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Spanish and its Representations in (1878-1930): From the Exotic to the Modern.

Kenneth James Murray

Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

July 2013

Melbourne Conservatorium of Music University of Melbourne

Produced on archival quality paper ABSTRACT

This thesis argues that the landscape of Spanish music in London evolved between 1878 and 1930 from Romantic exotic constructions to a recognition and appreciation of Spanish , which reflected some of the concerns of post-war musical modernism in a newly cosmopolitan context. This transformation will be traced through the study of specific protagonists and events that contributed to the English reception of Spanish music during this period. While the development of Spanish nationalist music and its important intersections with French music have been studied in numerous texts, little has been written on the English engagement with Spanish music. A key event in defining musical and theatrical in the latter part of the nineteenth century came from in the guise of George Bizet's (1875, London 1878). The , and its many parodies and theatrical re-workings in London, provides a foundation for discussions of Spanishness in late nineteenth-century , and influenced the reception of Pablo Sarasate and Isaac Albéniz.

In the Edwardian era, closer ties between England and Spain, increased travel possibilities and specialist writers rekindled enthusiasm for Spanish music. The anti- German currents of the pre-war years and the influence of French writers and set the scene for the further English appreciation of Spanish music in the aftermath of the death of in 1916. The English success of the Russes production of The Three-Cornered Hat (1919), with music by , marked the broader acceptance of Spanish musical nationalism. With the critical recognition of Falla's neoclassical works of the 1920s Spanish music achieved further acknowledgement in England from cosmopolitan critics. At the same time the Spanish was seen to embody many aspects of post-war Spanish music, and through the concerts of Andrés Segovia established itself in a new guise in London. By 1930, the recognition and popularity of Spanish music indicated the extent to which it had integrated and evolved beyond the Romantic stereotypes prevalent half a century earlier. This is to certify that

(i) the thesis comprises only my original work, except where indicated in the preface

(ii) due acknowledgment has been made in the text to all other material used,

(iii) the thesis is less than 100,000 words in length, exclusive of tables, maps, bibliographies and appendices.

Signature:

Name in Full: Kenneth James M

Date: 28 July 2013 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere thanks to my supervisor Michael Christoforidis who inspired me to undertake research into Spanish music and has been a great support throughout my candidature.

I am grateful to library staff who have assisted me at the following archives and libraries during my research: the Archivo Manuel de Falla and Centro de Documentaciôn Musical de Andalucia in , the Percy Grainger Museum in Melbourne, the Biblioteca de Catalunya in , the British Library Newspaper Library in Colindale, London, the Theatre Museum in London, and especially the staff at the University of Melbourne Music Library.

To my wife Tracy, thank you for your love and understanding and my sincere thanks for your help in putting together the final document. A special thank you to our children Lydia, Lachlan and Ruben for their patience. The love and support of my family has been invaluable and special thanks to Mum, Dad, Jo, Gran and Beth.

Thanks to all my colleagues at the Conservatorium of Music, the University of Melbourne, especially Professor Gary McPherson. To Elizabeth Kertesz and Alexandra Williams, many thanks for your valuable feedback, advice and encouragement. Thanks also to Andrys Onsman and Stephen Langley for their generous assistance. CONTENTS

Introduction 1

1. Spanish music in London from the to the premiere of 21 Bizet's Carmen: travel writers, the guitar and Spanish dance Travel writers on Spain 22 The Spanish guitar in England in the nineteenth century 29 Spanish dance in nineteenth-century London 34

2. Carmen and Victorian musico-theatrical notions of Spanishness 42 The reception and performance history of Bizet's Carmen in London 42 Carmen and adaptations 60 and Spanish music 70

3. Pablo Sarasate and Isaac Albéniz: Prominent Spanish performer- 77 in late Victorian London Pablo Sarasate in London 77 Isaac Albéniz in London 87

4. Estudiantinas and Spanish dancers as popular entertainment in 116 fin-de-siècle London Estudiantinas and spectacle in Victorian London 117 Spanish dance in late Victorian and Edwardian London 127 The Carmen 135 The Spanish guitar in London from to Angel Barrios 138

5. English fin-de-siècle literary and musical evocations of Spanish music 143 Three Edwardian travel writers on Spain 143 and Spanish Music 148 Percy Grainger and Spanish Music 154

6. Changing Political Alliances and Spanish Music: From the Entente 160 Cordiale (1904) to the death of Granados (1916) The Entente Cordiale and Spanish music in Edwardian London 162 Spanish music and French music in London 165 The Death of Enrique Granados, Anglo-Spanish relations and Spanish music 172 in London 7. Falla, The Three-Cornered Hat and 182 The English critical reception of The Three-Cornered Hat 185 The Ballets Suédois and Cuadro Flamenco 189 Falla and images of flamenco 194 Critics writing on Spain: Georges Jean-Aubry and J.B. Trend 198 Lord Berners and the Fantaisie Espagnole 206

8. Spanish Musical Nationalism, and the guitar 217 Falla and Spanish Neoclassicism in 1920s England 219 Spain and English musical cosmopolitanism and the writings of Morales and 228 Trend Andrés Segovia and the new 234

Conclusion 245 Bibliography 250 MUSICAL EXAMPLES

Example la. , "Ask Me to Marry, I Laugh Ha! Ha!" Carmen Up to 66 Data, act 1, no. 5, ms.1-8.

Example lb. Lutz, "Ask Me to Marry, I Laugh Ha! Ha!" , 67 act 1, no. 5, ms.24-31.

Example 2. Arthur Sullivan, "Hullo! What's That?," La Contrabandista, act 73 1, no. 6, ms.234-249.

Example 3. Sullivan, Dance, La Contrabandista, act 1, no. 7, ms.1-14. 74

Example 4. Francisco Barbieri, "Jota de los Estudiantes," El Barberillo de 119 Lavapiés, act 1, no. 6, ms.23-29.

Example 5. Edward Elgar, Sérénade Mauresque, op. 10, no. 2, ms.5-6. 150

Example 6. Elgar, Movement 1, Moderato-Allegro, in Amin., 152 op. 84, ms.78-92.

Example 7a. Lord Berners, "Prélude," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.1-6. 210

Example 7b. Berners, , "Prélude," Fantaisie Espagnole, 211 ms.20-21.

Example 8a. Berners, "," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.1-5. 212

Example 8b. Berners, "Fandango," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.62-64. 213

Example 9. Berners, "," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.140-148. 215 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. An advertisement for Donato the one-legged Spanish dancer in 40 matador's costume and with .

Figure 2. Minnie Hauk as Carmen. 45

Figure 3. Advertisement for the sheet music for musical items from Carmen 63 up to Data, featuring as Mercedes.

Figure 4. Arthur Sullivan and F.C. Burnand, La Contrabandista, dialogue 72 from the end of Act 1.

Figure 5. Program for Albéniz's first London concert of Spanish Music, 96 (St. James's Hall, 7 Nov. 1890).

Figure 6. Program for Albéniz's second London concert of Spanish Music, 103 (St. James's Hall, 21 Nov. 1890).

Figure 7. Spanish Estudiantina in , 1878. 118

Figure 8. Repertoire from the Estudiantina Figaro's Viennese tour October- 122 December 1878.

Figure 9. A list of countries visited by Estudiantina Figaro between 1878 124 and 1884. Figure 10. Poem from the Clarion in praise of Otero. 128

Figure 11. Carmen as played by a real Spaniard. Signorina Guerrero at the 136 . July 1903.

Figure 13. Program for Andres Segovia's concert at the Wigmore Hall, 240 29 January 1927. Introduction

From a musical point of view Spain has for generations been a sort of Ruritania, an imaginary country which existed only as a department of the theatrical costumier's warehouse. Thanks to Albéniz, Granados and others, we are at last beginning to realize that Spain has a musical life of its own...De Falla arrives at an opportune moment. He finds here in London an audience ready prepared with a knowledge of his Spanish predecessors, and with a knowledge, too, of Stravinsky and other non- Spanish composers whom he has evidently studied to some purpose.'

So wrote Edward Dent in response to the 1919 London premiere of The Three- Cornered Hat presented by the with music by Manuel de Falla. As Dent observed, London audiences had an extensive and significant history of engagement with Spanish music and dance, and Falla's music for The Three- Cornered Hat marked a new critical appreciation of Spanish works in London. In this thesis I will draw on selected examples of the English experience of Spanish music (and to a lesser extent dance) over the previous four decades in order to illustrate changes that led to the acceptance of Spain as a nation with its own musical nationalism.

The main period under consideration in this thesis is from the London premiere of Carmen in 1878 to 1930. For much of the nineteenth century Spain was considered part of the exotic Orient, a place where traditions remained unchanged, while powerful nations were creating empires. Throughout the 1800s London was a significant hub for Spanish artists, and Spanish music was a regular and ever- changing presence on the stages of nineteenth-century London.

A key event in defining musical and theatrical Spain in the latter part of the century came via France in the guise of 's Carmen (1875), which incorporated a highly original synthesis of Spanish musical and theatrical styles. The opera quickly became the standard by which other Spanish entertainments were measured.

' Edward J. Dent, 'A Spanish Ballet,' Athenaeum, 1 Aug. 1919.

1 In this thesis I have investigated a range of responses to Spanish music in London and the engagement of English writers with Spanish music and dance. The scope of this study includes references to instrumental music, opera, light opera, , outdoor entertainments and music hall performances. The Spanish guitar in London is also a recurring theme, from the Estudiantina phenomenon of the 1880s and 1890s, to the reception of concerts given by the Spanish Andrés Segovia in the mid 1920s.

It has not been possible to provide an exhaustive survey of Spanish music in London from 1878 to 1930 and I have focused on pivotal figures and episodes in my narrative. Nor could the study encompass the presence of Latin-American music and performers during this period. Spanish music cannot be divorced from dance, opera and musical theatre and I will consider these related artforms alongside concurrent political and social movements which provide context for the critical commentary cited in my discussion. It is outside of the scope of my study to examine the reception of Spanish music in private English salons. The English press provided invaluable sources such as reviews of concert music, opera, ballet and theatre, whereas critical commentary on salon music has proved harder to find.

In the early twentieth century the emerging political rapprochement between England and Spain grew into an artistic alliance, matching trends in Paris that had been documented by a body of French musical criticism. As a significant centre of Spanish cultural activity, London played a role comparable to that of Paris in the support and dissemination of the new nationalist school of Spanish music. By the 1920s the new Spanish school was promoted and supported by specialist critics in London and Paris. I conclude my research at the end of the 1920s, as the 1930s—with the pronouncement of the Republic and the ensuing Civil War—marked a new political landscape in Spain and different modes of engagement with Spanish entertainment in Europe.

Methodology The methodology for this dissertation is based principally on the study of the reception of Spanish music and dance in London as chronicled in press reviews, periodicals and critical writings during the years 1878 to 1930. I have drawn on a

2 range of sources in order to contextualize and understand these responses and the ways in which they changed. Principal sources for this study have been: reviews in newspapers and music journals, supplemented by the writings of specialist critics, scores, recordings, concert programs, correspondence and travel writings. Secondary sources such as biographies and general historical texts have provided the background for my research.

The sources I have consulted reflected various opinions about Spain and Spanish music. Rather than provide an exhaustive survey of press or critical responses I have focused on particular periods or events in order to give a sense of this evolution. My investigations have focused on finding references to the presentation of Spanish music and dance in London, and within these references, evidence of changing attitudes. I have also searched for indications of the English engagement with Spanish music and how this may have been conditioned by the political and cultural interaction between the two countries.

The examination of the reception of Spanish music in London has been largely informed by the English press. The papers I have looked at most frequently include The Times and The Manchester Guardian. Both papers are available on microfilm at the University of Melbourne library, although since I began my investigations a decade ago some newspapers have become available online, including The Times through The Times Digital Archive and a collection of nineteenth-century papers in the 19" -Century British Library Newspaper Database? There are often inconsistencies and divergent views given in different papers and by various authors, and I have consulted a range of sources in order to piece together a more complete picture of my subject. In this respect information gained from concert programs and musical scores has informed my reading of the press reviews and articles.

In the course of researching material for this thesis I visited a number of archives. At the Archivo Manuel de Falla in Granada I consulted Falla's correspondence, manuscripts and musical sketches. Falla's extensive library of books and scores were also viewed. Scores and sketch material by Angel Barrios are housed at the Centro de

2 The Times Digital Archive, 1785-2006, www.gale.cengage.co.uk; 19'h Century British Library Newspaper Database, www.gale.cengage.co.uk.

3 Documentaciôn Musical de Andalucia in Granada and provided valuable insights into Barrios' musical career. At the Percy Grainger Museum in Melbourne I studied concert programs, press reviews and scores in preparation for the discussion of Grainger and Spanish music in Chapter 5. I examined the two scrapbooks in the Isaac Albéniz collection at the Biblioteca de Catalunya in Barcelona, kept by Albéniz as a record of his time in London during the 1890s. These press cuttings were collected for Albéniz by the Romeike and Curtice Press Cutting and Information Agency. Albéniz's correspondence with Francis Money-Coutts was also consulted at the Biblioteca de Catalunya. I used the British Library Newspaper Collection in Colindale, London to search the daily and periodical press for reviews, references to important concerts and visits to London by Spanish artists. I also visited the Theatre Museum in London where I found useful material relating to the various theatrical re- workings of Carmen in the 1880s and 1890s. The Dent Archive at the library of King's College, Cambridge holds a small amount of material relating to his work with the International Society of Contemporary Music and correspondence between Edward Dent and J.B. Trend. These papers were not viewed as part of the research for this thesis but constitute an area for future research (see conclusion).

This thesis will not be framed primarily in terms of current critical theories relating to exoticism or orientalism, although some of the literature as it relates to Spanish music informs my discussion. Rather, the approach is based on a reading of historical sources informed by contemporaneous aesthetic debates, and to a lesser extent the social and political events that had an impact on Anglo-Spanish relations.

Literature review Scholarly literature has largely neglected fin-de-siècle English engagement with Spanish music, in contrast to the significant body of research devoted to Spanish music and musicians during the same period. In addition to studies of specific composers, Spanish and French exchanges in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have received more sustained attention. Louis Jambou and François Lesure have edited books investigating the interactions between Spanish and French music.3 s Louis Jambou, ed., La musiquee Entre France et Espagne: Interactions stylistiques. Actes du colloque international tenu à Paris, en Sorbonne-Paris IV et à l'Instituto Cervantes, les 14-16 mai 2001 (Paris: Presses de I'Univ. de Paris-Sorbonne, 2003); François Lesure, ed., Échanges musicaux

4 Stéphan Etcharry has published pioneering work on the influence of French musicologist and , and Monserrat Bergadà's thesis focused on Catalan in Paris from 1875-1925.4 These ideas have been expanded upon by Samuel Llano in his recent book Whose Spain?: Negotiating Spanish , 1908-1929, a major addition to the literature on twentieth-century Spanish music.5 Llano analyzes the powerful influence of French critics and musicians on the development of a national style of Spanish music. He writes extensively on the French critic Henri Collet and composer Raoul Laparra, in this detailed and wide- ranging exploration of Spanish music. Whose Spain? is a landmark work and has influenced my understanding of the French influence on Anglo-Spanish musical relations.

For much of the nineteenth century Spain was viewed as part of the exotic Orient, with an emphasis on its Moorish heritage and the exotic status of marginalized groups such as the gypsies. There are, however, difficulties in trying to fit Spanish music into the standard definitions of, and arguments about, orientalism, which is often studied with reference to either the Middle East or the Far East. Spain was a distinct case partly because it was an internal exotic "Other" within Europe. Llano refers to Spain as a "low Other" in the French imagination due to the minimal political and economic authority it exerted in Europe in the nineteenth-century.6 Both France and England have had a centuries-long history of engagement with Spanish culture, and these relationships have not been static.

The French invaded Spain twice in the nineteenth century, first during the (1808-1813) and later in the 1823 military intervention to restore the Bourbon monarchy. Military superiority gave France a dominant position in the relationship with Spain, however, the basis of the nineteenth-century affiliation between England and Spain was different. England had fought alongside Spain against and

franco-espagnols XVlle-XIXe siècles: Actes des Rencontres de Villecroze, 15 au 17 octobre 1998 (Paris: Klincksieck, 2000). 4 Monserrat Bergadà, Les pianistes catalans à Paris entre 1875 et 1925 (PhD diss., Université François Rabelais, Tours, 1997); Stéphan Etcharry, "Henri Collet (1885-1951), compositeur: Un itinéraire singulier dans l'hispanisme musical français" (PhD diss., Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2004). 3 Samuel Llano, Whose Spain?: Negotiating Spanish music in Paris, 1908-1929 (New York: OUP, 2013). 6 Ibid., 3.

