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1 Revolutionary Tribunals and the Origins of Terror in Early Soviet Russia
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE Revolutionary Tribunals and the Origins of Terror in Early Soviet Russia AUTHORS Rendle, Matthew JOURNAL Historical Research DEPOSITED IN ORE 14 May 2013 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/9361 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication 1 Revolutionary tribunals and the origins of terror in early Soviet Russia* Matthew Rendle University of Exeter Abstract After the October Revolution of 1917, the Bolsheviks restructured Russia’s legal system, assigning the central role in targeting their enemies to revolutionary tribunals. Within months, however, this ‘revolutionary justice’ was marginalized in favour of the secret police (Cheka) and a policy of terror. This article utilizes the archives of three tribunals, contemporary writings, newspapers and memoirs to examine the tribunals’ investigations and trials, and their impact. It argues that the relative failure of tribunals paved the way for the terror that engulfed Russia by autumn 1918 and laid the foundations of the repressive Soviet state. On 24 November 1917, as part of a radical overhaul of Russia’s legal system, the Bolsheviks established revolutionary tribunals to deal with counter-revolutionary threats, profiteering, speculation, sabotage and other ‘political’ crimes. The definition of counter-revolution was deliberately vague; it could be any thought or action attacking the goals and achievements of the revolution as defined by the Bolsheviks. -
The Non-Christian Nature of Marxism
The Non-Christian Nature of Marxism Andrew T. Looker, Jr. HSOG Culture and Crisis Conference Liberty University March 6, 2021 I am from Charlotte, North Carolina. I graduated from Liberty University in May 2020 with a Bachelor of Science Degree in U.S. Government, with a concentration in Politics and Policy. I also graduated with a minor in History. I am currently in my second semester of studies in the Master of Arts in Public Policy program. Introduction Marxism is one of the most impactful philosophies in the history of mankind. It refers to the political and economic theories formulated by Karl Marx, a German philosopher who lived from 1818 to 1883. Marx’s most well-known works include the Communist Manifesto (1848) and Das Kapital (1859). Marxism initially consisted of the three related ideas of a philosophical anthropology, a theory of history, and a radical economic and political program.1 More specifically, Marx claimed that capitalism is just one stage in the historical progression from inferior economic systems to superior ones. Marx held that every society throughout history has been divided into different social classes which drive conflict. Within the capitalist framework, Marx claimed that society consisted of two classes: the bourgeoisie, or the business class who control the means of production, and the proletariat, or the workers whose labor produces valuable economic goods. In Marx’s view, the bourgeoisie profit at the expense of the proletariat, who they exploit by means of low wages and poor working conditions. As the political and economic inequalities between the upper and working classes continue to grow, Marx predicted that the proletariat would increasingly become alienated from capitalism. -
The Russian Revolutions: the Impact and Limitations of Western Influence
Dickinson College Dickinson Scholar Faculty and Staff Publications By Year Faculty and Staff Publications 2003 The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence Karl D. Qualls Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Qualls, Karl D., "The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence" (2003). Dickinson College Faculty Publications. Paper 8. https://scholar.dickinson.edu/faculty_publications/8 This article is brought to you for free and open access by Dickinson Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Karl D. Qualls The Russian Revolutions: The Impact and Limitations of Western Influence After the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have again turned their attention to the birth of the first Communist state in hopes of understanding the place of the Soviet period in the longer sweep of Russian history. Was the USSR an aberration from or a consequence of Russian culture? Did the Soviet Union represent a retreat from westernizing trends in Russian history, or was the Bolshevik revolution a product of westernization? These are vexing questions that generate a great deal of debate. Some have argued that in the late nineteenth century Russia was developing a middle class, representative institutions, and an industrial economy that, while although not as advanced as those in Western Europe, were indications of potential movement in the direction of more open government, rule of law, free market capitalism. Only the Bolsheviks, influenced by an ideology imported, paradoxically, from the West, interrupted this path of Russian political and economic westernization. -
