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Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2014 Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789 Kiley Bickford University of Maine - Main Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Cultural History Commons Recommended Citation Bickford, Kiley, "Nationalism in the French Revolution of 1789" (2014). Honors College. 147. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/147 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NATIONALISM IN THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1789 by Kiley Bickford A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for a Degree with Honors (History) The Honors College University of Maine May 2014 Advisory Committee: Richard Blanke, Professor of History Alexander Grab, Adelaide & Alan Bird Professor of History Angela Haas, Visiting Assistant Professor of History Raymond Pelletier, Associate Professor of French, Emeritus Chris Mares, Director of the Intensive English Institute, Honors College Copyright 2014 by Kiley Bickford All rights reserved. Abstract The French Revolution of 1789 was instrumental in the emergence and growth of modern nationalism, the idea that a state should represent, and serve the interests of, a people, or "nation," that shares a common culture and history and feels as one. But national ideas, often with their source in the otherwise cosmopolitan world of the Enlightenment, were also an important cause of the Revolution itself. The rhetoric and documents of the Revolution demonstrate the importance of national ideas. -
Populist Discourse in the French Revolution Rebecca Dudley
Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies Volume 33 Article 6 2016 Do You Hear the People Sing?: Populist Discourse in the French Revolution Rebecca Dudley Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma Part of the European History Commons, International and Area Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Dudley, Rebecca (2016) "Do You Hear the People Sing?: Populist Discourse in the French Revolution," Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies: Vol. 33 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/sigma/vol33/iss1/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sigma: Journal of Political and International Studies by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Do You Hear the People Sing?: Populist Discourse in the French Revolution by Rebecca Dudley The rallying cry of the French Revolutionaries was "Liberte! Egalite! Fraternite!" (liberty, equality, fraternity), and the French Revolution, a pivotal moment in French, European, and world history, has been consistently considered one of the first and most significant nationalist movements. Research and literature thus far on discourse in this revolution have focused on nationalism Qenkins 1990; Hayward 1991; O'Brien 1988), along with the discourses of violence and terror that led to the graphic revolu tion (Ozouf 1984; Leoussi 2001). The presence of nationalist discourse and nationalist sentiment in the French Revolution is undeniable, but there are other elements poten tially missing from the current analyses. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier. -
Peasantry and the French Revolution
“1st. What is the third estate? Everything. 2nd. What has it been heretofore in the political order? Nothing. 3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein.” -Abbe Sieyes 1789 Pre-Revolution • Louis XVI came to the throne in the midst of a serious financial crisis • France was nearing bankruptcy due to the outlays that were outpacing income • A new tax code was implemented under the direction of Charles Alexandre de Calonne • This proposal included a land tax • Issues with the Three Estates and inequality within it Peasant Life pre-Revolution • French peasants lived better than most of their class, but were still extremely poor • 40% worked land, but it was subdivided into several small plots which were shared and owned by someone else • Unemployment was high due to the waning textile industry • Rent and food prices continued to rise • Worst harvest in 40 years took place during the winter of 1788-89 Peasant Life pre-Revolution • The Third Estate, which was the lower classes in France, were forced by the nobility and the Church to pay large amounts in taxes and tithes • Peasants had experienced a lot of unemployment during the 1780s because of the decline in the nation’s textile industry • There was a population explosion of about 25-30% in roughly 90 years that did not coincide with a rise in food production Direct Causes of the Revolution • Famine and malnutrition were becoming more common as a result of shortened food supply • Rising bread prices contributes to famine • France’s near bankruptcy due to their involvement in various -
THE COMPLICATIONS of RESISTING REVOLUTION Michael Chrzanowski [email protected]
University of Massachusetts nU dergraduate History Journal Volume 3 Article 1 2019 ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION Michael Chrzanowski [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umuhj Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Chrzanowski, Michael (2019) "ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION," University of Massachusetts nU dergraduate History Journal: Vol. 3 , Article 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.7275/nxx6-v711 Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umuhj/vol3/iss1/1 This Primary Source-Based Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Massachusetts ndeU rgraduate History Journal by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUMMER 2019 UNDERGRADUATEChrzanowski: ENEMIES HISTORY OR SAVIORS JOURNAL 1 ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS EOFNEMIES RESISTING OR REVOLUTION SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION MICHAEL CHRZANOWSKI MICHAEL CHRZANOWSKI Published by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst, 2019 1 SUMMER 2019 UniversityUNDERGRADUATE of Massachusetts Undergraduate HISTORY History Journal, JOURNAL Vol. 3 [2019], Art. 1 2 ABSTRACT Domestic opposition to the government in Paris was a constant throughout the French Revolution. Although the revolutionary government repressed each instance of unrest, the various opposition movements’ motivations and goals provide a lens through which we can re-evaluate the values of liberty, equality, and justice that revolutionaries articulated. One domestic opposition movement, the Federalist Revolt of 1793, had major significance for the course of the Revolution. The Federalist Revolt raised questions about fundamental aspects of the Revolution itself: who were the sovereign people? Who claimed to represent the people? Was violence integral to claiming sovereignty? I explore a number of aspects of the Federalist Revolt. -
