Taiwan's Political Status
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Japan Between the Wars
JAPAN BETWEEN THE WARS The Meiji era was not followed by as neat and logical a periodi- zation. The Emperor Meiji (his era name was conflated with his person posthumously) symbolized the changes of his period so perfectly that at his death in July 1912 there was a clear sense that an era had come to an end. His successor, who was assigned the era name Taisho¯ (Great Righteousness), was never well, and demonstrated such embarrassing indications of mental illness that his son Hirohito succeeded him as regent in 1922 and re- mained in that office until his father’s death in 1926, when the era name was changed to Sho¯wa. The 1920s are often referred to as the “Taisho¯ period,” but the Taisho¯ emperor was in nominal charge only until 1922; he was unimportant in life and his death was irrelevant. Far better, then, to consider the quarter century between the Russo-Japanese War and the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident of 1931 as the next era of modern Japanese history. There is overlap at both ends, with Meiji and with the resur- gence of the military, but the years in question mark important developments in every aspect of Japanese life. They are also years of irony and paradox. Japan achieved success in joining the Great Powers and reached imperial status just as the territo- rial grabs that distinguished nineteenth-century imperialism came to an end, and its image changed with dramatic swiftness from that of newly founded empire to stubborn advocate of imperial privilege. Its military and naval might approached world standards just as those standards were about to change, and not long before the disaster of World War I produced revul- sion from armament and substituted enthusiasm for arms limi- tations. -
US-Taiwan Relations Remain Robust: Burghardt,” Taipei Times, July 14, 2012, Front Page
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2013 U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act Jacqueline Anne Vitello University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Vitello, Jacqueline Anne, "U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act" (2013). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 947. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/947 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. U.S. Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act __________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts __________ by Jacqueline A. Vitello June 2013 Advisor: Dr. Suisheng Zhao Author: Jacqueline A. Vitello Title: U.S-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act Advisor: Dr. Suisheng Zhao Degree Date: June 2013 Abstract The relationship between the United States and Taiwan is of great importance to both parties. Taiwan offers certain strategic opportunities for the promotion of American national security interests, and the U.S. accordingly provides Taiwan with support of both a defensive and diplomatic nature. The official U.S. policies regarding relations with Taiwan are enumerated in the Taiwan Relations Act (United States Code Title 22 Chapter 48 Sections 3301 – 3316). -
Hearing on the Taiwan Relations Act House International Relations Committee April 21, 2004 by Richard Bush the Brookings Institution
Hearing on The Taiwan Relations Act House International Relations Committee April 21, 2004 By Richard Bush The Brookings Institution Key Points In passing the Taiwan Relations Act twenty-five years ago, Congress helped fortify a Taiwan that was reeling from the shock of de-recognition and the end of the mutual defense treaty. In the subsequent quarter decade, the TRA has grown in importance as an element of U.S. policy, and as a symbol of American resolve. The TRA has been effective because it has always been reinforced by a strong and continuing political commitment by the Congress and the American public. It is law and political commitment combined that have helped keep Taiwan secure and free and will do so in the future. The recent election in Taiwan offered a clear choice to Taiwan voters between the pan-Blue camp, which favors a more conciliatory policy towards China and the pan- Green camp, which emphasized Taiwan identity and reform of the political order. China views President Chen with deep suspicion and believes that his political agenda is tantamount to the permanent separation of Taiwan from China, and therefore a fundamental challenge to Chinese interests. That perception may well be incorrect. Ensuring that Beijing does not over-react will require careful management on all sides. The TRA has been an admirably flexible and effective instrument of U.S. policy and mechanism for the conduct of U.S.-Taiwan relations. It will remain so if the U.S. political commitment to the island remains strong, and fosters a policy consensus between the Congress and the executive branch. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Dou-Shuu-Sei and the Capital System
Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism vol.65 March 2008 Dou-shuu-sei and the capital system Kiyotaka Yokomichi, professor at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies Capital-related issues under the dou-shuu-sei system Recently, controversy surrounding dou-shuu-sei is becoming heated again. Dou-shuu-sei is a regional sys- tem where Japan is divided into blocks (dou and shuu) that are larger than current prefectures, establishing com- prehensive regional governmental bodies. The 28th Local Government System Research Council, which is an advisory body for the Prime Minister, sub- mitted the Report on the Modality of the Dou-shuu-sei Regional System (hereinafter referred to as the Report) in February 2006. The Report points out that implementing dou-shuu-sei is appropriate, considering it as a reform reflecting the national structure of Japan. The Report also points out that dou-shuu-sei should follow the following three basic policies : 1. Abolishing prefectures (to, dou, fu, and ken) and establishing dou and shuu 2. Dou and shuu are upper-level regional government blocks 3. All of Japan is divided into approximately ten blocks (dou and shuu) (The Report suggests three zoning examples, where Japan is divided into 9, 11, or 13 blocks) The government has formed the Dou-shuu-sei Vision Forum, which is working to develop Dou-shuu-sei Visions. Their visions will probably follow the three basic policies mentioned above. If dou- shuu-sei with these policies is implemented, the Tokyo Metropolitan Government will be abolished, and Kanto-shuu will be established instead. (According to the zoning examples of the Report, it will be Kanto-Koshinetsu-shuu in the case of 9 regions, and Minami-Kanto- shuu in the cases of 11 and 13 regions). -