5 the English appreciation of Spain in the nineteenth century was framed by this political alliance. In the late nineteenth century England and Spain had much in common, both searching for the inspiration for a nationalist revival in the music of the golden age of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In the early twentieth century France viewed Spain as a junior partner in a Latin alliance of nations, whereas the relationship between England and Spain had evolved on a different footing.

To complicate the issue of exotic "Otherness", within Spain there were various internal "Others" who were exoticised by the themselves, such as the Andalusians and gypsies. Studying Spanish music as an exotic construct is problematic because of the numerous, divergent influences operating throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The influence of Romantic writers and artists and their fascination with the Orient was pivotal in establishing modes of thinking about Spain. Also important were the outcomes of military conflict with France and the changes brought about by Spain's loss of empire. The many English and French artists who performed and interpreted Spanish music and dance played a central role in the dissemination of stereotypes, as did Spanish musicians and dancers who responded to foreign notions about "true" Spanish music in their concerts.

Edward Said set the agenda for discussions on exoticism and Western perceptions of the Orient in his seminal book Orientalism.8 He redefined orientalism as the means by which Western nations asserted power over weaker nations by emphasizing their cultural differences, thereby demonstrating their inferiority.9 Said also wrote on music but did not address the issue of orientalism or exoticism in Spain. The debate on orientalism has extended to all artforms and John MacKenzie's book Orientalism: History, Theory and the Arts, is a concise summary of the issues in orientalist discourse across the visual arts, architecture, design, theatre and music.10

7 I will discuss the writings of , George Borrow and Richard Ford in Chapter 1. The most dominant nineteenth-century French writings on Spain include: François-René Chateaubriand, Atala: René; et Les aventures du dernier Abencérage (Paris: De Mat, à la Librairie Nationale, 1826); , Odes et ballades: Les orientales (1829; Paris: L'imprimerie nationale, 1904); Prosper Mérimée, Carmen: 1845; (suivi de) Les âmes du purgatoire: 1834, ed. by Nicolas Leclerc (Paris: Hatier, 2006); Théophile Gautier, Voyage en Espagne (Paris: Charpentier, 1862). 8 Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978). 9 Said described Orientalism as "A Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient." Ibid., 3. 10 John M. MacKenzie, Orientalism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995).

6 The discussion of orientalism and exoticism in the field of music has been led by some distinguished scholars, most notably Jonathan Bellman and Ralph Locke. Bellman edited the important collection of , The Exotic in Western Music," which contains an extensive chapter on exoticism and Spanish music by James Parakilas, `How Spain Got a Soul.' 12 Locke's recent contribution to the field is the 2009 book Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections, a culmination of his ideas on musical exoticism.13 Locke has also written on Carmen and in his essay `Spanish Local Color in Bizet's Carmen,' he analyses Bizet's borrowings and inspirations for the Spanish colour evident in the opera.14 Bellman offers an explanation for the dearth of studies of Spanish music and exoticism: "The cultural complexities are forbidding, so aside from James Parakilas's definitive study `How Spain Got a Soul,' people tend to stay away from the subject, despite the obvious cultural and musical richness."15 One author who has tackled the subject of Carmen and the gypsies as symbols of Spanish orientalism is José Colmeiro in his excellent article `Exorcising Exoticism: "Carmen" and the Construction of Oriental Spain.' 16 The most comprehensive and thought-provoking examination of Spanish music and exoticism is Samuel Llano's Whose Spain?, discussed earlier in this section.

Given the importance of English press sources to this dissertation, some secondary literature proved useful in guiding my research. Meirion Hughes' book The English Musical Renaissance and the Press 1850-1914,17 offers valuable insights into the thinking of English music critics and the English press in the long nineteenth century. One of the most famous critics in this period was George Bernard Shaw and a number

11 Jonathan Bellman, ed., The Exotic In Western Music (: Northeast University Press,1998). 12 James Parakilas, `How Spain Got a Soul,' in The Exotic in Western Music, ed. Jonathon Bellman (Boston: Northeast University Press,1998), 137-193. 13 Ralph P. Locke, Musical Exoticism: Images and Reflections (Cambridge: CUP, 2009). 14 Ralph P. Locke, `Spanish Local Color in Bizet's Carmen,' in Music, Theater, and Cultural Transfer: Paris, 1830-1914, eds. Annegret Fauser and Mark Everist (: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 316-360. 15 Jonathan D. Bellman, 'Musical Voyages and Their Baggage: Orientalism in Music and Critical ,' Musical Quarterly 94, no. 3 (2011): 433. 16 José F Colmeiro, 'Exorcising Exoticism: "Carmen" and the Construction of Oriental Spain.' Comparative Literature 54, no. 2 (2002): 127-144. 17 Meirion Hughes, The English Musical Renaissance and the Press 1850-1914: Watchmen of Music (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002).

7 of his reviews were pertinent to my study of the reception of Albéniz and Sarasate in London.18

Travel writing has emerged as a serious field of academic enquiry in recent years and publications such as The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing have contributed to the expansion of the field.19 Research on English travel writers to Spain in the nineteenth century is still relatively sparse, but Ana Hontanilla's article `Images of Barbaric Spain in Eighteenth-Century British Travel Writing' highlights the prejudices that existed toward Spain during the 1700s and the portrayal of it as a cruel country 20 The British and the Grand Tour by Jeremy Black contains some references to British travel to Spain in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries 21

Much of the scholarly work on the political relationship between England and Spain has focused on two main periods, the sixteenth century and the (1936-1939) and its aftermath. Little has been written on Anglo-Spanish relations in the period focused on in this thesis (1878-1930), however, writings examining the relationship outside of my main area of research have provided valuable context and insights. Kirsty Hooper from the University of was granted a Phillip Leverhulme Prize in 2011 to study the development of the English fascination with Spain between the years 1888 and 1919.22 Her forthcoming book on the topic will be titled The Edwardians and the Making of a Modern Spanish Obsession and I have engaged in discussion with the author on aspects of this research.23

In the sixteenth century both England and Spain were expanding their interests into America and competing for colonies and influence. The English writer Richard Hakluyt (c.1552-1616) perpetuated a view of imperial Spain as a cruel and violent

18 George Bernard Shaw, Music in London, 1890-1894, vols. I-III (London: Constable, 1937); London Music in 1888-89 as Heard by Corno di Bassetto: (Later Known as Bernard Shaw) with some Further Autobiographical Particulars (London: Constable, 1917). 19 Peter Hulme and Tim Young, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing (Cambridge: CUP, 2002). 20 Ana Hontanilla, `Images of Barbaric Spain in Eighteenth-Century British Travel Writing,' Studies in Eighteenth Century Culture 37 (2008): 119-143. 21 Jeremy Black, The British and the Grand Tour (London: Croom Helm, 1985). 22 Kirsty Hooper, `The Leverhulme Trust', accessed 7 May 2013, www.leverhulme.ac.uk/news/news item.cfm/news id/3 8/newsid/ 14 8. 23 Kirsty Hooper, `Dr Kirsty Hoope-r', accessed 7 May 2013, www.kirstyhooper.net.

8 country.24 Francisco J. Borge has examined Hakluyt's writings on Spain in a book chapter titled: `We (upon peril of my life) shall make the Spaniard ridiculous to all Europe.'25 Alexander Samson has published on Anglo-Spanish relations in the 1500s and examines the changing nature of the alliance up to the seventeenth century.26 The influence of Cervantes on British writing and on the English appreciation of Spain is the subject of the book The Cervantean Heritage: Reception and Influence of Cervantes in Britain edited by J. A. G. Ardila.27 The period of Anglo-Spanish relations best served by scholars is the Spanish Civil War. In this area the work of Enrique Moradiellos has been particularly influential, focusing on the tacit British support of the right-wing Nationalist supporters.28

Of the general literature on Spanish history, Salvador Madariaga's simply titled Spain was first published in 1930, before the onset of the Spanish Civil War.29 The book provides a unique perspective on the Anglo-Spanish relationship, having been written in English by a prominent Spaniard living in London. Other Spanish histories that have informed my work include the excellent collection of essays by leading Spanish, American and British authors, Spanish History Since 1808,3° and Mary Vincent's Spain, 1833-2002: People and State.31

In this thesis I will argue that the guitar's presence in London, as both a solo and ensemble instrument and as an to Spanish dance, was a significant contributor to perceptions of Spanish music from 1878 until 1930, yet little has been written on the subject. Stuart Button's book The Guitar in England 1800-1924,32 is a

24 Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt eds., Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). 25 Francisco J. Borge, 'We (upon peril of my life) shall make the Spaniard ridiculous to all Europe": Richard Hakluyt's "Discourse" of Spain,' in Richard Hakluyt and Travel Writing in Early Modern Europe, eds. Daniel Carey and Claire Jowitt (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 167-176. 26 Alexander Samson, `A Fine Romance: Anglo-Spanish Relations in the Sixteenth Century,' Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 39, no. 1 (2009): 65-94. 27 J. A. G. Ardila, ed., The Cervantean Heritage: Reception and Influence of Cervantes in Britain (London: Legenda, 2009). 28 See Enrique Moradiellos, `The Origins of British Non-Intervention in the Spanish Civil War: Anglo- Spanish Relations in Early 1936,' European History Quarterly 21, no. 3 (1991): 339-364; `British Political Strategy in the Face of the Military Rising of 1936 in Spain,' Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (1992): 123-137, and `The British Image of Spain and the Civil War,' International Journal of Iberian Studies 15, no. 1 (2002): 4-13. 29 Salvador de Madariaga, Spain (London: Ernest Benn, 1930). 30 José Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert, eds., Spanish History Since 1808 (London: Arnold, 2000). 31 Mary Vincent, Spain, 1833-2002: People and State (Oxford: OUP, 2007). 32 Stuart Button, The Guitar in England 1800-1924 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1989).

9 selective survey of guitar players and teachers in London. He focuses on the history of the concert guitar rather than the popular manifestations of the instrument in the late nineteenth century, paying particular attention to British such as Catharina Josepha Pratten (later known as Madame Sidney Pratten) and Ernest Shand. Phillip J. Bone's dictionary The Guitar and , first published in 1914, provides an authoritative survey of major figures in the guitar world of late Victorian and Edwardian England.33

Brian Jeffrey has researched the life and music of Spanish guitarist and composer Fernando Sor, an influential figure who was based in London from 1815 until 1823. His biography provides many insights into Sor's time in London.34 Also valuable for my discussion of the guitar and Spanish dance in nineteenth-century London was the collection of essays on Sor edited by Luis Gasser.35 Very little has been published on the plucked-string Estudiantina ensembles that first visited London in 1879 and in Chapter 4 I will document their role in the dissemination of the Spanish guitar in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.36

The classical guitar was reinvented and remade by the Spanish guitarists Andrés Segovia, Emilio Pujol and , all three of whom toured internationally in the early decades of the twentieth century. Segovia was especially successful in London where he concertized, made recordings and broadcast concerts for the BBC. Graham Wade and Gerald Garno's book, A New Look at Segovia: His Life, His Music, considers the early reception of Segovia in London.37 More recently, Alberto López-Poveda's Spanish-language biography thoroughly surveys all the tours of Segovia's long career.38 Both books include some reviews of London concerts given by Segovia. Through a survey of reviews and responses to Segovia's first concerts I have been able to raise important themes in the critical reception of his first London

33 Phillip J. Bone, The Guitar and Mandolin, 2nd ed. (1954; reprint London: Schott, 1972; originally published 1914). ° Brian Jeffrey, Fernando Sor Composer and Guitarist (London: Tecla, 1971). 35 Luis Gasser ed, Estudios sobre Fernando Sor (: ICCMU, 2003). 36 Two authors who have written about the Estudiantina phenomenon of the late nineteenth century are Paul Sparks, The Classical Mandolin, (New York: OUP, 1995) and Jeffrey J. Noonan, The Guitar in America: Victorian Era to Jazz Age (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2008). 37 Graham Wade and Gerald Garno, A New Look at Segovia: His Life, His Music, vol. 1 (Pacific, MO: Mel Bay, 1997). 38 Alberto Lopez-Poveda, Andrés Segovia: vida y obra, vol. 1 (Jaén: Universidad de Jaén, 2010).

10 concerts and those of his Spanish predecessors Pujol and Llobet. Michael Christoforidis and Ruth Piquer Sanclemente's article on the guitar and neoclassicism highlights the importance of the visual arts and neoclassical currents to both the repertoire and reception of the twentieth century classical guitar.39

The reception of Spanish music cannot be divorced from Spanish dance, with stereotypes of Spanishness linked firmly to both. Ivor Guest's study of The in England is an insightful history of dance in London in the nineteenth century,40 and the work of Kurt Gänzl, particularly The Encyclopedia of the Musical Theatre, covers popular theatre forms such as , burlesque and musical comedy.41

After the London premiere of Carmen in 1878 the landscape changed significantly and a series of Spanish dancers, most notably Carolina "La Belle" Otero and Rosario Guerrero, introduced a new style of Spanish dance to London, incorporating elements of flamenco. There have been few studies written on these dancers and much of the literature is either anecdotal or inaccurate.42 The Spanish dancer Carmencita was particularly successful in the and she served as a model for Otero. Camille Hardy has used press reviews to document and discuss the reception of Carmencita and Otero in New York, but there have been no comparable studies on the London context.43 A recent book in Spanish on Carmencita by José Luis Navarro Garcia and José Gelardo Navarro has helped to correct many misconceptions about her life and career.44 I will examine the reception of Spanish dancers in London in the light of changing fashions and perceptions of Spain.

39 Ruth Piquer Sanclemente and Michael Christoforidis, 'Cubism, Neoclasicismo y el renacimiento de la guitarra espafiola a principios del siglo XX,' Roseta. Revista de la Sociedad Espanola de la Guitarra 6, no. 1 (2011): 6-19. 4o Ivor Guest, The Romantic Ballet in England: Its Development, Fulfilment and Decline (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1972) 41 Kurt Gänzl, The Encyclopedia of The Musical Theatre (New York: Schirmer, 2001). 42 For example Arthur H. Lewis, La Belle Otero (New York: Trident Press, 1967) contains many unverified anecdotes and inaccurate historical facts. Even the more recent Spanish biography by Javier Figuero and Marie-Helene Carbonell, Arruiname pero no me abandones: La Belle Otero y la Belle Epoque (Madrid: Espasa-Culpe, 2003) perpetuates many of the errors of earlier texts. 43 Camille Hardy, `Flashes of Flamenco: The American Debuts of Carmencita and Otero,' Arabesque: A Magazine of International Dance 9, no. 1 (1983): 16-23. 44 José Luis Navarro Garcia and José Gelardo Navarro, Carmencita Dauset: Una bailaora almeriense (Almeria: La Hidra de Lerna, 2011).

11 The Ballets Russes' performance of The Three-Cornered Hat in London was an important milestone in the appreciation of Spanish music in London, as will be argued in Chapter 7. The work of Lynn Garafola on the Ballets Russes and the reception of their performances in London provided valuable background material for my research.45 Los Ballets Russes de Diaghilev y Espana, edited by Yvan Nommick and Antonio Alvarez Canibano, provides a wide-reaching examination of the Ballets Russes in Spain and highlights many of the issues that affected responses to these works in London.46 Michael Christoforidis' article on the London reception of The Three-Cornered Hat has provided invaluable guidance for my work.47

A number of scholars have studied the French reception of the opera Carmen, notably Lesley Wright and Kerry Murphy.48 Elizabeth Kertesz and Michael Christoforidis have analysed the reception of Carmen in Madrid, where responses to the opera were very different to the London context.49 There have been no recent studies of the reception of Carmen in London. I have surveyed English press reviews and documented the evolution of stereotypes of Spanishness as seen through the work, in particular changes in how the character of Carmen was portrayed. The opera is central to my thesis because it served as the backdrop for the reception of Spanish music and dance from its premiere until World War I, and had a profound influence on the evolution of Spanish stereotypes.

Until relatively recently Isaac Albéniz's activities as a , composer and concert promoter in London from 1889-1893 have been paid scant attention. Previously, musicologists concentrated more on his time spent in Spain and Paris, although Walter Aaron Clark's book, Albéniz, Portrait of a Romantic (1999), provided some

45 See Lynn Garafola's survey of the Ballets Russes in London: Lynn Garafola, Diaghilev's Ballets Russes (New York: OUP, 1989), 300-329. 46 Yvan Nommick and Antonio Alvarez Canibano, eds., Los Ballets Russes de Diaghilev y Espana (Granada: Archivo Manuel de Falla, Centro de Documentaci6n de M6sica y , 2000). See also Yolanda Acker, Los Ballets Russes en Espana: recepciôn y gula de sus primeras Actuaciones (Granada: Fundaci6n Archivo Manuel de Falla, 2000). 47 Michael Christoforidis, `Issues in the English Critical Reception of The Three-Cornered Hat,' Context 19 (Spring 2000): 87-94. 48 Lesley Wright, ed., Georges Bizet, Carmen: dossier de presse parisienne (1875) (Weinsberg: L. Galland, 2001); Kerry Murphy, `Carmen: Couleur Locale or the Real Thing?,' in Music, Theatre and Cultural Transfer: Paris, 1830-1914, ed. Annegret Fauser and Mark Everist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 293-315. 49 Elizabeth Kertesz and Michael Christoforidis, `Confronting "Carmen" Beyond the Pyrenees: Bizet's Opera in Madrid, 1887-1888,' Cambridge Opera Journal 20, no. 1 (2008): 79-110.