Mystified Consciousness: Rethinking the Rise of the Far Right with Marx and Lacan
Open Cultural Studies 2018; 2: 236–248 Research Article Claudia Leeb* Mystified Consciousness: Rethinking the Rise of the Far Right with Marx and Lacan https://doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0022 Received March 31, 2018; accepted September 2, 2018 Abstract: This paper brings core concepts coined by Karl Marx in conversation with Jacques Lacan to analyse some of the mechanisms that have mystified subjects’ consciousness, and contributed to a scenario where the (white) working-classes in the United States and elsewhere turned to the far right that further undermines their existence, instead of uniting with the raced and gendered working class to overthrow capitalism. It explains that the money fetish, which we find at the centre of the American Dream of wholeness (on earth), serves as the unconscious fantasy object petit a to deal with the desires and fears subjects fundamental non-wholeness creates, which have been heightened by the insecurities of neoliberal capitalism and exploited by the far right. It also shows how religion offers the illusion of wholeness in the sky, which produces subjects who endure rather than rebel against their suffering. Finally, it explains how the far-right brands the sexed and raced working-classes as inferior to uphold the illusion of the white working-class subjects as whole, which further undermines the creation of a revolutionary proletariat. Keywords: far right, Marx, Lacan Introduction1 The reform of consciousness consists only in enabling the world to clarify its consciousness, in waking it from its dream about itself, in explaining to it the meaning of its own actions (Marx, “For a Ruthless Critique” 15). -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
Organized Crime and the Russian State Challenges to U.S.-Russian Cooperation
Organized Crime and the Russian State Challenges to U.S.-Russian Cooperation J. MICHAEL WALLER "They write I'm the mafia's godfather. It was Vladimir Ilich Lenin who was the real organizer of the mafia and who set up the criminal state." -Otari Kvantrishvili, Moscow organized crime leader.l "Criminals Nave already conquered the heights of the state-with the chief of the KGB as head of a mafia group." -Former KGB Maj. Gen. Oleg Kalugin.2 Introduction As the United States and Russia launch a Great Crusade against organized crime, questions emerge not only about the nature of joint cooperation, but about the nature of organized crime itself. In addition to narcotics trafficking, financial fraud and racketecring, Russian organized crime poses an even greater danger: the theft and t:rafficking of weapons of mass destruction. To date, most of the discussion of organized crime based in Russia and other former Soviet republics has emphasized the need to combat conven- tional-style gangsters and high-tech terrorists. These forms of criminals are a pressing danger in and of themselves, but the problem is far more profound. Organized crime-and the rarnpant corruption that helps it flourish-presents a threat not only to the security of reforms in Russia, but to the United States as well. The need for cooperation is real. The question is, Who is there in Russia that the United States can find as an effective partner? "Superpower of Crime" One of the greatest mistakes the West can make in working with former Soviet republics to fight organized crime is to fall into the trap of mirror- imaging. -
A Post-Capitalist, Post-Stalinist Social Democracy: Hungary 1956 and 1990
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 11 Issue 2 Article 3 1991 A Post-Capitalist, Post-Stalinist Social Democracy: Hungary 1956 and 1990 Leslie A. Muray Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Muray, Leslie A. (1991) "A Post-Capitalist, Post-Stalinist Social Democracy: Hungary 1956 and 1990," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 11 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol11/iss2/3 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. · .. , A POST-CAPITALIST, POST-STALINIST SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: HUNGARY 1956 and 1990 by Leslie A. Muray Dr. Leslie A, Muray (Episcopalian) is a professor at Lansing Community College in Michigan. Born in Hungary, he came to the U.S.A. as a young boy. He received his Ph.D. degree at Claremont Graduate Theogical School in California. He is the editor of the C.A.R.E.E. Newsletter on the Christian-Marxist Encounter. This paper presented at the "Marxism and Religion" seminar, at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, November 19, 1990. It is rather commonplace to hear that there is no tradition of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. Focusing on resources provided by history, religion, and certain aspects of Marxist thought for the construction of a non-capitalist, post-Stalinist society in the country of the author's birth, Hungary, I hope to dispel this Western European and North American stereotype in this essay. -