Laikinoji Sostine.Indd
THE TEMPORARY CAPITAL IN LITHUANIAN LITERATURE Summary The object of this study is the temporary capital of Lithuania – not the historical Kaunas of the interwar period, but its literary coun- terpart created in accordance with the distinctive principles of the world of art. Literature not only captures the specific characteristics of the citys’s reality, but also encompasses the relations of individual and collective consciousness with a particular urban space of a par- ticular period. Therefore, literature allows the reader a glimpse at the temporary capital through the eyes of its contemporaries – writers who were forced to either become post-war émigrés or live under Soviet rule, whereas to the literary historian it provides the materi- als needed to reconstruct the development of the literary image of interwar Kaunas. One of the main methodological backings of this study is the concept of the Petersburg text developed by Vladimir Toporov of the Moscow-Tartu school of semiotics. Following Toporov’s example, this study focuses on those works of literature that not only reflect the empirics and realities of the temporary capital, but also reveal the mythopoetic interpretation of the city. In them, empiric reality gives way to a historiosophical summary that conveys the very essence and uniqueness of the city. Even though Toporov’s methodological instruments for analys- ing the literary city are, in many aspects, useful when examining the temporary capital in Lithuanian literature, they cannot be used 277 without reservations as it was created with Petersburg in mind and heeds the specifics of the city’s founding and historical develop- ment. -
Capital Controls and Foreign Exchange Policy
WORKING PAPER SERIES NO 1415 / FEBRUARY 2012 CAPITAL CONTROLS AND FOREIGN EXCHANGE POLICY by Marcel Fratzscher In 2012 all ECB publications feature a motif taken from the €50 banknote. NOTE: This Working Paper should not be reported as representing the views of the European Central Bank (ECB). The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily refl ect those of the ECB. Acknowledgements Prepared for the 15th Annual Conference of the Banco Central de Chile on “Capital Mobility and Monetary Policy”. I am grateful to Norman Loayza, my discussant, and conference participants for comments and discussions, and Bogdan Bogdanov for excellent help with the data preparation. Views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily refl ect those of the European Central Bank. Marcel Fratzscher at European Central Bank, Kaiserstrasse 29, 60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany; e-mail: [email protected] © European Central Bank, 2012 Address Kaiserstrasse 29, 60311 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Postal address Postfach 16 03 19, 60066 Frankfurt am Main, Germany Telephone +49 69 1344 0 Internet http://www.ecb.europa.eu Fax +49 69 1344 6000 All rights reserved. ISSN 1725-2806 (online) Any reproduction, publication and reprint in the form of a different publication, whether printed or produced electronically, in whole or in part, is permitted only with the explicit written authorisation of the ECB or the authors. This paper can be downloaded without charge from http://www.ecb.europa.eu or from the Social Science Research Network electronic library at http://ssrn.com/abstract_id=1991084. -
Yemen: War Amongst Divided Alliances 1 Executive Summary
Contents Executive Summary 2 Divisions on Each Side 3 Coalition woes in Aden . 4 Collapse of the Houthi-Saleh Alliance . 6 A Lasting Siege 7 The Nihm Offensive Towards Sanaa . 7 Breakthrough at Bayhan . 8 Operation Golden Spear. 9 Stalemate in Midi . 10 Progress in Jawf . 10 The Coalition Air Campaign . 11 Houthi Missile Capabilities . 12 Al Qaeda and the Islamic State . 15 Yemen: War Amongst Divided Alliances 1 www.force-analysis.com Executive Summary Over the months of December 2017 and January 2018, both the Houthi Movement and the internationally recognized government of Yemen under President Hadi have gone through unprecedented challenges to the cohesion of their respective alliances within the Yemen conflict. In Sanaa, the Houthi Movement did see a definitive break with loyalists of former President Saleh, though was also able to retain significant support from military units, tribal elements and political factions. As such, the crisis in the Houthi alliance led to a temporary disruption of Houthi capabilities, but has not caused a general collapse. Just less than two months later, the city of Aden witnessed intense fighting between the Southern Resistance and troops loyal to the government of President Hadi. While fighting between these groups has occurred before in Aden, the recent fighting witnessed an aggressive and successful conquest of Aden by the Southern Resistance. The reliance of both these actors on external support, however, keeps Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in a position to mitigate the effects of this internal conflict. The inherent conflict between the Southern Movement and the government of President Hadi continues to be a source of friction within the coalition ranks, and is likely to re-emerge. -
Congressional Record—House H5757