12 balance with a discussion of the theatre and operatic music Albéniz wrote in London, and the effect this period had on his later, more influential works.50 Albéniz wrote three to libretti by the wealthy English patron Francis Money-Coutts, Henry Clifford (1895), Pepita Jiménez (1896) and (1902), and Clark has written perceptively on this relationship.51 Other scholars who have contributed to an understanding of Albéniz's operas from his London period include Clifford Bevan and Robert Haller.52 Sonia Maria Rodriguez Bermejo's thesis, "Discovering Isaac Albéniz as a composer" includes a chapter on his English with words by Money-Coutts.53 Through archival research, namely the Albéniz scrapbooks in the Biblioteca de Catalunya, I have been able to piece together a more complete picture of the reception of Albéniz's concerts in London and how he was received as both a pianist and a composer. A number of Albéniz's piano pieces were first performed with titles that were later changed. Where possible I have chosen to use the titles given by Jacinto Tones in his catalogue of Albéniz's works, Catcilogo sistematico descriptivo de las obras musicales de Isaac Albéniz.54

Pablo Sarasate's activities in London and his prominent profile as a Spanish artist in London have received limited scholarly consideration. Luis Iberni's ground-breaking biography provides many new details on Sarasate's activities and his relationships with his contemporaries, but does not focus extensively on his performances in London.55 His playing style and recordings have been analyzed in recent research, but rarely with any reference to his identification as a Spanish performer and composer.56

50 Walter Aaron Clark, Isaac Albéniz: Portrait of a Romantic (Oxford: OUP, 1999). 51 Clark's Albéniz biography synthesizes material from his earlier work `Isaac Albéniz's Faustian Pact: A Study in Patronage,' Musical Quarterly 76, no. 4 (1992): 465-487; and his doctoral thesis: Spanish Music with a Universal Accent: Isaac Albéniz's Opera Pepita Jiménez (UMI, Dissertation Information Service, 1995). 52 Clifford James Bevan. `Albéniz, Money-Coutts, and "La Parenthese Londonienne"' (PhD diss., University of London, 1994); Robert S. Haller, `Malory Meets Wagner in Madrid: Albéniz's Merlin and the Mythologizing of Arthur,' Ars Lyrica 15, no. 1 (2006): 67-78. 53 Sonia Maria Rodriguez Bermejo, `Discovering Isaac Albéniz as a Song Composer,' (PhD diss., University of Cincinnati, 2010) 82-130. 54 Jacinto Torres, Catcilogo sistematico descriptivo de las obras musicales de Isaac Albéniz (Madrid: Instituto de Bibliografla Musical, 2001). 55 Luis G. Iberni, Pablo Sarasate (Madrid: ICCMU, 1994). 56 See David Milson Theory and Practice in Late Nineteenth-Century Violin Performance: An Examination of Style in Performance 1850-1900 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003); Pablo L. Rodriguez, `De la Manière des Zigeuner: On Pablo Sarasate's 1904 recordings,' in and the 19m- Century Violin Schools: Techniques of Playing, Performance, Questions of Sources and Editorial

13 During World War I Enrique Granados was the victim of a German U-boat attack on a civilian vessel in the . This incident became a defining moment in the history of Spanish music in London. Subsequently, Granados' works and the music of his Spanish contemporaries were promoted with zeal, due in large part to the anti-German sentiment aroused by the war and the emerging alliance between England and Spain. Carol Hess' book Enrique Granados - A Bio-Bibliography was for a number of years the primary resource for Granados studies.57 Walter Aaron Clark's comprehensive biography of Granados has been a welcome addition to twentieth-century Spanish music studies, providing valuable context for Granados' works and a broad survey across his entire output.58 Through an assessment of critical writings I will establish the context for the acceptance of modern Spanish music in London that began with the death of Granados in 1916 and culminated in the critical response to the neoclassical works of Manuel de Falla.

The music of Manuel de Falla and its reception in England in the 1920s is discussed in Chapter 8. Of all the Spanish composers I have considered, Manuel de Falla's life and works have received the most detailed attention from scholars. Two books by Carol Hess situate Falla's music and life in new contexts.59 Manuel de Falla and Modernism in Spain, 1898-1936 focuses on the Spanish context for Falla's works and follows on from her PhD dissertation `Manuel de Falla's The Three-Cornered Hat and the Advent of Modernism in Spain' (1994).60 Chapter 5 of Hess' book, `The Three-Cornered Hat and its Spanish Critics' examines the reception of the work in Spain and illustrates important issues in the reception of the work, which are relevant to my research even though very different issues were played out in the London context.61 Her more recent book Sacred Passions is a thoroughly-documented biography of Falla and, amongst other new research, explores the American reception

Issues, Maciej Jablonski and Danuta Jasinska (Poznan: The Henryk Wieniawski Musical Society, 2006). 57 Carol Hess, Enrique Granados - A Bio-Bibliography (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991). 58 Walter Aaron Clark, Enrique Granados: Poet of the Piano (Oxford: OUP, 2005). 59 Carol Hess, Manuel de Falla and Modernism in Spain, 1898-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001); Carol Hess, Sacred Passions: The Life and Music of Manuel de Falla (Oxford: OUP, 2005),138. 60 Carol Hess, `Manuel de Falla's The Three-Cornered Hat and the Advent of Modernism in Spain' (PhD diss., University of California, Davis, 1994). 6t Hess, Manuel de Falla, 130-160.

14 of Falla's work. In terms of the English context, Chris Collins' article `Falla in Britain' is a fascinating and detailed survey of Falla's activites in London and his network of friends, colleagues and supporters 62 The 2005 Falla volume by Nancy Lee Harper, Manuel de Falla: Life and Works, includes a comprehensive survey of Falla's output and features specialist chapters written by Chris Collins, Michael Christoforidis and Louis Jambou.63 Several articles by Michael Christoforidis have provided invaluable guidance in my work,64 and his PhD thesis, `Aspects of the creative process in Manuel de Falla's El retablo de Maese Pedro and ' is a key study of Falla's neoclassical style.65

J.B. (John Brande) Trend was one of the most influential English critics to write on Spanish music. He transcended the role of travel writer and became an authority on Spanish music, playing an active role in its performance and dissemination in England. In addition to his work for newspapers and music periodicals, Trend's books range from early Spanish music to the music of his friend Manuel de Falla.66 Nigel Dennis has edited the letters between Falla and Trend in Epistolario (1919- 1935), a correspondence that details the close relationship between the two men.67 Trend's published in the Criterion is the focus of an article written in Spanish by Margarita Garbisu Buesa.68 In Chapters 7 and 8 I will examine Trend's role in advancing a modern perspective on Spanish music for an English readership.

I have chosen to include three brief case studies of English composers and their interactions with music as examples of the English engagement with different aspects of "Spanish" music, that relate to some of the issues raised in this

62 Chris Collins, `Falla in Britain,' Musical Times 144 (Summer 2003): 33-48. 63 Nancy Lee Harper, Manuel de Falla: His Life and Music (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2005). 64 Michael Christoforidis, `, Spanish Catholicism and Generalissimo Franco,' Context, 22 (Spring 2001): 61-67; 'Invasion of the Barbarians:" Spanish Composers and Challenges to Exoticism in Belle-epoque Paris' Context: Journal of Music Research 29/30 (2005): 111-118 65 Michael Christoforidis, `Aspects of the creative process in Manuel de Falla's El retablo de maese Pedro and Concerto,' (PhD diss., University of Melbourne, 1997). 66 J.B. Trend, Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas (London: OUP, 1925); J.B. Trend, The Music of Spanish History to 1600 (London: OUP, 1926); J.B. Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music (New York: Knopf, 1934). 67 Manuel de Falla - John B. Trend: Epistolario (1919-1935), ed. Nigel Dennis (Granada: Universidad de Granada and Archivo Manuel de Falla, 2007). 68 Margarita Garbisu Buesa, `La recepcibn de la mi Sica espafiola de The Criterion a traves de los escritos de John B. Trend,' Anuario Musical, 63 (Jan.-Dec. 2008): 153-180.

15 thesis. Selected works by Arthur Sullivan, Edward Elgar and Lord Berners will be 69 considered, alongside Percy Grainger's pioneering performances of Albéniz.

Arthur Sullivan's early music theatre work La Contrabandista (1867) is set in Spain and riddled with Spanish clichés. Written in collaboration with the writer F.C. Burnand, it was reworked in the wake of the success of Carmen and renamed The Chieftain (1894). This piece has received little attention from Sullivan scholars with his later, more successful, collaborations with William Gilbert the subject of more discussion. Arthur Sullivan: A Victorian by Arthur Jacobs includes a brief discussion of the Spanish elements in this work.70

Robert Anderson's study of Elgar's manuscripts has brought to light many new sketches and source materia1.71 His biography of Elgar makes several references to the English composer's penchant for Spanish music.72 The Cambridge Companion to Elgar includes articles by a number of scholars who provide insights into Elgar's early Spanish-flavored works such as the Sevillana and the Moresque.73

The lack of studies on Grainger and Spanish music has contributed to the scarce recognition of his role as a pioneer in the dissemination of contemporary Spanish music in the early twentieth century. His own writings and letters are the best sources for his thoughts on the subject and the volumes edited by Malcolm Gillies, Bruce Clunies Ross, David Pear and Mark Carroll are the main published resources for Grainger's writings.74 Kay Dreyfus' book of Grainger' letters, The Farthest North of Humanness is also essential reading for insights into Grainger's activities in the first decades of the twentieth century.75 Michael Christoforidis and I have co-authored a

69 Born in in 1882, Grainger was based in London from 1901 to 1914 and established himself at the heart of English musical nationalism through his folksong collecting and associations with key English composers and artists. 70 Arthur Jacobs, Arthur Sullivan: A Victorian Musician (Oxford: OUP, 1984), 52, 352-354. 71 Robert Anderson, Elgar in Manuscript (London: British Library, 1990). 72 Robert Anderson, Elgar (London: Dent, 1993), 15. 73 Daniel M. Grimley, and Julian Rushton, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Elgar, (Cambridge: CUP, 2004). 74 Percy Grainger, Grainger on Music, eds., Malcolm Gillies and Bruce Clunies Ross (Oxford: OUP, 1999); Malcolm Gillies and David Pear, Portrait of Percy Grainger (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2002); Malcolm Gillies, David Pear and Mark Carroll, eds., Self-Portrait of Percy Grainger (Oxford: OUP, 2006). 73 Kay Dreyfus, The Farthest North of Humanness: Letters of Percy Grainger, 1901-14 (London: Macmillan, 1985).

16 chapter titled `The Hispanic Grainger: Encounters with the Modern Spanish School,' in the forthcoming book Grainger the Modernist, edited by Suzanne Robinson and Kay Dreyfus to be published by Ashgate in 2014.

The English composer Gerald Hugh Tyrwhitt-Wilson, the 14t" Baron Berners, better known as Lord Berners, has been the subject of two recent monographs. Bryony Jones' The Music of Lord Berners (2003) includes a biographical chapter and focuses on Berners' music, including a discussion of the composition and orchestration of his Fantaisie espagnole.76 Peter Dickenson's 2008 book on Berners reproduces interviews with a number of the composer's friends and focuses on his activities as a painter, writer and composer.77

Chapter overview The nineteenth-century English fascination with Spain grew in part out of the broader Western European fascination with the Oriental East. Novels, travel writings and images from the visual arts all influenced the creation of stereotypes that defined Spanish culture for international audiences. In Chapter 1, I provide some background to English engagement with Spain and its music in the decades prior to the London reception of Bizet's opera Carmen. To illustrate the important role played by travel writers in the formation of nineteenth-century ideas about Spain I have selected three of the most widely read books published in English on Spain: The Bible in Spain by George Borrow, Tales of the Alhambra by Washington Irving and Richard Ford's Hand-book for Travellers in Spain.78 References to music in these works often relate to dance and the guitar. To contextualize my ensuing discussions of Spanish music and dance, I present an overview of the Spanish guitar and changing responses to Spanish dance in nineteenth-century London.

The second chapter of this thesis examines and discusses Carmen and Victorian musico-theatrical notions of Spanishness. I consider the performance history of

76 Bryony Jones, The Music of Lord Berners (1883-1950): 'The Versatile Peer' (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003) 52-61. 77 Peter Dickinson, Lord Berners: Composer, Writer, Painter (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2008) 78 George Borrow, The Bible in Spain (London: J. Murray, 1843); Washington Irving, Tales of the Alhambra (1851; Tarrytown: Sleepy Hollow Press, 1982); Richard Ford, Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain, and Readers at Home (London: John Murray, 1845).

17 Carmen in London, followed by a discussion of various burlesques and adaptations of the opera. To be successful in the title role, performers had to measure up to the expectations of audiences and critics who demanded evidence of Spanish traits in performances. In this chapter I also discuss Spanish elements of another musico- theatrical work on the London stage, Arthur Sullivan's La Contrabandista. This work looks back to clichés of Spanish music prominent in the first half of the nineteenth century and was later revised for performance in the aftermath of London's engagement with Carmen.

The two most prominent Spanish musicians to perform regularly in London in the 1880s and 1890s were Pablo Sarasate and Isaac Albéniz.79 In Chapter 3 I will discuss the reception of their activities in London, with an emphasis on how they presented themselves as Spanish artists and English references to their nationality and local colour. Both Sarasate and Albéniz were performing and composing in London at a time when Carmen provided the overriding template for Spanishness. In response Sarasate performed his own Spanish works, and his Carmen Fantasy, which he often played at the end of concerts or as encore pieces. Albéniz organized two concerts of his own music and music of his Spanish contemporaries in 1892 in an effort to disseminate a broader view of what constituted Spanish music. My discussion of the reception of Sarasate and Albéniz in London reveals the tension between English expectations of Spanish music, and the way Spanish performers and composers viewed themselves.

Chapter 4 focuses on popular entertainments featuring Spanish music and dance in fin-de-siècle London.80 Coinciding with increased British tourism to Spain, traveling groups of Estudiantinas presented a fresh perspective of Spanish music in London, one that featured plucked instruments, and often provided the accompaniment for Spanish dance acts. Dancers such as Carolina Otero introduced a new type of Spanish

79 The Catalan cellist (1867-1973) first performed in London in 1899 and played for . Due to the repertoire he performed Casals was less influential than Sarasate and Albéniz in propagating ideas of Spanishness and is not discussed in Chapter 3 for this reason. B0 The French phrase fin de siècle has become widely used outside France to denote the period of rapid cultural change from the 1890s to the early years of the twentieth century. Examples of the use of the term in a broader context may be found throughout Gail Marshall, ed., The Cambridge Companion to the Fin de Siècle (Cambridge: CUP, 2007), a series of essays focusing on influential English writers and artists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

18 dance to London audiences in the 1890s, at times incorporating elements of flamenco. These Spanish attractions were still strongly linked to Carmen and this connection was borne out in the highly successful Carmen ballet of 1903 featuring Rosario Guerrero. Through my discussion of these popular entertainments I will examine the evolution of Spanish stereotypes in this period and demonstrate their importance to the continuing English fascination with Spanish music and dance.

In Chapter 5 I will consider three Edwardian literary reflections on Spain, authored by L. Higgin, Havelock Ellis and Bogue Luffman, all of whom sought to project a more modern and contemporary picture of modern Spain in the first decade of the twentieth century. The engagement with some aspects of Spanish music by eminent English composer Edward Elgar and the London-based Australian pianist and composer Percy Grainger, are discussed to show contrasting interactions with Spanish music in this period. Elgar's musical interpretations of Spain hark back to well-known and established Spanish forms. Grainger, through his friendship with the painter , engaged with the new school of Spanish piano music and was one of the first pianists to present movements from Albéniz's Iberia in London. His appropriation of the guitar in several of his works shows an awareness of the popularity of the Estudiantinas and the expanding , Mandolin and Guitar movement. The fin-de-siècle was a period of rapid change and the coexistence of both old and new perceptions of Spanish music and dance.

The alliance between England and Spain grew closer in the Edwardian period and two pivotal events in solidifying the relationship were the Entente Cordial (1904) between England and France (with reference to Spain) and the royal wedding of Princess Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg to King Alfonso XIII of Spain in 1906. These events will be discussed in Chapter 6, along with the anti-German musical alliances promoted by French critics Henri Collet and Raoul Laparra which influenced developments in England, especially in the work of critics such as Edwin Evans and the editor of The Chesterian, Georges Jean-Aubry. The death of Enrique Granados in 1916 was the catalyst for concerts of Spanish music and greater awareness of the modern school of Spanish music in England. The anti-German currents of the pre- war years and the developing relationship between Spain and England account for the

19 reaction to the death of Granados, and set the scene for the further English appreciation of Spanish music in London as discussed in Chapters 7 and 8.

