 2017, RA Central Electoral Commission announced the final voting results of the elections to the National Assembly. The votes cast for the parties/blocs were distributed in the following way (in percentage): Party/Bloc % 1. -
Robert Fisk Emony
SEPTEMBER 30, 2017 Mirror-SpeTHE ARMENIAN ctator Volume LXXXVIII, NO. 11, Issue 4505 $ 2.00 NEWS The First English Language Armenian Weekly in the United States Since 1932 INBRIEF World Without Genocide Honors Turkish Scholar Akçam MINNEAPOLIS —Prof. Taner Akçam, holder of the Robert Aram, Marianne Kaloosdian and Stephen and Marian Mugar Chair in Armenian Genocide Studies at Clark University, will be hon- ored with the 2018 Outstanding Upstander Award from the World Without Genocide organization for his work promoting justice and the rule of law. He will formally receive the award at the organi- zation’s annual gala in May 2018 in Minneapolis. Akçam was one of the first Turkish intellectuals The Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II speaks at the Armenia-Diaspora Conference. to openly discuss the Armenian Genocide, he holds the only endowed chair dedicated to research and teaching on this subject. He is an outspoken advocate of democracy and free expression since his student days at Middle Calls for Unity at Diaspora Conference East Technical University in Ankara, he is an inter- nationally recognized human rights activist. new ground but if offered a chance for applause from the audience. By Alin K. Gregorian Armenians from around the globe, from She also stressed that the forum provid- Argentine Tycoon countries near and far, including Myanmar, ed many with a chance to get to know oth- Mirror-Spectator Staff Japan, Argentina, a total of 71 countries, to ers from different countries. Indeed, it was Declared Armenian mingle. interesting to see clusters of Spanish-speak- Every day there were four sessions dur- ing attendees with those from Iran, ‘National Hero’ YEREVAN — For three days, Armenians, ing which presentations were made. -
Privatization, State Militarization Through War, and Durable Social Exclusion in Post-Soviet Armenia Anna Martirosyan University of Missouri-St
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 7-18-2014 Privatization, State Militarization through War, and Durable Social Exclusion in Post-Soviet Armenia Anna Martirosyan University of Missouri-St. Louis, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Martirosyan, Anna, "Privatization, State Militarization through War, and Durable Social Exclusion in Post-Soviet Armenia" (2014). Dissertations. 234. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/234 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Privatization, State Militarization through War, and Durable Social Exclusion in Post-Soviet Armenia Anna Martirosyan M.A., Political Science, University of Missouri - St. Louis, 2008 M.A., Public Policy Administration, University of Missouri - St. Louis, 2002 B.A., Teaching Foreign Languages, Vanadzor Teachers' Training Institute, Armenia, 1999 A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School at the University of Missouri - St. Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science July 11, 2014 Advisory Committee David Robertson, Ph.D. (Chair) Eduardo Silva, Ph.D. Jean-Germain Gros, Ph.D. Kenneth Thomas, Ph.D. Gerard Libardian, Ph.D. TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS i -
Pashinyan's Gambit Or Armenia's Failed Revolution
ACTA VIA SERICA Vol. 5, No. 1, June 2020: 121–152 doi: 10.22679/avs.2020.5.1.005 Pashinyan’s Gambit or Armenia’s Failed Revolution VAHRAM ABADJIAN The article is a critical examination of the political developments in Armenia since the ‘Velvet Revolution’ of April-May 2018, when, on the wave of massive protests against the ruling regime, new young forces came to power raising amongst broad segments of population enormous enthusiasm and hopes about radical reforms that would lead to profound transformations in the political and socio-economic spheres. It contains a thorough analysis of underlying political processes in the country in an attempt to answer a number of topical questions, so important to get a deeper understanding of the situation in Armenia and in the South Caucasus region. Based on the analysis of the new authorities’ performance against the acknowledged benchmarks and standards of democracy consolidation, such as: separation of powers, independence of the judiciary, good governance, transitional justice the author comes to the conclusion that they failed to achieve any breakthrough in the above-mentioned fields. On the contrary, as demonstrated by concrete examples, what occurred in Armenia was not a revolution but a mere regime change under the leadership of Prime Minister Pashinyan, who gradually has concentrated in his hands executive, legislative, and quasi-totality of the judicial branch of power. Key words: Armenia, ‘velvet revolution’, PM Pashinyan, democracy consolidation, political parties Dr. VAHRAM ABADJIAN ([email protected]) is an independent international affairs expert and former Ambassador of Armenia to the United Kingdom. 122 Acta Via Serica, Vol. -
Armenia's Past, Present and Future
Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Scholarship Spring 5-17-2020 Armenia’s Past, Present and Future -- Where it was? Where it is? Where is it going? -- Velvet Revolution 2018 Stella Tangiyan [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Tangiyan, Stella, "Armenia’s Past, Present and Future -- Where it was? Where it is? Where is it going? -- Velvet Revolution 2018". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2020. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/859 Armenia’s Past, Present and Future Where it was? Where it is? Where is it going? Velvet Revolution 2018 By Stella Tangiyan Advisor: Andrew Flibbert Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science 1 Table of Contents Armenian Velvet Revolution ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 4 Chapter 1: Exploring Color Revolutions ………………………………………………………………………………… 9 Chapter 2: External Factors That Caused the Velvet Revolution …………………………………………… 33 Chapter 3: Internal Factors That Caused the Velvet Revolution …………………………………………… 46 Chapter 4: Post-Velvet Revolution Armenia ……………………………………………………………………….. 88 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 119 References …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 122 2 Acknowledgments From the bottom of my heart, I would like to thank Trinity College’s Political Science department. Professors that I met here truly inspired me to strive for knowledge and appreciate academia. Thank you to Professor Andrew Flibbert, my thesis advisor, who was with me throughout this whole journey. While not having much knowledge in the area of my research, he agreed to guide me through this process. His comments and contributions truly helped me with navigating my thesis-writing journey. -
CPL(25)3FINAL 31 October 2013
Chamber of Local Authorities 25th SESSION Strasbourg, 29-31 October 2013 CPL(25)3FINAL 31 October 2013 Election of the members of the Avagani (Assembly of Aldermen) of the City of Yerevan, Armenia (5 May 2013) Rapporteur: Stewart DICKSON, United Kingdom (L, ILDG1) Resolution 359 (2013) ............................................................................................................................. 2 Recommendation 344 (2013).................................................................................................................. 3 Explanatory memorandum ...................................................................................................................... 5 Summary Upon invitation by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia of 20 March 2013, the Congress appointed a delegation to observe the elections for the Assembly of Aldermen (Avagani) of the City of Yerevan, deploying six teams to more than 100 polling stations throughout the city on 5 May 2013. The Committee of the Regions of the European Union accepted the Congress’s invitation to join the delegation, sending three members. With the exception of individual incidents in a few polling stations, the Congress delegation assessed the elections as technically well-prepared, in keeping with international standards, and carried out in a calm and orderly manner. In pursuance of the Congress’s recommendations, with the new Electoral Code of Armenia, the authorities undertook a positive shift from a partisan to a non-partisan model at the level of the -
Armenia 2018 Human Rights Report
ARMENIA 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Armenia’s constitution provides for a parliamentary republic with a unicameral legislature, the National Assembly (parliament). The prime minister elected by the parliament heads the government; the president, also elected by the parliament, largely performs a ceremonial role. In December 9 snap parliamentary elections, the My Step coalition, led by acting Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan from the Civil Contract party, won 70 percent of the vote and an overwhelming majority of seats in the parliament. According to the December 10 preliminary assessment of the international election observation mission under the umbrella of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the parliamentary elections were held with respect for fundamental freedoms and enjoyed broad public trust that should be preserved through further election reforms. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. Nikol Pashinyan was initially elected by parliament on May 8 following largely peaceful nationwide protests throughout the country in April and May, called the “velvet revolution.” The new government launched a series of investigations to prosecute systemic government corruption, and the country held its first truly competitive elections on December 9. Human rights issues included torture; harsh and life threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; police violence against journalists; physical interference by security forces with freedom of assembly; restrictions on political participation; systemic government corruption; crimes involving violence or threats thereof targeting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons; inhuman and degrading treatment of persons with disabilities in institutions, including children; and worst forms of child labor. The new government took steps to investigate and punish abuse, especially at high levels of government and law enforcement.