Second Report Submitted by the Russian Federation Pursuant to The
ACFC/SR/II(2005)003 SECOND REPORT SUBMITTED BY THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION PURSUANT TO ARTICLE 25, PARAGRAPH 2 OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES (Received on 26 April 2005) MINISTRY OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION REPORT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PROVISIONS OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES Report of the Russian Federation on the progress of the second cycle of monitoring in accordance with Article 25 of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities MOSCOW, 2005 2 Table of contents PREAMBLE ..............................................................................................................................4 1. Introduction........................................................................................................................4 2. The legislation of the Russian Federation for the protection of national minorities rights5 3. Major lines of implementation of the law of the Russian Federation and the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities .............................................................15 3.1. National territorial subdivisions...................................................................................15 3.2 Public associations – national cultural autonomies and national public organizations17 3.3 National minorities in the system of federal government............................................18 3.4 Development of Ethnic Communities’ National -
HPSCI Testimony – Steve Hall I'm Happy to Be with You Here Today To
HPSCI Testimony – Steve Hall I’m happy to be with you here today to share my thoughts on Vladimir Putin’s Russia, gleaned from working in the CIA’s Clandestine Service for over 30 years. During my time at CIA, from when I started out as a line case officer through when I retired in 2015 as a member of the Senior Intelligence Service, most of my time and efforts were focused on Russia. I retired as the Chief of Central Eurasia Division, responsible for managing CIA’s Russian operations worldwide. I am not a trained Russian historian, nor am I an analyst. Rather, my views on Putin’s Russia come from my experiences as a former intelligence officer, and I believe this is an important perspective. Here’s why. I am often asked for my thoughts on who Putin really is, what makes him tick, how he thinks, is he really that much of a threat. My best response is that Vladimir Putin is first and foremost a Chekist, whose primary goal is the weakening of democracy in the United States and the West. The Cheka was the Lenin-era secret police, the precursor to the KGB – of which Putin was a member – as well as to the modern day Russian intelligence services. It was the Cheka and its successors that built and ran the Soviet system of concentration camps, the Gulag. It was the Cheka that executed thousands of its own citizens in the basement of the Lubyanka, its headquarters in Moscow. The history of the Russian intelligence services is one of unalloyed brutality. -
1 Remembering Marx's Secularism* Scholars Engaged in the Critique Of
Remembering Marx’s Secularism* Scholars engaged in the critique of secularism have struggled with the numerous meanings of the secular and its cognates, such as secularism, secularization, and secularity. Seeking coherence in the secular’s semantic excess, they have often elided distinctions between these meanings or sought a more basic concept of the secular that can contain all of its senses (Asad 2003; Taylor 2007; see Weir 2015). Numerous scholars have observed strong similarities between secularism and Protestantism (Fessenden 2007; Modern 2011; Yelle 2013; see McCrary and Wheatley 2017), at times echoing a Christian theological tradition that has long been anti-secular (Taylor 2007; Gregory 2012; see Reynolds 2016). Unlike this anti-secular tradition, the strongest version of the critique of secularism is a critique of the conditions that produce a distinction between secular and religious and a critique of the ways that empire benefits from this