The English critical reception of the Ballets Russes production of The Three- Cornered Hat in 1919 marked the broader recognition of Spanish musical nationalism. The reception of The Three-Cornered Hat in London forms the first part of Chapter 7. The work spawned a number of other Spanish-themed ballets that played in London in the 1920s, each with a different take on Spanish music and dance. Flamenco continued to influence perceptions of Spanish music, while specialist critics promoted new Spanish music in London. The engagement of English composers with Spanish music continued in this period, including Lord Berners' Fantaisie Espagnole (1919), which was closely aligned to the aesthetic of The Three-Cornered Hat.

In the aftermath of World War I the recognition of both modem and popular forms of Spanish music and dance in London set the scene for the positive reception of Falla's neoclassical works. In Chapter 8 I will consider the level of popularity and critical acclaim attained by Falla in the 1920s. He forged a new path for Spanish music with El retablo de maese Pedro and the Concerto for and five instruments, synthesizing diverse elements to forge a modem Spanish neoclassical style. At the same time works such as the Siete canciones populaces espanolas and Noches en los jardines de Espana kept his name before the public as a composer of folk-derived Andalusian music. During this period Spanish music achieved further acknowledgement in England, aided by cosmopolitan critics who fostered musical alliances with other continental nations. The activities of music associations and publishers attest to the increasing recognition of Spanish music in London in this period. The Spanish guitar embodied many aspects of Spanish music in the 1920s, with a repertoire showcasing transcriptions of early Spanish music, folk-inspired piano music and modern neoclassical works. The new classical guitar, as popularized by Andrés Segovia, thrived in London and established itself at the heart of Spanish music by the late 1920s. By 1930, the recognition and popularity of Spanish music indicated the extent to which it had integrated and evolved beyond the Romantic stereotypes prevalent half a century earlier.

20 Chapter 1: Spanish music in London from the Peninsular War to the premiere of Bizet's Carmen: travel writers, the guitar and Spanish dance.

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Spain was seen as a dangerous, inaccessible place for English travellers.' Not only was the country physically remote,2 but Spaniards were thought of as cruel, and Spain was regarded as a bastion of intolerance.3 This characterization of Spain later became known as the `Black legend' .4

Relations between England and Spain improved dramatically with the Peninsular War of 1808-1814 when England and Spain fought together against Napoleon's forces.5 Numerous returned English soldiers published books about their and many Spanish refugees settled in London.6 The Peninsular War was the catalyst for greater interest in Spanish culture and the Romantic generation of writers promoted an exotic image of Spain. The English fascination with Spain in the nineteenth century was stimulated by the publications of travel writers and novelists, especially the three writers discussed in this chapter, Washington Irving (1783-1859), George Borrow (1803-1881) and Richard Ford (1796-1858).8 These authors featured observations on Spanish music and dance in their works and their views on Spanish life and culture were disseminated to a broad audience.9

I Black, British and the Grand Tour, 24. 2 The construction of much of the Spanish rail network relied on foreign capital and was not completed until the 1870s. See Henry Kamen, The Disinherited: The Exiles who Created Spanish Culture (London: Allen Lane, 2007), 216. Salvador de Madariaga opened his book on Spain with the sentence, "The main fact about the land is its inaccessibility." Madariaga, Spain, 15. José Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert, Introduction to Spanish History Since 1808, eds. José Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert (London: Arnold, 2000), 2-3. 4 William D. Phillips, Jr. and Carla Rahn Phillips, A Concise (Cambridge: CUP, 2010), 152-153. In England, this rhetoric had its roots in the rivalry between England and Spain in the quest for territories and power in the New World. See also Borge, `Richard Hakluyt's "Discourse" of Spain,' 167-176. s This war is known as the War of Independence in Spain. See Enrique Moradiellos, 'Spain in the World: From Great Empire to Minor European Power,' in Spanish History Since 1808, ed. José Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert (London: Arnold, 2000), 111-112. 6 Alvarez Junco and Shubert, Spanish History Since 1808, 4. 7 Ibid., 4-5. s Irving, Tales of the Alhambra; Borrow, Bible in Spain; and Ford, Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain. 9 Books on Spain by these authors were published in multiple editions during the nineteenth century.

21 A key element of the cultural image of Spain projected by these writers was the guitar, both as an icon of and as the instrument that accompanied Spanish dance. In the nineteenth century the Spanish guitar became the dominant version of the instrument in England.10 Early in the century the Spanish guitar was commonly taught to young English ladies as an accompaniment to singing," however, with the onset of the Peninsular War and the arrival in London of Spanish refugees, the guitar also rose to prominence as a concert instrument.

Spanish dance was a crucial medium for the dissemination of Spanish stereotypes in England.12 Interest in Spanish dance reached a peak in the 1830s and 1840s, but was still most often performed by non-Spaniards. The desire to see native Spaniards performing the dances, songs and music of their country grew stronger throughout the nineteenth century. This chapter presents the background to the English reception of Spanish music in the late nineteenth century through an examination of travel writers, the guitar and Spanish dance in London from 1800 to 1870.

Travel writers on Spain Englishmen rarely travelled to Spain in the seventeenth century and a strained political relationship meant that travel visas were only rarely issued.13 A lack of contact between the two countries led to suspicion and misunderstanding and, as Christopher Baker wrote in The Discovery of Spain, "Spain was invariably considered a threatening power, a stronghold of Catholicism, a bastion of cruelty and sensuality, or more often than not as simply unknown—and therefore frightening."14

Although during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, political allegiances between England and Spain grew closer, English travellers on the Grand Tour still rarely visited Spain. The Pyrenees were both a physical and a cultural obstacle, furthermore, Spanish roads were badly maintained and accommodation was limited. In his book The British and the Grand Tour, Jeremy Black outlines some of

10 Button, Guitar in England, 22. 11 Ibid., 31. 12 Guest, Romantic Ballet in England, 121. 13 Antoni Maczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe, trans. Ursula Phillips (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), 47. 14 Christopher Baker, Introduction to The Discovery of Spain (Edinburgh: National Galleries of Scotland, 2009), 9.

22 the reasons Spain did not attract visitors during this period. He writes, "There was no vogue for the beach, the mountains lacked the interest of the Alps, the Roman antiquities were less well known than those of and there was little interest in Moorish remains."15 Those who did make the journey south of the Pyrenees were seen as risk-taking adventurers. One such man was the ninth Earl of Huntingdon about whom The Gentleman's Magazine wrote, "some part of his younger years he gave to Italy and France, and at last finished his travels with a tour, which few of our nobility, of late years, have had the courage to make, through Spain."16 Spanish ports had always been frequented by foreigners, but travel to the heart of the country was much less common and the Carlist Wars continued to make travel to Spain hazardous in the nineteenth century.17

The catalyst for greater exploration of Spain was the boom in publication of travel books and literature with a Hispanic focus. Three books in particular had a profound effect on English audiences, Washington Irving's Tales of the Alhambra (1832), The Bible in Spain (1843) by George Borrow and Richard Ford's Handbook for Travellers in Spain (1845). These writers were largely responsible for making travel to Iberia fashionable and their books played a fundamental role in projecting images and stereotypes of Spain.18 While all three writers acquired considerable knowledge of Spain and the variety of cultures within it, the most powerful and influential elements of their writing concerned the south of the country, particularly the region of .19 The gypsy and Moorish elements of this region came to define Spain in the eyes of many. These stereotypes were reinforced by the huge success of Georges Bizet's (1838-1875) opera Carmen (1875), based on Prosper Mérimée's (1803-1870) story Carmen (1845), which had drawn from Borrow's writings.20

15 Black, British and the Grand Tour, 24. 16 Ibid., 24. 17 The Spanish Carlist Wars were fought sporadically between 1833 and 1875. The supporters of King Carlos V stood for traditional monarchist values and a conservative Catholic church. They were pitted against liberal government forces in this series of conflicts. For a discussion of these conflicts see Vincent, Spain 1833-2002, 9-15. 1s Black, British and the Grand Tour, 24. 19 British possession of the southern Iberian peninsula of Gibraltar dates back to the early eighteenth century and this colony continues to play a role in the development of Anglo-Spanish relations. During the nineteenth century Britain invested heavily in Gibraltar and the peninsular was visited by many of the British tourists who came to Spain. The colony has facilitated British access to the south of Spain, particularly the region of Andalusia. °Colmeiro, `Exorcising Exoticism,' 134.

23 In 1829 Washington Irving visited Granada and stayed for some months in the Alhambra itself, accumulating much of the material for his book Tales of the Alhambra. Irving was an American author, known for his satirical humour and his interest in both history and folk tales. His works combine historical facts with myth and creative storytelling, placing them in the Romantic tradition of historical novels 2' Tales of the Alhambra brought Spain's Arab past, especially the city of Granada and the Moorish palace the Alhambra, to the attention of an international audience.

Music is a central and recurring theme throughout Irving's book. He described the natural musicality of Spaniards and depicted numerous social and festive occasions where everyone participated either by clapping hands, playing castanets, strumming the guitar, singing or dancing. The sounds of resonate throughout these tales and Irving provided numerous descriptions of musical life in Southern Spain.22 The instrument is so prominent that he referred to "the all-pervading tinkling of the guitar."23 He wrote of the Spanish guitar providing accompaniment to nocturnal serenades, a recurring theme in later Spanish-themed ballets, opera and music hall productions.24

21 Irving achieved considerable success on both sides of the Atlantic with stories such as Rip Van Winkle and The Legend of Sleepy Hollow. Tales of the Alhambra was not Irving's first book on Spain, although it was his most successful. He first ventured to Spain on the advice of his friend, the American diplomat, Alexander Everett. While there he had access to the materials in the American consul's library, much of which related to the discovery of the Americas. His interest in the journeys of Columbus led to the publication of The Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus in 1828 and the success of this book led to a series of related publications. In 1829 he published The Chronicles of the Conquest of Granada and a follow up, Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of Columbus, appeared in 1831. See Andrew Burstein, The Original Knickerbocker: The Life of Washington Irving (New York: Basic Books, 2007). 22 A good example of Irving's style is his description of an after-dinner party in the Hall of Ambassadors (Salon de Embajadores) within the Alhambra. Here he portrays a festive occasion where everyone participates in singing and dancing, with the natural musicality of the Spanish people to the fore. "The banquet ended, the company adjourned to the Hall of Ambassadors. Here every one endeavoured to contribute to the general amusement, singing, improvising, telling wonderful tales, or dancing popular dances to that all-pervading talisman of Spanish pleasure, the guitar." Irving, Tales of the Alhambra, 351. 23 In reference to the famous gardens of the Generalife, Irving wrote: "While thus seated, the all- pervading tinkling of the guitar and click of the castanets came stealing up from the valley of the Darro, and half way down the mountain we descried a festive party under the trees enjoying themselves in true Andalusian style, some lying on the grass, others dancing to the music." Irving, Tales of the Alhambra, 75. 24 The serenading Spaniard had a long history in music and literature, for example Rossini's Barber of and the story of Don Juan.

24 In Irving's stories the guitar is an instrument most Spaniards, particularly men, play to some degree. He writes of it being "passed from hand to hand" at social gatherings,25 and highlights its central role as a rhythmic complement to Spanish dance.26 For English readers in the nineteenth century, Spanish dance was a defining national feature and the and fandango are the two dances most often referred to by Irving in The Alhambra.27

Irving projected a primitive view of Spanish society, reinforcing the idea that Spanish culture and way of life had remained unchanged for centuries.28 This was an attractive notion for English audiences living in a rapidly changing, industrialized world.29 He also perpetuated popular stereotypes about Spanish character, including the belief that Spaniards were lazy and indolent, tying this to the guitar, Irving wrote, "Give a Spaniard the shade in summer, and the sun in winter; a little bread, garlic, oil, and garbances, an old brown cloak and a guitar, and let the world roll on as it pleases."30 These stereotypes about Spanish character have a long history in literature, particularly travel writing. The Scottish traveller William Lithgow observed in 1632, "the Spanish peasants' laziness was the result of natural instincts inherited from their ancestors, the ."3 t

25 "While we were supping with our Drawcansir friend, we heard the notes of a guitar, and the click of castanets, and presently a chorus of voices singing a popular air. In fact mine host had gathered together the amateur singers and musicians, and the rustic belles of the neighborhood, and, on going forth, the courtyard or patio of the inn presented a scene of true Spanish festivity. We took our seats with mine host and hostess and the commander of the patrol, under an archway opening into the court; the guitar passed from hand to hand, but a jovial shoemaker was the of the place." Irving, Tales of the Alhambra, 25. 26 Irving wrote, "The soldier...had procured an old guitar also, and would sit by his window and sing ballads and love-ditties to the delight of the women of the neighbourhood, who would assemble on the esplanade in the evening and dance to his music." Ibid., 344. 27 For example, "There lived once in a waste apartment of the Alhambra, a merry little fellow, named Lope Sanchez ...he would sit on one of the stone benches of the esplanade, his guitar, and sing long ditties about the Cid, and Bernardo del Carpio, and Fernando del Pulgar, and other Spanish heroes, for the amusement of the old soldiers of the fortress, or would strike up a merrier tune, and set the girls dancing boleros and ." Ibid., 354. 28 Richard Ford wrote one of the most highly regarded guidebooks to Spain, published in 1845 and he too emphasized the Western perception of Oriental Spain as an unchanged and ancient place and related these concepts to music. For example Ford wrote, "the genuine airs and tunes are very Oriental, of most remote antiquity, and a remnant of primitive airs, of which a want of the invention of has deprived us." Ford, Hand-book for Travellers in Spain, 107. 29 For a discussion of this attraction see Alvarez Junco and Shubert, Spanish History Since 1808, 1-11. 39 Irving, Tales of the Alhambra, 73. 31 Maczak, Travel in Early Modern Europe, 284-5.

25 There are very few references to gypsies in Tales of the Alhambra and no examples of gypsy protagonists or characters. The gypsy component of Spanish exoticism was drawn into focus a few years later by George Borrow in his books The Zincali, an account of the Gypsies of Spain and The Bible in Spain.32

The Bible in Spain (1843) was an account of Borrow's travels in the Iberian peninsula between the years 1835 and 1840.33 This book was extraordinarily successful and widely disseminated in multiple editions, making it perhaps the most influential work from this period in portraying notions of Spanishness and Spanish culture. Borrow's earlier book on the gypsies of Spain, The Zincali, an account of the Gypsies of Spain was released in 1841 with only limited success. The Bible in Spain was published on 10 December 1842 and was instantly popular. The second edition was published in January of the following year and subsequent editions came out in March, June and July.34 The Athenaeum stated on 29 May 1843 that 30,000 copies of the book had been sold in America.35 Borrow became a celebrity and the book remained in print through many editions. The American writer Carl Van Vechten, whose seminal book on Spanish music was published in 1920, wrote of Borrow's influence,

It is interesting enough to realize that "The Bible in Spain," in itself a masterpiece, was the inspiration for another masterpiece, one of the great short stories of all literature (Mérimée). Curiously enough still a third masterpiece emerged from the activities of the British Bible Society, Carmen, the opera.36

As José Colmeiro notes, powerful myths about Spain converge in Carmen including "the conflation of Gypsy, Andalusian, and Spanish identities as mutually interchangeable signifiers."37 Through the success of The Bible in Spain and his

32 Borrow, Bible in Spain; and George Borrow, The Zincali, an Account of the Gypsies of Spain (London: J Murray, 1946; originally published 1841). 33 Prior to his travels in Spain, Borrow worked as an agent for the British and Foreign Bible SocietY. He spent two years in Russia from 1833 and during this time he met and observed Russian gypsies on the outskirts of . This was the beginning of Borrow's fascination with the of Europe. He had a keen in interest not only in the gypsy language of Spain but also in all of the languages of the Iberian peninsula. 34 Herbert Jenkins, The Life of George Borrow (London: John Murray, 1912), 350. Accessed 10 Feb. 2012 at Project Gutenburg, http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/3481/pg3481.html. 35 Ibid., 351. 36 Carl Van Vechten, The (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1920), 134. 37 Colmeiro, `Exorcising Exoticism: "Carmen",' 127-144.

26 influence on Mérimée, Borrow was a key influence on the creation and dissemination of these mythologies.