July 14, 2004 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE H5757 the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. People’s Republic of China in areas adjacent (7) the United States Government should SMITH) that the House suspend the to the Taiwan Strait is a threat to the peace not discourage current officials of the Tai- rules and concur in the Senate concur- and security of the Western Pacific area; wan Government from visiting the United rent resolution, S. Con. Res. 114. Whereas section 3 of the Taiwan Relations States on the basis that doing so would vio- Act (22 U.S.C. 3302) requires that the United late the ‘‘one China policy’’. The question was taken. States Government will make available de- The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the fense articles and defense services in such opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of quantity as may be necessary to enable Tai- ant to the rule, the gentleman from those present have voted in the affirm- wan to maintain a sufficient self-defense ca- New Jersey (Mr. SMITH) and the gen- ative. pability; tleman from California (Mr. LANTOS) Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act requires each will control 20 minutes. demand the yeas and nays. the United States to maintain the capacity Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, is either The yeas and nays were ordered. to resist any resort to force or other forms of gentleman opposed to the bill? The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- coercion that would jeopardize the security, Mr. LANTOS. No, Mr. Speaker. I am ant to clause 8 of rule XX and the or the social or economic system, of the peo- ple of Taiwan; strongly in support of this legislation. -
1 Draft, Not for Citation Historical Perspectives on the Taiwan
Historical Perspectives on the Taiwan Relations Act Steven Phillips, Towson University AACS, October 2014, Washington, DC Draft: Not for citation or quotation. There exist several ways to understand or explain the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). First, the TRA represented a turning point in the history of United States relations with Taiwan. The first half of this story runs from the early Cold War to the late 1970s, when President Jimmy Carter completed the process of rapprochement begun by Richard Nixon. Taiwan’s “consolation prize” for the switch in diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic was the ambiguous commitment of the TRA. This narrative continues to the present as the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan struggles to maintain its international space and ties to Washington. Second is the story of the troubled presidency of Jimmy Carter, where domestic economic woes, foreign crises, and a sense of malaise led to the land-slide victory of Ronald Reagan and the rebirth of the Conservative movement in the United States. The TRA is one of many signs of growing discontent with Carter. Third is the long history of conflict between Congress and the President over foreign policy. The trends of the Nixon/Ford era combined with President Jimmy Carter’s weakness and a series of foreign policy crises to further embolden Congress. As one observer noted, “A careful analysis of the Taiwan Relations Act leaves no doubt that is does serve—in some respects, admirably—as an illuminating case study of congressional activism in foreign affairs.”1 He attributes this to a reaction to the growth of presidential power throughout the twentieth century. -
Music Education in Taiwan Taiwan (Officially Named the Republic
CHAPTER FOUR MUSIC EDUCATION IN TAIWAN Taiwan (officially named the Republic of China; hereafter the ROC) is bordered on the east by the Pacific Ocean and on the west by the For- mosa Strait, which separates it from mainland China by over 100 km. During the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), in the sixteenth century, there were only a few Han immigrants living in Taiwan, which was populated mainly by Malayo-Polynesian aborigines who had been living there for thousands of years. The first Europeans to visit Taiwan were the Por- tuguese, who arrived in 1590 and were so impressed with the island that they called it Formosa, which means “beautiful” in Latin. Dutch traders came to Taiwan in 1623 and used the island as a base for com- mercial activities with Japan and coastal areas of China. The following year, Taiwan became a Dutch colony. The Dutch East India Company administered the island and its predominantly aboriginal population until 1662, establishing a tax system and schools, in which aboriginal languages were taught using romanized scripts (Blusse and Everts, 2000; Campbell, 1915). In 1664 the Ming resistance forces directed by Zheng Cheng-gong (also known as Koxinga) expelled the Dutch and set up a local Chinese government in Taiwan (Li, 2009). It was the first time for Taiwan to be incorporated into the Chinese Empire. Taiwan was thus incorporated into the Chinese Empire for the first time. In 1895, the Japanese defeated the Manchus in the Sino-Japanese War; Taiwan was ceded to Japan under the Treaty of Shimonosek, and remained under its control until 1945. -
Signals, Threats, and Deterrence: Alive and Well in the Taiwan Strait
Catholic University Law Review Volume 47 Issue 1 Fall 1997 Article 4 1997 Signals, Threats, and Deterrence: Alive and Well in the Taiwan Strait Glenn R. Butterton Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Glenn R. Butterton, Signals, Threats, and Deterrence: Alive and Well in the Taiwan Strait, 47 Cath. U. L. Rev. 51 (1998). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol47/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SIGNALS, THREATS, AND DETERRENCE: ALIVE AND WELL IN THE TAIWAN STRAIT Glenn R. Butterton* Taiwan held its first democratic presidential elections in March 1996, which motivated mainland China to stage large scale con- temporaneous war games in the Taiwan Straitand aim unusually belligerent rhetoric at Taipei. The United States responded by deploying substantial naval forces in the area. After examining this confrontation between China, Taiwan, and the United States in terms of the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, internationallaw, and non-nuclear deterrence theory, the author presents a novel analy- sis of indirect deterrence communication between the United States and China. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction ....................................................................................52 II. R oots of D eterrence ......................................................................56