FRENCH REVOLUTION PART 3 from the Directory 1794-1799 To
FRENCH REVOLUTION PART 3 From the Directory 1794-1799 to Napoleon Bonaparte The Terror July 1793-July 1794 Robespierre and the Committee of Public Safety Inscription on Engraving from 1795, after pyramid: Thermidor “Here lies all Robespierre guillotines the France.” executioner, after all France has been guillotined Constitutions of 1791 and 1793 are beneath his feet COUP D’ĖTAT OF THERMIDOR JULY Execution of Robespierre, 1794 Saint Just, Couthon July 1794 End of the Jacobin Terror, start of White Terror" -- execution of 72 leading Jacobins in one day The Directory takes power 1794- 1799 The Directory: July 1794-1799 Paul Barras one of the five Directors making up the executive council Legislature under Directory is Drawing of bicameral: member of Council of Council of Elders = upper house Elders -- pseudo-Roman Council of 500 = lower house robes Constitution of the Year V 1795 Third constitution – one every two years 1791, 1793 Ends universal male suffrage Indirect elections (electoral college like USA) Bicameral legislature upper house as more elite restraint on lower house LOUIS XVII -- never reigned son & heir of Louis XVI & Marie Antoinette b. 1785 d. 1795 June in prison of illness at age 10 (age 8 at time of Marie Antoinette’s trial) Set back for royalist hopes for restoration of monarchy – but the eventual Louis XVIII restored in 1814 was the brother (in exile since 1792) of King Louis XVI executed in Jan 1793. REVOLT OF GERMINAL (Spring 1795): Parisian sans culottes riot, call for "bread & Constitution of 1793," but no more political -
Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution
Coastal Carolina University CCU Digital Commons Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Honors Theses Studies Spring 5-7-2020 Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution Christy Leigh Salinari Coastal Carolina University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses Part of the Other Political Science Commons, and the Political Theory Commons Recommended Citation Salinari, Christy Leigh, "Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution" (2020). Honors Theses. 369. https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/honors-theses/369 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College and Center for Interdisciplinary Studies at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Tyranny Plagued the French Revolution By Christy Leigh Salinari Political Science Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In the HTC Honors College at Coastal Carolina University Spring 2020 Louis E. Keiner Kimberly Hurd Hale Director of Honors Assistant Professor HTC Honors College Political Science Edwards College of Humanities and Fine Arts ABSTRACT Liberty, equality, and fraternity were the three original pillars of the French Revolution at the start in 1789. The slogan became the rallying cry for the embittered French people in their initial pursuit for political and social transformation. The French Revolution is perhaps the most prominent contemporary illustration of a violent revolution which ultimately was successful, resulting in a model of democratic government. The French Revolution reached a decade in length wherein there were countless demonstrations, massacres, wars, civil unrest, and political enlightenment. -
Special Presentation
8.75" 8.5" Special Presentation History.com A dethroned king, a flamboyant queen, the storming of repression and economic uncertainty. The “Age of Reason,” a fortress prison and the terror of the guillotine also known as the “Enlightenment,” was the historical – the French Revolution has all of the ingredients context which gave birth to a host of new ideas about of an engrossing drama. Yet to delve beneath the surface the rights of individuals and the obligations of nations of these characters and symbols is to discover to their citizens. However, there was a devastatingly the complexity of this transformative era. The events dark undercurrent to the political instability ushered of the French Revolution, transpiring over the span of in by the Revolution. The struggle to control the direction a decade, were part of a grander Age of Revolutions of the French Revolution unleashed a bloodbath and at the same time were comprised of a series known as the “Reign of Terror” in which tens of thousands of smaller stories of individual of suspected political enemies were executed French citizens becoming politically by guillotine. engaged amidst tremendous poverty, The French Revolution provides a captivating intellectual transformation, and introduction to these events, leading students 11" ultimately... violence. A combination from the grandeur of Versailles as King Louis 11.25" of factors including rising expectations XVI wed the teenaged wonder Marie spurred by the Enlightenment, Antoinette through the dramatic culmination massive starvation, and frustration of the revolutionary period as thousands of with the mismanagement of an inept dead were left in its wake. -
The French Revolution, Napoleon, and Congress of Vienna (1770