The idea that Spanishness was synonymous with gypsy culture may be traced directly to Borrow and most of the musical references in The Bible in Spain concern gypsies. He makes fewer references to music than Irving but when he does discuss music or dance, the main protagonists are gypsies who commonly play the guitar which Borrow refers to as "the favourite of the Spaniards."38 He even presents the instrument in gypsy contexts using their idioms, as in the following excerpt from The Bible in Spain, "Now,' said Antonio to the youngest female, `bring me the pajandi [guitar], and I will sing a gachapla [song].' The girl brought the guitar, which, with some difficulty, the Gypsy tuned, and then strumming it vigorously, he sang."39

Ford's Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain, and Readers at Home, based on his travels in Spain from 1830 to 1833, was published in 1845 by London publisher John Murray.40 Ford travelled around the Iberian Peninsula with his wife and made hundreds of drawings. He arrived back in England in 1834 and settled in Devon where he spent the next ten years completing his Hand-Book. He first met Borrow in 1841 and was one of the first readers of The Bible in Spain.'" He enjoyed a close friendship with Borrow and recommended that John Murray publish Borrow's The Zincali. Although his books were not as widely disseminated as those by Irving or Borrow, his work was highly regarded and influential.

The Hand-Book is often viewed as one of the most insightful books on Spain, praised by Hispanist Ian as "the greatest guidebook on Spain ever written."42 Ford's comments on music are astute and showed a superior level of musical understanding. He highlighted the importance of the guitar to national identity and observed, "Spain is still the land of the Fandango, the Bolero, and the guitar."43 He saw music-making

38 Borrow, Bible in Spain, 200. 39 Ibid., 85. Borrow's interest in the gypsy language was a key feature of his work. 49 Ford, Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain. 41 E. W. Gilbert, `Richard Ford and His Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain,' The Geographical Journal 106, no. 3/4 (1945): 148. 42 Ian Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca (London: Faber and Faber, 1989), 5. 43 Ford, Hand-Book for Travellers in Spain, 101.

27 in Spain as a communal experience and wrote, "There is always in every company of Spaniards, whether soldiers, civilians or muleteers, someone who can play the guitar, poco mas o menos."44

Ford wrote of the role of women in Spanish musical life and their lack of inhibition and training, imagining that the abandon and fire necessary for a woman to play the guitar "could not be risked by ladies of more northern climates and more tightly laced zones."45 He observed, "To feel the full power of the guitar and Spanish song, the performer should be a sprightly Andaluza, taught or untaught... she is good for nothing when pinned down to a piano, on which few Spanish women play even tolerably."46 Ford articulated the idea that recurs in later English writings and reviews that only Spanish performers could perform Spanish music and dance with authority and conviction.

A new level of detail was evident in Ford's musical description, as illustrated by the following excerpt from the Hand-Book, which demonstrates his familiarity with the Spanish terms for strumming and tapping on the guitar and his close observation of Spanish guitar technique.

The performers, seldom scientific musicians, content themselves with striking the chords, sweeping the whole hand over the strings, rasqueando [sic], or flourishing, floreando, and tapping the guitar-board with the thumb, golpeando, at which they are very expert. Occasionally in the towns there is a zapatero or a maestro of some kind, who has attained more power over this ungrateful instrument; but the attempt is generally a failure, for it responds coldly to Italian words and elaborate melody, which never come home to Spanish ears or hearts...The multitude suit the guitar to the song; both air and words are frequently extemporaneous."

Ford was writing at the end of the early nineteenth-century wave of European guitarists such as Fernando Sor (1778-1839), A.T. Huerta (1804-1874) and Mauro

44 Ibid., 105. 45 Ibid., 107. 46 Ibid., 106. 47 Ibid., 106.

28 Giuliani (1781-1829) who had made such an impact in England and throughout Europe.

The Spanish guitar in England in the nineteenth century During the nineteenth century the Spanish guitar became the most prominent version of the instrument in London and throughout Europe. 48 In England it displaced the steel-strung or that had reached a peak of popularity in the second half of the eighteenth century.49 The profile of the Spanish guitar was enhanced by the presence in London of Spanish emigrants who fled the Peninsular War fought by the British, Spanish and Portuguese against France from 1808 to 1814. These countries battled together to rid the Iberian peninsula of Napoleon and his armed forces and in the process stronger ties were forged between the three allies. This alliance had a marked effect on the popularity of the Spanish guitar in Britain, as illustrated by a travellers' reminiscence of encountering the instrument in Spain during the conflict.

Mixing, as did our warriors, with the people of Spain and ; and domesticated as many of them were, and are to this day, with the families of those countries, it was only natural that they should have discovered the immense influence which the guitar there possessed, and have felt themselves, the witching power of its fascination...How delightful must be the associations connected with this instrument to those who first heard its sound, and learnt its touch, amid the danger and terror of warfare, now that they can recall to their memories those days of chivalry and romance, by their own peaceful hearths in old England!50

This article appeared in The Giulianiad, a journal dedicated to the guitar and inspired by the Italian guitarist Mauro Giuliani (1781-1829). First published in 1833 by the London based guitar aficionados Ferdinand Pelzer (1801-1861) and Felix Horetzky (1796-1870), it was the first publication of its kind devoted to the guitar.5'

48 Jeffrey, Fernando Sor Composer and Guitarist, 71. See also Button, Guitar in England, 22, 44-45. 49 and Paul Sparks, The Guitar and its Music (New York: OUP, 2002), 239. 5° Quoted in Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 241. 51 The writers had hoped to stimulate interest in compositions for the guitar but The Giulianiad ceased publication in 1835 and the fortunes of the guitar in England declined for a period. See Button, Guitar in England, 122-123. The only known source of this magazine are the thirteen issues held at the British Library.

29 The Spanish guitarist Fernando Sor (1778-1839) had arrived in London in 1815, staying until 1823. He was one of the many refugees from the persecution of Spanish liberals under Fernando VII who began arriving in London after the of the Spanish monarchy in 1813. The largest congregation of exiled Spaniards lived in London between 1823 and 1830.52

Sor's first documented performance in England was on 24 April 1816 alongside some of London's most well-known performers at a benefit concert featuring both instrumental and vocal items.53 Shrewd when dealing with the aristocracy and successfully cultivating contacts with wealthy patrons, Sor enjoyed considerable success with the publication of his own compositions in London, particularly songs for voice and guitar.54 He was also a popular performing guitarist and teacher in London, although he chose to concentrate more on his composition activities after 1819.55 During his stay in London Sor published Italian , piano solos, duets, guitar pieces and works based on operatic themes. The popularity of his vocal works was highlighted in 1820 with the comment, "Mr. Sor's vocal compositions have gained such favour among the higher order of musical dilettanti, that a new set of ariettas from his pen causes almost as much sensation as the publication of a new novel by the author of Waverley."56

Sor's influence was undeniable, but he was certainly not the first to introduce the Spanish guitar in London.57 An examination of guitarists operating in London before Sor shows significant activity and increasing interest in the instrument. Before

52 Vicente Llorens, Liberales y românticos. Una emigraci6n espaiiola en Inglaterra (1823-1834), (Madrid: Castalia, 1968) quoted in Maria Encina Cortizo Rodriguez, `Arietas y duetos italianos de Fernando Sor,' in Estudios sobre Fernando Sor, ed. Luis Gasser (Madrid: ICCMU, 2003), 314. 53 Button, Guitar in England, 24. 54 Ibid., 26. 55 Jeffrey, Fernando Sor: Composer and Guitarist, 53. 56 Rudolph Ackermann, Repository of Arts (London: March 1820) quoted in Jeffrey, Fernando Sor: Composer and Guitarist, 49. 57 Sor is frequently cited as a major influence on the popularity of the guitar in England, however, according to Stuart Button, his influence is often over-stated. See Button, Guitar in England, 22. An example of an exaggeration of Sor's authority may be found in Bone, Guitar and Mandolin, 279'280. Bone was an enthusiastic amateur mandolinist who wrote the most comprehensive survey of guitarists and mandolinists active at the turn of the century, with a strong focus on musicians who had either lived in or travelled to the U.K. Bone believed that Sor was responsible for bringing the Spanish guitar to London and wrote, "his playing created a furore in London; the èlite of society greeted the new instrument with unbounded enthusiasm... it is to this Spanish refugee that England owes its introduction to this charming instrument," 279-280.

30 Spanish immigration to London as a result of the Peninsular War, the city was home to Spanish and Italian guitarists performing and teaching the art of guitar playing, particularly accompaniment. These foreign artists arrived in London at an opportune time. In the late eighteenth century the patronage system for musicians was changing and musicians were able to support themselves by working for a number of different patrons without being tied to one employer only.58 London was quickly becoming one of the most important musical centers in Europe with new concert halls being built and the emergence of musical societies such as the Royal Philharmonic Society.

In this period the guitar was seen as an instrument that was understood more naturally by natives of Spain or Italy. In the introduction to his book Instructions For the Spanish Guitar (London, 1819), Charles Sola wrote, "Several of the natives both of Spain and Italy, possess a natural talent for this instrument, and can sing Solos, Duets, Trios, and accompany their voices with the guitar, without any instruction whatever."59

In the period immediately after Sor left London there were regular visits by foreign guitarists, including the Spaniard A.T. Huerta. Born in 1804, Huerta fought in the Peninsular War and composed a well-known Spanish soldier's hymn, the Hymn of Riego. He fled to Paris after the war and began to concertize as a guitarist, a career he maintained from the 1820s until the end of his life in 1874, performing in England, Spain, Europe and America.60 Huerta wrote numerous generic waltzes and divertimentos for the guitar and also penned characteristic Spanish pieces such as A Spanish National Cachucha, with Variations, Bolero and Souvenir of the Fair at Mairena in Spain.61 Huerta lived permanently in London until 1830 and married the daughter of instrument maker Louis Panormo. A correspondent in the English women's magazine La Belle Assemblée wrote in 1827 of the growing popularity of the guitar and the role of both Huerta and Sor in elevating the profile of the instrument:

58 Cyril Ehrlich, The Music Profession in Britain Since the Eighteenth Century: A Social History, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 73. 59 Charles Sola, Instructions For the Spanish Guitar (London, 1819) quoted in Button, Guitar in England, 30. 60 Javier Suarez-Pajares and Robert Coldwell, A.T. Huerta: Life and Works, (San Antonio: DGA Editions, 2006). 61 These scores are published in Suarez-Pajares and Coldwell, A.T. Huerta, 88-162.

31 This little instrument is daily becoming more and more fashionable. We formerly considered it as a mere accompaniment, too trivial to be worth taking any pains about; but since Huerta, Sor, and some of the continental performers have been over, 62 we begin to understand its capabilities, and to appreciate it accordingly.

Interest in the guitar reached a high point with the publication of The Giulianiad in the 1830s and by 1850 most of the foreign guitarists who had come to England had left.63 There were other important guitarists who performed in London in the following decades, including the Spanish virtuoso Julian Arcas (1832-1882). Arcas was a vital figure in the history of the Spanish guitar who incorporated musical styles from Spanish folk music into his compositions and established the foundation for modern Spanish guitar technique. He composed and performed a large body of characteristic Spanish pieces and, following the fashion of the time, wrote many fantasies and variations on operatic themes. While he spent most of his career in Spain, as his fame spread abroad he travelled to England where he performed a recital at the Brighton Pavilion in 1862 before a distinguished audience that included members of the Royal family.64 A very favourable review in the Brighton Guardian highlighted the impression his music made on important members of the aristocracy:

Monday afternoon, the King's salons of the Pavilion were filled by a select crowd that had been invited by a Gentlemen's commission to hear Mr. Arcas (Don Julian), a new guitarist of extraordinary merit. This professor, quite a celebrity in Spain, has enjoyed the protection of the upper aristocracy since his arrival in England. He gave this concert under the protection of H.R.H. the Duchess of Cambridge and the Princess Mary Adelaide, who honoured him with their presence. Their Highnesses, accompanied by a distinguished entourage, arrived in the Salon at three o'clock, and barely seated, Arcas came out to play. The guitarist's execution bordered on the marvelous; even though he produces previously unknown effects with this instrument, everything is in perfect agreement. We would not be exaggerating if we said that the guitar, in the hands of Arcas, is a minature . He gets a variety of sounds,

62 La Belle Assemblée; or, 's Court and Fashionable Magazine, 1 Oct. 1827, 179. 63 Button, Guitar in England, 123. 64 Bone, Guitar and Mandolin, 11.

32 fully imitative, out of its strings...His Royal protectors were quite pleased and delighted, as could be said of all those present.65

In most writings on Arcas, this is the only English performance mentioned.66 An examination of the English press reveals that he returned in 1863 and not only gave further performances, but attempted to set up a base for his teaching and playing activities. Arcas revisited the Brighton Pavilion on 4 February 1863 for a recital with the singer Herr Reichardt.67 The clearest indication that Arcas intended an extended stay in London comes from an advertisement in The Morning Post, placed on 31 March 1863.

Senor Julian Arcas begs to announce that he has arrived in town for the season, and is open to engagements for public and private concerts. He will likewise give lessons on the guitar and Spanish songs. All communication to be addressed to Senor Julian

Arcas, care of Mrs Pittman, 58 Queen Anne-Street, Cavendish Square, W.68

Areas participated in a morning recital on 30 April 1863 as reported in The Morning Post. His ability as a guitarist impressed the critic who was less complimentary about the guitar as a concert instrument referring to it as "that decidedly unsatisfactory instrument."69

The most detailed and revealing review of Areas performing in London comes from May 1863, in which The Era's critic mentioned the rarity of a hearing a solo guitar performance in London and the excitement of hearing a real "Spanish minstrel."70 Arcas' programme featured a number of fantasies on operatic themes including from Bellini's Il Pirata, Verdi's II Trovatore and his Fantasy on a Theme from The Carnival of Venice. He also played some of his own pieces

65 Reprinted in Julian Arcas, Guitar Works: A new edition based on original editions, ed. Melchor Rodriguez (Madrid: Soneto, 1993), 15-16. 66 For example there is no mention of any further English performances in Bone, Guitar and Mandolin or Arcas, Guitar Works. 67 Morning Post, 2 Feb. 1863, 1. Arcas performed as one of the accompanists at this concert and was not listed as a soloist in the advertising. A review of this concert in The Era praised his performance: "Senor Arcas played some of his choicest efforts and received his share of applause." Era, 8 Feb. 1863. 68 Morning Post, 31 Mar. 1863, 1. 69 Morning Post, 30 Apr. 1863, 6. 7° `The Opera and Concerts,' Era, 3 May 1863.

33 including a Spanish bolero which was singled out for praise.71 The audience response was reported to be overwhelmingly positive, although some wanted to hear more Spanish music: "if Senor Arcas would give a concert exclusively devoted to Spanish national music—and the store is rich and ample—he would meet with considerable public patronage."72

The final notice of an upcoming guitar recital by Arcas comes from The Morning Post in July 1863, advertising a concert to be held at the Duke of Wellington's Aspley House in Piccadilly on 20 July with Arcas the featured soloist.73 It was still difficult for a foreign musician to secure enough work to remain in London permanently and Arcas returned to Spain shortly thereafter. Interest in the guitar as a concert instrument in London fluctuated throughout the nineteenth-century. It was not until the visits of the Estudiantinas in the late 1870s that a broader audience for the instrument was developed.

Spanish dance in nineteenth-century London Spanish dance was an important medium for the dissemination of Spanish stereotypes in nineteenth-century London. In the Romantic ballet Spanish dances were exceedingly popular, with the cachucha, bolero and fandango some of the dances routinely inserted into ballet productions, irrespective of their location.74 In the second half of the century Spanish dance became a regular feature of the music halls as Spanish dance crossed over effortlessly from the formal context of high art ballet to popular variety entertainment. Spanish character dances were featured in many nineteenth-century classical ballets such as , Sleeping Beauty, and Coppélia.

Ballet in London during the nineteenth century endured peaks and troughs of popularity. Until the last decades of the century it was considered an imported artform and most of the stars were foreigners.75 One of the most popular ballet

71 "A bolero espanol, of the most genuine kind." `The Opera and Concerts,' Era, 3 May 1863. 72 Ibid. 73 Morning Post, 10 July 1863, 1. 74 Guest, Romantic Ballet in England, 121. 75 "lt [ballet] was also essentially foreign, an exotic import." Rupert Christiansen, The Victorian Visitors: Culture Shock in Nineteenth Century Britain (London: Chatto and Windus, 2000), 200.