distinction. Overcoming a tidy separation between secularism and religion requires fracturing both and reassembling them in new ways that allow messy life to exceed governance (Hurd 2015, 122- 27). Remembering Karl Marx’s secularism provides an opportunity to recover the differences within secularism and its difference from Christianity, but also its odd similarities with religion. This recovery can help refine the critique of secularism and preserve some important tools for improving material conditions. * Joseph Blankholm, Department of Religious Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA. E-mail: [email protected]. I owe thanks to several PhD students at the University of California, Santa Barbara for their valuable insights and feedback, including Matthew Harris, as well as the students in my seminar on materialism: Timothy Snediker, Lucas McCracken, Courtney Applewhite, and Damian Lanahan-Kalish. -
Opiate of the Masses? Social Inequality, Religion, and Politics
OPIATE OF THE MASSES? SOCIAL INEQUALITY, RELIGION, AND POLITICS Landon Schnabel* Indiana University, Bloomington Abstract: This study considers the assertion that religion is the opiate of the masses. Using a special module of the General Social Survey and drawing on structuration and positionality theories, I first demonstrate that religion functions as a compensatory resource for disadvantaged groups— women, racial minorities, those with lower incomes, and, to a lesser extent, sexual minorities. I then demonstrate that religion—operating as both palliative resource and values-shaping schema—suppresses what would otherwise be larger group differences in political values. This study provides empirical support for Marx’s general claim that religion is the “sigh of the oppressed creature” and suppressor of emancipatory politics. It expands upon and refines the economics-focused argument, however, showing that religion provides (1) compensatory resources for lack of social, and not just economic, status, and (2) traditional-values-oriented schemas that impact social attitudes more than economic attitudes. I conclude that religion is not a simple distraction, but instead a complex and powerful social structure in which people both receive psychological compensation and develop rules-based belief systems that shape their political values. Key Words: Inequality; Religion; Politics; Attitudes; Gender; Race; Ethnicity; Class; Sexuality Last Revised: 1/4/2018 Running Head: Opiate of the Masses? Word Count: 11,128 Figures: 1 Tables: 7 THIS IS A DRAFT. DO NOT QUOTE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT AUTHOR PERMISSION. * The author is grateful to Brian Powell for exceptional feedback. He would also like to thank Art Alderson, Clem Brooks, Youngjoo Cha, Andy Halpern-Manners, Patricia McManus, Chris Munn, Roshan Pandian, Brian Steensland, Evan Stewart, Jenny Trinitapoli, and members of the Indiana University Politics, Economy, and Culture Workshop for helpful input. -
Newell, J. 2004. the Russian Far East
Industrial pollution in the Komsomolsky, Solnechny, and Amursky regions, and in the city of Khabarovsk and its Table 3.1 suburbs, is excessive. Atmospheric pollution has been increas- Protected areas in Khabarovsk Krai ing for decades, with large quantities of methyl mercaptan in Amursk, formaldehyde, sulfur dioxide, phenols, lead, and Type and name Size (ha) Raion Established benzopyrene in Khabarovsk and Komsomolsk-on-Amur, and Zapovedniks dust prevalent in Solnechny, Urgal, Chegdomyn, Komso- molsk-on-Amur, and Khabarovsk. Dzhugdzhursky 860,000 Ayano-Maysky 1990 Between 1990 and 1999, industries in Komsomolsky and Bureinsky 359,000 Verkhne-Bureinsky 1987 Amursky Raions were the worst polluters of the Amur River. Botchinsky 267,400 Sovetsko-Gavansky 1994 High concentrations of heavy metals, copper (38–49 mpc), Bolonsky 103,600 Amursky, Nanaisky 1997 KHABAROVSK zinc (22 mpc), and chloroprene (2 mpc) were found. Indus- trial and agricultural facilities that treat 40 percent or less of Komsomolsky 61,200 Komsomolsky 1963 their wastewater (some treat none) create a water defi cit for Bolshekhekhtsirsky 44,900 Khabarovsky 1963 people and industry, despite the seeming abundance of water. The problem is exacerbated because of: Federal Zakazniks Ⅲ Pollution and low water levels in smaller rivers, particular- Badzhalsky 275,000 Solnechny 1973 ly near industrial centers (e.g., Solnechny and the Silinka River, where heavy metal levels exceed 130 mpc). Oldzhikhansky 159,700 Poliny Osipenko 1969 Ⅲ A loss of soil fertility. Tumninsky 143,100 Vaninsky 1967 Ⅲ Fires and logging, which impair the forests. Udylsky 100,400 Ulchsky 1988 Ⅲ Intensive development and quarrying of mineral resourc- Khekhtsirsky 56,000 Khabarovsky 1959 es, primarily construction materials.