FCPS World II SOL Standards: WHII 6e, 8a and 8b The French Revolution, Napoleon, and Congress of Vienna (1770-1850 C.E.) You Mean the Revolution Was More than a Bunch of Heads Being Chopped Off? Causes and Events of the French Revolution By the late 1700s, France was on the edge of revolution. The French people were inspired by both the American Revolution and the Enlightenment ideas. The country was struggling due to debt, famine, and inequality. The lower class, known as the third estate, was being taxed unfairly and felt they deserved equal say in the government. On July 14, 1789, a group of angry peasants looking for weapons began the French Revolution by Storming the Bastille, an old prison. The third estate went on to take over the government and made major changes to France. Their goal was to get rid of the old system of monarchy and nobles and establish democracy. Revolutionaries, under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre, arrested and executed King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette. This began a time known as the Reign of Terror during which those who opposed the Revolution were executed with the guillotine. Over 15,000 people died during the Reign of Terror. While the Revolution did not achieve all of its goals of liberty and equality for all, it did succeed in encouraging secularism, nationalism and democracy. The Third Estate carrying the king, nobles and Catholic Church on its back Napoleon’s Rise and Fall Source: http://www.mrallsophistory.com/revision/the-origins-of-the-french-revolution.html The French people grew tired of the revolution’s violence. -
Jacobins Maximilien Robespierre the Committee of Public Safety
The Reign of Terror Jacobins The most famous political group of the French Revolution was the Jacobins. Also known as the Society of the Friends of the Constitution, the club originally met at Versailles, organized by deputies of the Estates-General (and then National Assembly). They later met as a club in Paris. By July 1790, their membership grew to about 1,200 Parisian members, with 152 affiliate clubs; the number of members continued to grew thereafter. The club’s main concern was to protect what the revolutionaries had achieved so far—and prevent any reaction from the aristocracy. This desire resulted in the Reign of Terror. The Jacobins felt that it was their duty to catch anyone suspected of opposing the Revolution. The Jacobins also led the dechristianizing movement and organized Revolutionary festivals. Maximilien Robespierre Possibly the most well-known Jacobin was Maximilien Robespierre. He was trained as a lawyer and practiced law by representing poor people. When the Estates-General was summoned in 1789, the Third Estate elected him as one of their deputies. He was thirty years old. Robespierre was a quiet, simple man, with a weak voice. Yet he was able to make himself heard. He spoke more than five hundred times during the life of the National Assembly, and it was here that he gained supporters. He was a philosopher and sided with the ideals of the Enlightenment. He used this background to help shape the Declaration of the Rights of Man. He was a proponent of everything the Declaration stood for. He believed in equal rights, the right to hold office and join the national guard, and the right to petition. -
Contested Symbols: Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution
5 CONTESTED SYMBOLS Lear Prize Winner Contested Symbols: Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution This paper examines how Vichy, the authoritarian government in France throughout most of the Second World War, reckoned with the legacy of the French Revolution. I investigate this relationship through the regime’s treatment of four revolutionary symbols: the figure Marianne, the anthem “La Marseillaise,” the national holiday of Bastille Day, and the slogan of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. Because these symbols were deeply embedded in French social and political life, I argue that Vichy could neither fully reject nor embrace them; instead, it pursued a middle ground by twisting the symbols’ meanings and introducing alternatives in line with the traditionalism and ethnocentrism of its National Revolution. In doing so, Vichy attempted to replace the French Republic and the revolutionary values that it stood for with its own vision of the French past, present, and future. Emma Satterfield Written for History 457: Modern Revolutions 1776, 1789, 1917, 1989, 2011 Dr. Peter C. Caldwell SPRING 2019 EMMA SATTERFIELD 6 Since 1789, the themes and struggles at the heart of the French Revolution have been invoked and re-invoked at times of political crisis and change, from the empire of Napoleon to the brief Paris Commune of 1870. At the onset of the twentieth century, even as the Revolution grew more distant with the passing of time, its legacy remained central to the identity of both the French Republic and its citizens. This crystallization of French identity was made possible by the government’s use of a repertoire of revolutionary symbols embodying the ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood. -
Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution
5 CONTESTED SYMBOLS Lear Prize Winner Contested Symbols: Vichy France and the Legacy of the French Revolution This paper examines how Vichy, the authoritarian government in France throughout most of the Second World War, reckoned with the legacy of the French Revolution. I investigate this relationship through the regime’s treatment of four revolutionary symbols: the figure Marianne, the anthem “La Marseillaise,” the national holiday of Bastille Day, and the slogan of Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. Because these symbols were deeply embedded in French social and political life, I argue that Vichy could neither fully reject nor embrace them; instead, it pursued a middle ground by twisting the symbols’ meanings and introducing alternatives in line with the traditionalism and ethnocentrism of its National Revolution. In doing so, Vichy attempted to replace the French Republic and the revolutionary values that it stood for with its own vision of the French past, present, and future. Emma Satterfield Written for History 457: Modern Revolutions 1776, 1789, 1917, 1989, 2011 Dr. Peter C. Caldwell SPRING 2019 EMMA SATTERFIELD 6 Since 1789, the themes and struggles at the heart of the French Revolution have been invoked and re-invoked at times of political crisis and change, from the empire of Napoleon to the brief Paris Commune of 1870. At the onset of the twentieth century, even as the Revolution grew more distant with the passing of time, its legacy remained central to the identity of both the French Republic and its citizens. This crystallization of French identity was made possible by the government’s use of a repertoire of revolutionary symbols embodying the ideals of liberty, equality, and brotherhood.