34 dancers in London in 1820s London was the Spaniard Maria Mercandotti (1807-1863) who, like Sor and many other Spanish refugees, came to London as a direct result of the Peninsular War. Mercandotti was brought to London by Scottish nobleman James Duff, also known as Lord , who had travelled to Spain in 1811 to fight with the Spanish against the French occupation. There he met Mercandotti and her mother, rumored to have become his mistress, and accompanied them to London, introducing the young dancer to the local scene. She became known as the "Andalusian Venus" and for a short time was the darling of the London dance world. In 1814 at the age of thirteen Mercandotti danced a typical Spanish cachucha at the Kings Theatre with great success.76 She then spent several years studying dance in Paris until she returned to London for a successful season of performances in 1822. After an initially cool reception due to claims of indecency, she was featured in the August Bournonville ballet (1830) Les pages du duc de Vendôme which was set in Spain. Her performance of the bolero and playing of the castanets captivated audiences.77

After her early success Mercandotti was offered the lead role of in Sor's ballet Cendrillon, and her performance attracted many positive reviews: "Cinderella was represented by Mercandotti... [who] drew down the loudest plaudits by the accuracy of her pantomimic expression, and the cadenced lightness and beauty of her dancing.i78 Like Sor, she capitalized on the attention granted her by virtue of her exotic Spanish nationality. In his memoir Seven Years of the King's Theatre the theatre manager remembered Mercandotti dancing a typical Spanish bolero in Cendrillon.79

Mercandotti's achievements as a dancer were almost eclipsed by interest in her private life, and her career ended after she eloped with the wealthy man-about-town Edward Hughes Ball Hughes (known as Golden Ball). Their marriage was widely

76 Sandra Noll Hammond, `Sor and the Ballet of his Time,' in Estudios sobre Fernando Sor, ed. Luis Gasser (Madrid: ICCMU, 2003), 192. 77 Guest, Romantic Ballet in England, 41. 78 `The King's Theatre,' Lady's Magazine 3, no. 4 (Apr. 1822), 222 quoted in Christoforidis and Kertesz, `Cendrillon, Cinderella, and Spectacle: Insights into Sor's Most Successful Work' in Estudios sobre Fernando Sor, ed. Luis Gasser (Madrid: ICCMU, 2003), 134-5. 79 "Mercandotti, too, was there with her inimitable bolero" from John Ebers, Seven Years of the King's Theatre (London: William Harrison Ainsworth, 1828), 39 quoted in Christoforidis and Kertesz, `Cendrillon', 134. As Christoforidis and Kertesz explain, Ebers was probably confused with Mercandotti's performance of a bolero in Les Pages du Duc de Vendome at the King's Theatre during the same season.

35 reported in the gossip pages, even as far afield as the USA, where one London correspondent declared that her marriage to Mr Hughes Ball "made as much noise in England as the war against Spain."80

Interest in ballet reached a peak in London during the 1830s and 40s, coinciding with a period of popularity for Spanish dance, particularly the cachucha as danced by the French dancer Pauline Duvernay (1812-1894) and the Austrian dance prodigy Fanny Elssler (1810-1884).81 Elssler achieved fame in London in 1833 with La Cachucha, a featured dance from the ballet Le diable boiteux. She did much to encourage a fascination with Spanish dance in London and her success extended to continental Europe and America.82 Her great rival was the Italian dancer Marie Taglioni (1804- 1884) who introduced the Spanish dance La Gitana into her repertoire in 1839. Elssler returned to London in 1838, and again in 1843 for a benefit concert, and London audiences still greeted her with enthusiasm.

In this period Spanish dance was most often seen in performances by non-Spanish dancers with Romantic ballet training, however, newspaper critics and travel writers began to express the desire to see and experience Spanish dance and music performed by native Spaniards. When the young English explorer George Dennis published his first travel book A Summer in Andalucia in 1839, he documented his first-hand experience of Spanish dance and compared it with the cachucha as danced in London by Duvernay. Dennis observed,

The cachucha, with which Duvernay has so delighted the British public, has little of the spirit of the Spanish dance. It loses half its charms, and, from the very nature of the dance, all its meaning, by being performed alone: and Duvernay again, with all her elegance, wants Spanish fire; she is too soft and Italianized for this dance; her movements are unquestionably very beautiful, but the fire, the soul of the genuine 83 cachucha, is lost in her excess of gentleness.

80 Rhode-Island American and General Advertiser, 3 June 1823. The original and a transcript may be viewed at ridance archive, accessed 11 July 2012, www.ridance.comJDANCEHISTORY/ria1823b.html 81 The cachucha is a Spanish dance in triple time, closely related to the bolero and it was one of the most identifiable Spanish dances seen in London during the nineteenth century. 82 "Fanny Elssler [sic] indeed is most frequently seen pictured in Spanish costume, and the cachucha was danced by her as often, I fancy, as Mme. Pavlova dances Le Cygne of Saint-Saëns." Van Vechten, Music of Spain, 44. 83 George Dennis, A Summer in Andalucia, vol. 1 (London: Richard Bentley, 1839), 74.

36 Dennis equated fire and passion with authentic Spanish dance, but most of all he wanted to see real Spanish dancers on the London stage. English expectations of Spanish dance were changing.

Some ambitious dancers invented false Spanish personas and tapped into popular perceptions of Spanishness and Spanish dance. A young Irish woman, known in London as Betty James (1821-1861), but best remembered by the pseudonym Lola Montez, fancied herself as a Spanish dancer. For her debut London performance on 3 June 1843 Montez was hailed as a dancer from Seville's Teatro Rea1.84 In a preview of her performance The Times described Montez as the culmination of a period of interest in Spanish dance,

We have had many varieties of Spanish dance since Duvernay figured in the Cachucha. The graceful Taglioni floated through the Gitana with the perfection of elegance; the buoyant Cerito inherited the same Gitana, and infused a charming playfulness into its stately movements; the artsitical [sic] Fanny Elssler brought us the Saragossa, and gave it a peculiar feature of her bewitching hauteur and polished coquetry; and the zealous Guy Stephan did wonders in the Boleros de Cadiz. But we were not to stop here, we were to have not only a Spanish dance ornamented and modified by the artists of France and Italy, but a Spanish dance by a Spaniard, executed after the Spanish fashion. Accordingly Dona Lola Montez, from the Teatro Reale, Seville, made her appearance on Saturday in the original Spanish Dance "El Olano. "85

The first reviewers of her dance believed she was Spanish, convinced by her olive complexion and dark eyes. There are similarities in the type of language used to describe Montez and Spanish dancers such as Carolina "La Belle" Otero (1868-1965) later in the century, including mention of "a national reality" and "intensity."86 Another quality later associated with Spanish dancers was the total commitment to the

84 Guest, Romantic Ballet in England, 123. 85 `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 5 July 1843, 6. 86 Ibid.

37 performance. A critic in The Times wrote of Montez, "The whole soul of the artist seems worked up to a stern purpose."87

Montez was playing on expectations of Spanish dance and the exotic overtones of Spanishness, including pushing the boundaries of decency. As Bee Wilson wrote,

It was a clever stroke to adopt the persona of a Spaniard, for in this guise she could make her act far more erotic than would have been tolerated had a more respectable (i.e. English) woman been dancing; and yet she could still present herself as a victim, a poor refugee from Seville, in desperate need of rich protectors.88

However, Montez did not just adopt a Spanish persona to mask an erotic routine, she was clearly tapping into the fascination with Spanish dance and the general desire to experience more authentic proponents of the genre. Her credibility in England was destroyed when she was outed as an imposter shortly after her famous debut performance and she swiftly left London to reprise her Spanish act throughout Europe, America and Australia. The manager of Her Majesty's Theatre, Benjamin Lumley, had suffered from the controversy that followed Montez's unmasking, but two years later he presented the bona fide Spanish dancer Manuela Perea, better known as La Nena Perea. She would become one of the strongest ambassadors for Spanish dance in London in the 1850s.ß9

The English actor, dancer and theatrical producer Lydia Thompson (1838-1908) was a pioneer of burlesque in London and in a number of her early roles concentrated on Spanish and oriental dance. Her life and career shared some similarities with Montez: both Thompson and Montez were Irish and changed their names to sound more exotic or "southern." Thompson was born Eliza Hodges Thompson in 1838, while Montez was christened Eliza Rosanna Gilbert in 1818. In 1854, at the young age of sixteen, Thompson appeared as a solo dancer in the Grand Oriental Spectacle of Mr Buckstone's Voyage Round the Globe. In this show she was featured in a ballet sequence titled "Dance of the Bayadères" in the Asian part of the production. Later

87 Ibid. 88 Bee Wilson, "`Boudoir Politics", a Review of: Lola Montez: Her Life and Conquests by James Morton,' London Review of Books 29, no. 11 (June 2007): 27-29. 89 Guest, Romantic Ballet in England, 126.

38 that year, she caused a minor sensation in Thomas Selby's The Spanish Dancers with her imitation of La Nena Perea.90

There was a hiatus in Spanish dance in London and Paris from 1860 until 1880, as stated by Gerhard Steingress in his book Y Carmen se fue a Paris.91 There were, however, still some memorable Spanish dancers playing to London audiences during this period, notably Signor Donato the one-legged dancer who was a great success in the Grand Christmas Pantomime of 1864 at Covent Garden. Donato reportedly lost his leg in the First Moroccan War of 1859-1860,92 and developed an act based on his ability to dance on one leg. His act intrigued audiences and he presented himself as a Spanish dancer in a toreador's costume, accompanying himself with castanets. He was known for his Spanish cloak dance and the amazing combination of Spanish dance and acrobatic skill on one leg. Donato's act combined fascination with the exotic with grotesque novelty and he was the talk of London in late 1864 and early 1865.93

90 Kurt Glinzl, Lydia Thompson, Queen of Burlesque (New York: Routledge, 2002), 19-20. 91 Gerhard, Steingress, Y Carmen se fue a Paris (Cordoba: Almuzara, 2006). 92 Known in Spain as the African War. 93 `Music and the Drama,' Bell's Life in London and Sporting Chronicle, 7 Jan. 1865, 3.

39 Figure 1. An advertisement for Donato the one-legged Spanish dancer in matador's costume and with castanets,94

WeitaMailifilinninattC4XMAWCZN:,:i ..z. ., -.:.r.

ROYAL ENGLISH OPER A I 00,:E114' '.T' C .,bi. Rap É .

>B}_i.A 0OMP\Ti1 f,t"MCi'k".71.

94 Edward H. Pask, Enter the Colonies Dancing: A History of Dancing in Australia 1835-1940, (Melbourne: OUP, 1979), 67.

40 One critic observed of Donato's success, "The young Spanish dancer Donato continues to exhibit his extraordinary prowess on one leg. The danse avec manteau is about as extraordinary a specimen of grace, agility and dexterity as has been witnessed."95 The danse avec manteau or Spanish cloak dance was a particular favourite with audiences and the magazine Punch made fun of Donato's extraordinary act, "It is not generally known that Donato, the one legged dancer, has six toes. One is at the end of his name, and with the other five he performs his graceful evolutions."96 According to the Sporting Gazette, Donato died not long after his successful series of London shows in July 1865.97 He was fondly remembered and his act inspired many other one-legged dancers who appeared on London stages in the ensuing years.

In both the ballet houses and the music halls, Spanish dance was fashionable throughout most of the nineteenth century, at times approaching the level of a craze. This activity set the scene for the popularity of Carmen which included a ballet and dance scenes. Later Spanish dancers such as Carmencita (1868-1910) and "La Belle" Otero rode the wave of popularity for Spanish dance created by the success of Carmen and their impact on London audiences will be discussed in Chapter 4.

95 `Music and the Drama,' Bell's Life in London and Sporting Chronicle, 7 Jan. 1865, 3. 96 Punch, 14 Jan. 1865, 13. 97 "Donato died while on tour in France." Sporting Gazette, 15 July 1865, 546.

41 Chapter 2: Carmen and Victorian musico-theatrical notions of Spanishness

The Reception and Performance History of Bizet's Carmen in London The success of Bizet's opera Carmen had a profound influence on perceptions of Spanish music in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Carmen was premiered in London at Her Majesty's Theatre on 22 June 1878 and, in spite of its French origins, Bizet's music and the character of Carmen were seen as quintessentially Spanish. Over the ensuing decades Carmen was performed almost continuously in the English capital and provided a backdrop to the rising interest in Spanish music. In this chapter English reviews and writings on Carmen will be examined to illustrate the important role played by the opera in defining images of Spain for London audiences.

The first performance of Carmen in London was eagerly anticipated, and the work's ongoing reception reveals valuable insights about English perceptions of Spanish music and culture. The following examination of the critical response to Carmen, largely based on accounts in contemporary newspapers, shows how reactions to the opera changed in the first decades after the London premiere. Successful performers in the title role were in demand and had to cope with close scrutiny of their renditions. They were expected not just to sing the role but to act and embody the character of the volatile gypsy. There was a gradual evolution towards performers who espoused a Spanish background and the incorporation of elements of Spanish dance, staging and costume to project changing notions of Spanishness.

The 1875 Paris premiere of Carmen at the Opéra-Comique was received with a mixture of hostility and indifference. Susan McClary, in her book on Carmen, identifies two main reasons for this frosty reception: "moral propriety and musical style",' but argues that these issues were less of a barrier for audiences outside of France.' In October 1875 the opera was premiered in Vienna to great critical and popular acclaim. The musical style of the work was less problematic for the Viennese who had no cultural claim to the genre of opéra comique. In addition, the Wagnerian influence highlighted by some French critics was imperceptible to a Germanic audience. The opera continued to gain popularity with performances in Brussels

Susan McClary, Georges Bizet, Carmen (Cambridge: CUP, 1992), 111. 2 Ibid., 111-115.

42 (February 1876), Budapest (October 1876), St. Petersburg (February 1878) and (March 1878). The London premiere was given in Italian and contained the prepared by Ernest Guiraud for the first season in Vienna. These recitatives replaced the spoken dialogue of the original French production.

The success of Carmen in London was immediate but tempered by some reservations about the suitability of the for an opera-going public. Initial misgivings centered on the appropriateness of basing the opera on Prosper Mérimée's (1803-1870) story Carmen (1845) and whether or not the novella's themes would be acceptable to English audiences. The Times critic voiced these concerns directly after the premiere as follows:

What will be the English appreciation of Carmen—we refer particularly to the libretto— remains to be seen. Whether the famous romance of Prosper Mérimée was a source to explore for personages, incidents, and situations that could effectively be used for the purposes of lyric drama is a question at least worth considering.3

As the opera became more familiar through repeated performances, the quality of the libretto and Bizet's successful fusion of music and text were praised by writers.

Meilhac and Halévy have done so much to make the story of Carmen acceptable as a libretto, how much more the composer has heightened the illusion and deepened the interest by aid of music which must have come to him as spontaneously as the narrative would seem to have flowed from the pen of a novelist.4

Earlier reservations about its suitability for a London audience were forgotten and after each subsequent performance, the reviews became more effusive. On 13 July 1879 one critic wrote, "Carmen...becomes more attractive at every repetition, and bids fair to prove one of the most popular of modern operas.s5

In part, the long running success of Carmen was due to the broad audience attracted to the opera, which in turn furthered the widespread dissemination of stereotypes of Spanish music and dance. As early as December 1878 The Times critic observed,

3 `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 24 June 1878, 8. 4 `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 28 Apr. 1879, 12. 5 Unknown paper, 13 July 1878, London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box.

41 Carmen may be said already to have taken a place in the repertory which has every chance of becoming permanent...Its attraction now is as great as it was in the regular season, thus showing the power to interest and satisfy two, in a large measure, distinct audiences. People who go to the opera, in ordinary costume, for the sake of hearing the music, and with no other object in view, appreciate it even more, perhaps than those who, as a majority, attend because at a certain time of the year the opera is a "fashion.s6

Some critics even lamented the fact that Carmen had not been brought out in England earlier. Consensus began to grow about the merits of the opera and public interest increased exponentially. Through the opera Carmen, Spanish music and characters were before the public on a regular basis and stereotypes associated with Spanish music evolved as the audience demanded greater realism, particularly from performers in the title role.

The role of Carmen required a unique talent capable of both acting and singing. The American Minnie Hauk (1851-1929) was an instant success when in early 1878 she played Carmen for the first time in Brussels.8 This experience in Brussels paved the way for her subsequent success in London. Hauk explained in her autobiography that the stage manager and cast of the Brussels production were determined to present a new type of operatic performance with acting and scenic effects treated equally to the singing.9 Recalling the London premiere Hauk claimed, "The audience were so taken aback by the innovations in regard to the action in the first act, that they even forgot to applaud when the curtain was lowered."10

6 `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 3 Dec. 1878, 6. After the initial short run of six performances in 1878 came to an end The Times reviewer wrote, "This was the sixth representation of the late Georges Bizet's opera, which, considering that it increases in attraction with each successive performance, it is a pity not to have brought it out earlier. There seems to be but one opinion as to its merit, its continual flow of tune, its spontaneity, and bright local colouring. The production of such a work, combined with so animated, dramatic and altogether charming an impersonation of the impetuous, wayward, gipsy heroine as that of Miss Minnie Hauk, would alone have sufficed to make the somewhat brief s eason worth remembering." `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 16 July 1878, 4. 8 Minnie Hauk, Memories of a Singer (New York: Arno Press, 1977), 148-9. 9 Ibid., 163. 10 Ibid.

44 Figure 2. Minnie Hauk as Carmen.

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Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 18 May 1878, London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box.

A 4 For at least the next decade Minnie Hauk was celebrated in the English capital as the creator of the role of Carmen and subsequent interpreters were measured against her groundbreaking rendition. Critics admired her singing and acting but marveled most of all at her total identification with the role. Zelia Trebelli (1838-1892) was the next singer to perform Carmen in London and there were inevitable comparisons with Hauk. The Times critic reflected on Trebelli's first London appearance in the role as follows:

The chief interest of the performance centred in the assumption of the title part by Madame Trebelli. Bizet's heroine is in the memory of London audiences so thoroughly identified with the admirable acting and singing of Mdlle. Minnie Hauk that a criticism of Madame Trebelli's performance becomes almost impossible without some comparing side glances at her gifted predecessor...it may be said that Madame Trebelli sings Carmen, while Mdlle. Hauk is Carmen...Both ladies conceive the part in an intensely realistic spirit, the only difference being, perhaps, that Madame Trebelli accentuates the healthy robust energy of the girl, while Mdlle. Hauk dwells chiefly on her gracefully "Daemonic" characteristics.'2

The statement that Hauk is Carmen was repeated often in the pages of The Times during the next ten years. Selina Dolaro (1849-1889) was the first to sing the role in English and her acting abilities were widely recognized, whereas Trebelli was admired mainly for her voice. In 1882 The Times summed up the field with the statement, "Madame Trebelli sings Carmen, Madame Dolaro acts Carmen, and Mdlle. Minnie Hauk is Carmen."13 Minnie Hauk was proud of this oft-repeated comment and quoted it in her autobiography.14

There were some early critics of Hauk's realistic interpretation of Carmen, as the highly- charged nature of her performance offended the sensibilities of some writers, who preferred Trebelli's more measured interpretation. French critics had been particularly scathing of the portrayal of female sexuality in Carmen and English commentators expressed concern about the realism of the opera and the questionable morality of the libretto.'S The particular interpretation of the lead role could highlight or repress elements that were seen as distasteful. In the following description of Trebelli, she is applauded for her restraint as Carmen.

12 `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 24 Oct. 1878, 6. 13 `Royal ,' Times, 29 May 1882, 8. 14 Hauk, Memories of a Singer, 164. is McClary, Georges Bizet, Carmen, 111.

46 In the first and second acts she realised the irrepressible gaiety and recklessness of the character without bringing into prominence its shamelessness and immorality, and for this she is entitled to the thanks of those who believe that the interests of the lyric drama are best consulted by the repression of vulgarity and prurient suggestiveness...so do we prefer the Carmen of Madame Trebelli to the eminently characteristic, but occasionally offensive, representations which have been presented by other exponents of that role.16

The controversial nature of the opera's themes and the "realistic" interpretation of the performers elicited this response from the same critic: "Realism must be kept within decent limits, if operas with courtesans for their heroines are to be witnessed by our sisters and daughters.s17 These concerns, held by a minority of critics, did not hamper the success and wide-ranging appeal of Carmen. Bizet's opera reinforced some powerful myths about Spain and exoticism and in the process brought together Andalusian and gypsy characteristics as key signifiers of Spanish exoticism. The move towards greater realism in opera stemmed in part from Carmen and the operatic movement as typified by works by Mascagni and Puccini.'$ The demonstrative and extrovert or realistic aspects of Carmen increased the public fascination with the title role and the interest in all things Spanish.

English critics were quick to point out Bizet's evocation of Spanish themes and the musical devices he used to signify Spain. As James Parakilas claims, "There are no examples of exoticism in the Western musical tradition more famous than the `Gypsy' numbers in Carmen: the and in act 1, the song of the three Gypsies and Carmen's castanet dance for Don José in act 2."19 The term "local colour" was a common term used in the English press to describe the scales and rhythms which evoked oriental music.

Bizet's Habanera, famously added during rehearsals for the first Paris season,20 was singled out as a prime example of Spanish style music by the English press and it was recognized as

16 Sporting and Dramatic Times, no date, 1878, 15, London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box. 17 Ibid. 18 The term verismo signifies a trend toward realism in Italian literary works of the 1870s and Italian opera from 1890 until roughly 1920. Key works in the style are Pietro Mascagni's Cavalleria Rusticana, premiered in 1890, and the operas of Puccini. Realistic scenarios and themes were presented and the mythological subjects of German were largely rejected. Carmen has much in common with verismo opera and predates the works of Mascagni and Puccini by several years. 18 James Parakilas, `The Soldier and the Exotic: Operatic Variations on a Theme of Racial Encounter Part 1,' Opera Quarterly 10, no. 2 (1993): 33. 2° McClary, Georges Bizet, Carmen, 26.

47 a melody by Spanish composer Sebastian Iradier (1809-1865).21 The Times identified important elements of local colour in the work:

That Bizet threw himself heart and soul into the task before him is evident. He admirably caught what is termed "local colour"...Examples of this may be found in every one of the four acts, spirited and characteristic examples moreover, beginning with the first and not least charming—the "Havanaise" ("Avanera") "L'amour est un oiseau rebelle" ("Amor misterioso," in the Italian version), borrowed if we remember well, from Iradier's des Espagnoles.22

While local colour was a key factor in the attraction of the opera Carmen, Bizet's music was also appreciated for its novelty and sophistication. A writer in the The Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic Times observed, "Originality is the distinguishing feature of M. Bizet's music in Carmen. He has adopted Spanish rhythms for the sake of the couleur locale, but the are fresh and original, and are embellished by orchestral of the utmost piquancy and grace." 23

Other critics noticed how the use of evocative Spanish phrases gave coherence to Bizet's opera, as one writer explained, "The occasional touches of Spanish and gipsy character, and the recurrence of distinctive musical phrases, give a general tone of consistency to the work."24 Parakilas has described how this aspect of Carmen transcends local colour:

Musical exoticism in Carmen is a matter of dramatic structure, not simply of local color. Its function is not to characterize Carmen and her fellow Gypsies so much as to map a change in the relationship between Carmen and Don José. The silencing of the exotic music in the middle of the opera marks the moment when Don José follows Carmen into her world and discovers that he can neither force her to be the Carmen he has dreamed of nor escape from his own world, from himself.25

For some English critics, however, the use of Spanish colour was seen as a defect. This was not only related to Bizet's use of idiomatic Spanish devices in his music, but part of a

21 Bizet's famous Habanera, `L'amour est un oiseau rebelle,' based on the song El Arreglito by Sebastian Iradier is featured in Act I of Carmen. 22 `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 24 June 1878, 8. 23 Sporting and Dramatic Times, 29 June 1878. 24 Unknown paper, 29 June 1878, London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box. 25 Parakilas, `Soldier and the Exotic,' 33-56.

48 discussion about the suitability of folk music sources being used in concert music and opera. The Times wrote,

Being left in the charge of José, she (Carmen) immediately resumes her work of by singing another song, this time a Seguedilla, again evidently founded on a popular air, and again treated by the composer with consummate skill. But, in spite of this, one of the chief defects of the opera becomes here apparent for the first time. It is the undue prevalence of the national or local over the purely human element. A heroine whose deepest emotion finds expression in a popular Spanish song cannot be said to fulfil the demands of high dramatic 26 art.

Another step in the acceptance of Carmen into the operatic canon was the first English version produced by the Carl Rosa Opera Company at Her Majesty's Theatre on 5 February 1879. This rendition was prepared by Henry Hersee and was an adaptation rather than a literal translation. Spoken dialogue was introduced in place of the recitatives employed in the Italian version first performed in London, provoking a mixed critical reaction.27

The English singer Selina Dolaro was cast in the role of Carmen and praised for the realism of her performance. Her acting skills were widely applauded, although her singing was criticized.28 Dolaro was one of the first of many singers to invent or exaggerate Spanish heritage in order to gain credibility as an authentic Carmen. Born into a Jewish family and christened Selina Simmons, Dolaro married an Italian of Spanish descent,29 and achieved success in light opera and burlesque. After success with the Carl Rosa production she played the lead in the Carmen parody Carmen or Soldiers and Seville-fans by Frank Green and Frank Musgrave on Broadway in 1880.30 Crossing over from opera to burlesque or parody was common practice for performers in this period. Opera themes were parodied and adapted

26 `Carmen,' Times, 20 July 1878, 10. 27 The Times critic was not convinced by the use of spoken dialogue: "The third performance of Carmen, which was given on Wednesday, was again witnessed by a large and enthusiastic audience, which bore testimony to the popularity of Bizet's work, in spite of the tedious spoken dialogue which encumbers the plot and strangely jars with the elevated character of the music. Our censure does not apply to the particular dialogue supplied by Mr. Hersee, but to the fact of the spoken words having been needlessly reintroduced into Bizet's score." `Her Majesty's Theatre,' Times, 13 Feb. 1879, 8. 28 "The character of Carmen, the fickle and volatile gipsy-girl, recently identified with the excellent performances of Mdlle. Minnie Hauk and Madame Trebelli, was on this occasion sustained by Madame Dolaro, who acted with great spirit, and was more successful in the demonstrative than in the musical aspect of the character." Illustrated London News, 15 Feb. 1879, 162. 29 Michele Siegel, 'Dolaro Selina,' Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia, Jewish Women's Archive. 1 Mar. 2009, accessed 17 Feb. 2012. http://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/dolaro-selina. 3° Gänzl, Encyclopedia of The Musical Theatre, 515.

49 in and Carmen was one of the most parodied of all operas. Theatrical reconfigurations of Carmen are discussed later in this chapter.

Carmen was finally staged at Covent Garden, London's premiere opera venue in 1882, a significant sign of the work's acceptance by the cultural elite. The title role on this occasion was sung by Pauline Lucca and her performance was analysed and evaluated alongside the other successful Carmens to have played in London. The name of Minnie Hauk, recognized as the benchmark for Carmen performers, is well to the fore in the following discussion of Carmen protagonists:

The great success of Carmen when produced at Her Majesty's Theatre four years ago is in everybody's memory. The part of the fascinating gipsy was on that occasion "created" by Mdlle. Minnie Hauk, who had realized the character in its musical as well as its dramatic aspects with a degree of realistic power rarely seen on the operatic boards. Mdlle. Hauk was succeeded by Madame Trebelli, who brought her fine artistic merit to bear upon a character not altogether congenial to her, and whose singing of the famous "Avanera" and other songs assigned to the wayward heroine could not well be surpassed. In an English version of Carmen written by Mr. Hersee and produced by Mr. Carl Rosa, Madame Dolaro showed her peculiar fitness for the dramatic requirements of the character, although her singing left much to be desired...Madame Lucca holds a kind of intermediate position among the embodiments of Bizet's heroine thus indicated. She has evidently studied the character in all its nuances with great care, and she sings and acts in a style peculiarly her own.31

The popularity of Carmen meant that new versions of the work were much anticipated. In November 1886 the original French version of Carmen was staged at Her Majesty's Theatre with Célestine Galli-Marié (1840-1905) who had created the role at the Opéra Comique in 1875. Galli-Marié toured widely as Carmen, giving the Italian and Spanish premiere seasons. She sang Carmen in Barcelona in 1881 and modified her initial interpretation of the role, claiming a greater awareness of Spanish national traits and music as a result of her time spent in Spain.32 This new production was a major event in the London musical calendar and an opportunity to hear the opera with the singer who had worked with Bizet.

31 `Royal Italian Opera,' Times, 29 May 1882, 8. 32 See Kertesz and Christoforidis, `Confronting "Carmen",' 79-110.

50 The exuberance of Galli-Marié's interpretation made a positive impression in London. The closeness to the original French production was highlighted by the inclusion of the original dialogue. She was praised for her whole-hearted portrayal of Carmen: "She made no attempt to tone down the wayward Spanish gipsy's character, and every action and gesture of a most finished performance made its mark...she won her high celebrity for general artistic excellence."33

As the fascination with Carmen continued to grow, there were attempts to make productions more authentically Spanish. On 31 May 1887 there were two performances of Carmen on the same day, an afternoon performance in Italian with Minnie Hauk at Covent Garden and Marie Roze's interpretation of Carmen in a staging of the at Drury Lane. The latter incarnation of Bizet's opera was notable for the inclusion of crowd scenes and an elaboration of the bullfight scene in the final act. These additions, particularly to the bullfight scenario, were given added credibility by the fact that the theatre manager and member of the production's creative team, Augustus Harris, had recently been to Madrid and observed a bullfight first hand. A writer in The Times applauded the accuracy of the portrayal of a bull- fight:

Many new effects in the grouping of crowds and the by-play of the minor characters have been introduced, and the bull fight, or at least its preliminaries, in the last act have been made the occasion for a most gorgeous and elaborate pageant, in which, as we understand, Mr. Harris has turned the experiences of a recent visit to Madrid to excellent account. The pomp and circumstance of the national pastime of Spain are set forth with an accuracy of detail, a splendour of costume, and a blaze of colour almost too dazzling for the comparitively insignificant part which the entire scene plays in the dramatic design and in the score of Bizet,3a

Carmen was continuing to appeal to the Victorian fascination with exotic Spain and as audiences became more knowledgeable and insisted upon greater authenticity, productions evolved to meet this need. Travel to Spain was at a new height during this period, a demand fed by the Carmen phenomenon.

33 Graphic, 13 Nov. 1886. 34 `The English Opera Season,' Times, 2 May 1887, 10.

51 By the mid 1880s Carmen was dominating the operatic landscape in London. The title role was recognized as one that could change a career. Singers, both young and old, were eager to take on the role of the gypsy including many of the famous singers of the day such as Adelina Patti (1843-1919).35 Patti was one of the most celebrated and lauded singers in the world, who had made her name singing roles from Italian operas by Bellini, Donizetti and Verdi. When it was announced that Patti would sing Carmen, press reports indicated that expectations were high. She sang the role in 1885 and by this time both the public and critics were very discerning in their appreciation of Carmen singers. Her vocal performance was unconvincing but more significantly, her acting skills were not suited to the demands of the role. Patti was unable to project the total identification with the role which had characterized Hauk's rendition of the part. The Times revisited an old theme when remarking on Patti's Carmen, comparing her with Hauk's classic interpretation. The critic observed,

She [Hauk] did not, as we remarked at the time, sing Carmen or act Carmen, she was Carmen. The same cannot as yet be said of Madame Patti...Carmen as presented appears to us to be little more than a heartless flirt, delighted to inspire feelings in others which she does not mean to reciprocate, or could not if she would."36

Carmen had ushered in a new style of opera performance, which did not suit a singer of Patti's background or experience. The role required a dramatic projection of spirit and emotion, and English critics were sensitive to which elements should be emphasized and when a more balanced approach was needed. Patti over-emphasized peripheral aspects of Carmen's character and was unable to present the more demonstrative or passionate side of the character when required. The Times critic outlined the faults in her interpretation:

Her by-play was a great deal too elaborate, too lively, without showing much reference to the essential features of the character. She did some extremely pretty and graceful things...Unfortunately, she did not reserve her force for the salient points belonging to

33 Patti was born in Madrid to Italian parents and spoke Spanish fluently. Carmen is a role she had looked forward to playing. Klein reported that Patti said of her upcoming performance Carmen, "Yes, Carmen! I have been longing to sing it for years, and I am going to do so at last. I adore the opera. Ah, poor Bizet, how I wish he were still alive to hear me! I love the story, I love the music, I love the Spanish scenes and types...You will see me dance; you will hear how I play the castanets. I have never longed so impatiently for anything in my life. Herman Klein, The Reign of Patti (New York: Century Co., 1920), 225-6. 36 'Royal Italian Opera,' Times, 16 July 1885, 8.

52 Carmen as a distinct individuality, and when the aforesaid "daemonic" influences came into play her resources were exhausted.37

Her performance also missed the mark simply because she misunderstood the dramatic vocal style required. In the context of a generally favourable review The Times critic remarked, "Moreover, the brilliancy of Madame Patti's vocalization finds no scope in this music. Bizet employs the voice as a means of dramatic expression; the meaningless fireworks of the Italian school he despises."38 Patti did not return to Carmen and her performance of the role was described by Herman Klein as the single failure in a glittering career.39

As discussed in Chapter 1, Spanish dance was a key element of the British experience of Spanish music and helped define Spanish culture for many. A range of dance elements were incorporated into Carmen as early as 1875 and commentators were divided about the merits of an added ballet interlude wedged into the already satisfying structure of the opera. The history of an added ballet in Carmen may be traced to the Vienna production of 1875 when a ballet was inserted at the beginning of the fourth act. Most London critics protested that there was no place for extraneous elements in Bizet's work, especially as music for these ballets was often not by Bizet. A ballet item was inserted into a new London production of Carmen in 1887 with music by added as an accompaniment to a featured Pas Espagnol. The Times declared this an "act of barbarism" and wrote in protest, "Carmen is a work of continuous and well-balanced design, to interfere with which shows signal want of artistic conscience.s40 Part of the problem was that the ballet items were not always well rehearsed and these dance items added very little to the opera in terms of Spanish content,4t however, ballet, Spanish dance and Carmen were to become inextricably linked in the decades to follow.

37Ibid. 38 Ibid. 39 Klein wrote: "Then her essay as Carmen was to culminate in the one decisive disappointment of her career: an artistic failure!" Klein, Reign of Patti, 221. Interestingly, four months later, a report by a Parisian correspondent for The Times spoke of a performance of Spanish guitarists and mandolinists in the French capital. After describing the scene and relating some clichés about Spaniards, the report went on to describe a Spanish dancer predictably named Carmen and the appearance of Adelina Patti in the audience. Could she have been researching the "daemonic "influences on Bizet's Carmen in anticipation of another attempt at the role? `The "Figaro" Soiree,' Times, 16 Nov. 1885, 4. 4° `Royal Italian Opera,' Times, 25 Mar. 1887, 10. 41 "The ballet, like those of the preceding evenings, showed signs of insufficient rehearsals." `Royal Italian Opera,' Times, 13 Apr. 1891, 12. "In strange contrast to last night the house was crowded from floor to ceiling by a very enthusiastic audience, who did not seem to admire the ballet in the last act of Carmen." `Covent Garden Opera,' Times, 9 Oct. 1897, 12.

53 By 1881, the music of Carmen was so familiar to London audiences that music with a Spanish flavour was instantly compared with Bizet's opera. One of the great Spanish violin showpieces, Eduard Lalo's Symphonie Espagnole, was written in 1874 for the Spanish virtuoso Pablo Sarasate (1844-1908). In a review of the work from a London concert given by French conductor Charles Lamoureux and his orchestra in March 1881, The Times reviewer reached for Carmen as the nearest comparison and wrote,

More individual in character, however, was the Symphonie Espagnole (op. 21) for violin and orchestra by M. Edouard Lalo...The Symphonie Espagnole is full of the Spanish rhythms and melodies familiarised by Carmen. In addition to this it is charmingly scored and very brilliant in the solo part, which we believe was originally destined for M. Sarasate 42

Sarasate was one of the most active Spanish musicians in the English capital at this time. He took advantage of the vogue for Spanish music through his own Spanish works and his virtuosic violin showpiece the Carmen Fantasy (1883). His experiences as a Spanish musician in London will be discussed in Chapter 3.

The pervasive influence of Carmen as a measure of Spanishness even marked instrumental music. An 1884 review of piano Serenades in The Times celebrated the influence of different folksong styles on the various national styles represented in the collection. In reviewing the book the writer turned to a discussion of nationalism in music:

An original and a very pretty idea has been carried out in the collection of pianoforte pieces for four hands before us. Music, the universal language of the world, has of late been frequently made the medium of national expression. The folksongs and popular dances of all countries, from Norway to the far south and east, have been turned to artistic account, and many reputations have been made in this manner. The example of Liszt in his "Hungarian Rhapsodies" has been followed to an extent which will leave its permanent mark on the in the latter half of the ...Dvorak the Bohemian, Tschaikowski the Russian, and many others have in the same manner become the international interpreters

42 `M. Lamoureux's Concerts,' Times, 17 Mar. 1881, 6.

54 of their respective countries, and Bizet's Carmen owes much of its charm to the Spanish dress in which the highly-gifted composer has clothed his genuine inspiration.43

This coincided with one of many calls for the establishment of an English school of opera, as English composers were being encouraged to write new works in their native tongue. Julian Edwards (1855-1910), perhaps cashing in on the popularity of Carmen and all things Spanish, wrote a four-act opera entitled Victorian, based on Longfellow's 1843 tragedy, The Spanish Student.44 Edwards mimiced Bizet's use of local colour with unsuccessful results. Of the first performance on 21 January 1884, The Times reviewer wrote:

The subject dealing with Spaniards, and more especially with Spanish gipsies, it need not be added that the couleur locale we refer to is accomplished by the same rhythmical and melodic means which Bizet has employed in his Carmen...The appearance of his opera while the melodies of Bizet's masterpiece are still in everyone's memory is Mr. Edward's misfortune, not his fault 45

The next generation of Carmen performers built on the established traditions of the role while adding their own unique slant on the interpretation of Spanishness. By 1891 when American soprano Zélie de Lussan (1861-1949) played Carmen in London, critics were able to write of the "recognised traditions of the part."46 Lussan's success as a Carmen for the 1890s was enhanced by her Southern European heritage. To be successful a new Carmen needed to bring something unique to the role and anything that drew the audience closer to the source was valued highly. Lussan's combined French and Spanish background gave her a direct connection to Carmen: "Her Southern type of countenance and an attractive face...are decidedly in favour of the new Carmen.s47

For a late nineteeth-century English audience Spain and Spanish music became increasingly synonomous with gypsy culture. There had been a strong interest in gypsies in Britain since

43 'A Book of Serenades,' Times, 23 Feb. 1884, 3. The reviewer went on to discuss the Eastern musical influences in some of the works from the collection, pointing to the Arab influence in Félicien David's orchestral work Le Désert. On this topic he observed, "apart from this, Rubenstein, Bizet, in Carmen, Liszt, and others have made frequent use of certain augmented intervals (the second and fourth of our scale) which are common to all Eastern nations, including the gipsies." 44 The Spanish Student: A Play in Three Acts, by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (1807-1882) was first published in 1843. 45 `Mr. Edwards's "Victorian,"' Times, 21 Jan. 1884, 10. 46 'Royal Italian Opera,' Times, 18 May 1891, 3. 47 'Royal Italian Opera,' Times, 9 July 1888, 8.

55 the travels of Borrow, and Carmen was seen as the quintessential gypsy. In 1891 a critic of a Covent Garden Carmen production commented on the familiarity of audiences with gypsy traits,

Mme. Deschamps-Jebin made a conspicuous success in the part of the heroine... If she failed at times to bring out the full force of the conception, it must be remembered that some of the greatest representatives of the part have not escaped the same reproach; and now that every educated person is aware of the true character of the gipsy, it is a comfort to find a new Carmen who does not view the part as a vehicle for mere horseplay.s48

In this period discussion of the opera become more sophisticated but also more confused. Many words were written about the true nature and character of the gypsy Carmen. From the 1890s over-exaggerated performances of Bizet's heroine were warned against, for example, Giulia Ravogli was praised for her restraint and the focused passion of her Covent Garden performance: "the Italian artist does not allow a crowd of superfluous coquetries to obscure the general impression she intends to produce, that namely, of intense passion. The note of animalism, which is undoubtably present, is never exaggerated, as it has been by some notable representatives of the part."49

The singer who became most closely identified with Carmen in the late 1890s and early twentieth century was the diva Emma Calvé (1858-1942). She first played Carmen in Paris in December 1892 and embodied that role for a new generation of opera- goers. Herman Klein admired Calvé's Carmen of which he wrote,

It had the calm, easy assurance, the calculated, dominating power of Galli-Marié's; it had the strong sensual suggestion and defiant resolution of Minnie Hauk's; it had the pantherlike quality, the grace, the fatalism, the dangerous, impudent coquetry of Pauline Lucca's; it had the sparkle, the vim, the Spanish insousiance and piquancy of Zélie de Lussan's.5°

Calvé was born in the French Pyrenees and spent part of her childhood in northern Spain. She played up her Spanish ancestry to promote her connection to Carmen and enhance her claim to the role. Looking back to her youth in 1922 she reflected,

48 `Opera At Covent Garden,' Times, 26 Oct. 1891, 4. 49 'Covent Garden Opera,' Times, 12 Dec. 1892, 8. 5o Nicholas John, ed., Carmen, George Bizet (London: John Calder, 1982), 14.

56 Although I often saw my friends, the gypsies, in the marketplace, I did not again attempt to join them. From the safe distance of my doorstep, I admired their dances and listened to their songs, many of which I learned to sing myself. Was it because of this that, when I came to act Carmen, I never needed to be taught the dances and gestures of the Spanish gypsies? Was it because of these early years in Spain that I seemed to know by instinct how to carry the shawl, how to walk and move and dance, when I found myself impersonating the lawless gitana of Bizet's famous opera?51

Calvé travelled to Spain to conduct research for her approach to Carmen. Naturally she visited Seville and also Granada. At this time Granada had acquired deep significance as the cradle of gypsy and therefore exotic Spain. The 1889 Universal Exposition in Paris had a number of Spanish exhibits centering on Granada, emphasizing its Moorish past and cave- dwelling gypsy inhabitants.52 One of the trademarks Calvé adopted from these trips was the manton de Manilla, a Spanish shawl she wore in place of the traditional bolero dress worn by earlier Carmens. Years later Calvé wrote of her visit to Granada,

I had been to Grenada and I had visited the district of the Albaycin, where the gypsy bands lived in mysterious caves and grottos. I had watched them in their daily life. I had seen them dance and sing, and had studied their gestures and movements. I had learned how the women dressed, and had bought from them the very shawls they were wearing.53

Calvé first played Carmen in London in 1893 and by 1895 her ownership of the role was clear. Her return to Carmen was announced as "The reappearance of Mme. Calvé in the title part, with which she has so completely identified herself in the eyes of the present generation of opera-goers."54 Calvé was a particularly dominant Carmen in America, responsible for elevating the popularity of the opera to new levels. According to Van Vechten, "It was not until Emma Calvé appeared at the Metropolitan in 1893-4 that Carmen became a fetish."55

5I Emma Calvé, My Life, trans. Rosamond Gilder (New York, London: D. Appleton, 1922), 13. 52 Annegret Fauser, Musical Encounters at the 1889 Paris World's Fair (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2005), 263-4. 53 Calve, My Life, 81. 54 'Royal Opera,' Times, 11 July 1895, 7. 55 Van Vechten, Music of Spain, 152-153.

57 A later Carmen, the Scottish singer Mary Garden (1874-1967), had success in the title role, especially in America. In an interview for an American newspaper she made fun of the trend for Carmen singers, such as Calvé, who talked up their travels to Spain, writing, "No I didn't go to Spain for the atmosphere of Carmen, nor to Babylon for ."56

The English press also had a long love affair with Calvé, especially her interpretation of Carmen which was to be the defining role of her career. By 1903 The Times commented that "she has long established herself as the ideal representative of the part."57 Her singing came in for some criticism but her performance was considered "lifelike" and the "Carmen of Mérimée.s58 The characteristics of Calvé's Carmen that made her claims of Spanish heritage and research believable were the demonstrative aspects of the character and her mastery of both acting and singing. Calvé projected some of the mercurial, magical qualities associated with gypsies. She was praised by The Times for bringing out "the witchery of the earlier scenes and the savage power of the two last acts."59 Her commitment to and realization of 6° the part was routinely applauded in the press.

Unlike previous Carmen interpreters, Calvé was commended for the rhythmic flexibility and inventiveness of her performances. To some this meant she often deviated too far from Bizet's score, for others these qualities reinforced the wild, untamed and unpredictable qualities of the Spanish gypsy:

Some one has said that Mme. Calvé recreates for herself every part she undertakes. This is perfectly true of her Carmen. She goes even farther. She recreates the part each time she sings it, for never is it twice precisely the same. In the little changes of stage "business" Mme. Calvé's rendering is kaleidoscopic.°

56 Milwaukee Journal, 28 Dec. 1911, 30. 57 `Royal Opera,' Times, 27 June 1903, 8. 58 "As time goes on, she departs further and further from the rhythmic outline of the phrases as laid down by the composer; but in spite of this license in regard to the time of her notes her realization of the part is so complete that she must be admitted to be by far the most lifelike and enthralling Carmen before the public at the present day." `Royal Opera,' Times, 24 June 1901, 9. Also from The Times, "though the singer is rather the Carmen of Mérimée than the more refined heroine of Bizet's work, her performance is in the very front rank of artistic excellence." 'Royal Opera,' Times, 21 May 1900, 14. 59 Ibid. 60 "Her realization of the part is so complete that she must be admitted to be by far the most lifelike and enthralling Carmen before the public at the present day." 'Royal Opera,' Times, 24 June 1901, 9. "It is one of the most remarkable impersonations to be seen on the lyric stage...The subtlety, the humanness, the immense vitality and the actuality of it are absolutely convincing, and it is well-nigh impossible to decide which to place highest, the fine singing or the intensity of the dramatic action." 'The Royal Opera,' Times, 23 June 1902, 7. 61 'The Royal Opera,' Times, 23 June 1902, 7.

58 Calvé's career intersected with the emergence of the film and recording industries as powerful players in the music world. Although it would be another Carmen, Geraldine Farrar, who reached the widest audience so far through the media of film and recording, Calvé created the definitive Carmen for the early twentieth century.62 Her performance was compared to the emergence of new technology: "in her portrayal of Bizet's heroine there is more of the cinematograph than of the ordinary photograph—that she is, in a sense, a quick- change artist.s63 She continued to play Carmen well into the , recording items from the opera in 1902. While she felt limited by the success of her Carmen, she continued her association with Spanish music, recording a traditional Spanish song, Copias Andaluz, in 1920 for Pathé in Paris.64

The Catalan soprano Maria Gay (1879-1943) inherited the mantle of the greatest Carmen from Calvé, and her Spanish nationality gave her added authority. As had been the case with Calvé, her singing was widely praised and she was said to embody the Carmen of both Mérimée and Bizet. Gay combined superior vocal technique with a forceful dramatic approach to the role. According to The Times, "In her hands the wild animalism of the dramatic performance is united with phrasing that is as flawless as that of an accomplished violinist."65 Her conviction in the part was applauded and for a period she was the most popular Carmen in England.66 Gay had her detractors too and was criticized for being too coarse and realistic in some of her stage mannerisms. She was known to eat an orange and spit out the seeds before singing the Habanera and perceptions of her Carmen as unrefined led to a truncated career in the role. In the words of Van Vechten, "Maria Gay, the Spanish Carmen, attempted realistic touches such as expectoration; a well-sung, well-thought-out consistent performance, but lacking in glamour."67

62 Geraldine Farrar starred in Cecil B. de Mille's 1915 silent movie based on Carmen. 63 'Royal Opera,' Times, 27 June 1904, 5. 64 Victor Girard, `Emma Calvé,' Marston Records webpage, accessed 21 Feb. 2012, www.marstonrecords.com/Calvé/Calvé liner.htm. 65 `Royal Opera,' Times, 4 Nov. 1907, 9. 66 From The Times, "The impersonation of the principal part is so excellent in a musical sense that even if Mme. Gay were a second rate actress her singing would ensure her success. Since, as everybody knows, she acts the part with matchless vigour and conviction, she stands easily above all who have made it their own since it was written. Here is the Carmen of whom Mérimée and Bizet dreamed, and the oftener it is seen the more heartily it must be admired. Every time she does it she puts in some new detail of business and perpetrates some new and delightful impertinence. Let us hope this is not a sign that she will ever allow an incomparable performance to suffer from exaggeration." `Royal Opera,' Times, 3 July 1908, 14. 67 Van Vechten, Music of Spain, 155.

59 Bizet's Carmen defined stereotypes of Spanish music for English audiences from the premiere London performance in 1878 until well into the twentieth century. Even as late as 1920 Van Vechten's monograph on The Music of Spain concludes with a long chapter on Carmen and protagonists in the title role.68 In his preface to this book, Pedro Morales, a prominent Spanish writer and musician resident in London, indicated that he was simultaneously encouraged by the rise of interest in new Spanish music in England, and frustrated by out-dated attitudes that remained closely tied to images of Carmen. He wrote: "What was a dead wall, and could not lead anywhere, was the old-fashioned attitude, with all 69 its natural consequences, of considering Carmen the quintessence of everything Spanish." Only with the English acceptance of the new Spanish national school in the aftermath of World War I did Carmen stop being the measure for Spanish music.

Carmen burlesques and adaptations The success of Bizet's Carmen in London provided the impetus for a plethora of theatrical reconfigurations of Mérimée's story and Bizet's music on the English stage in the late nineteenth century: from short exotic turns to full-length ballets, plays and parodies, including the hugely popular burlesque Carmen up-to-data (1890). An examination of a selection of the many adaptations of Carmen illustrates the popularization of the Hispanic in this period, as the focus of Spanish music in London shifted from high art to popular forms of entertainment.

The practice of making theatrical burlesques of current operas was common in the nineteenth century and Verdi's operas were regular topics for such parodies.70 Theatrical reconfigurations of Carmen began to appear in England as early as 1879, a mere six months after the opera's premiere in London. The first was the burlesque Carmen, or Sold for a Song!, written by , which premiered at the Folly Theatre on 25 January 1879. The role of Carmen in this show was played with success in both Britain and America by Lydia Thompson, a star of the London stage who excelled in comedy and burlesque. In his book Lydia Thompson, Queen of Burlesque, Kurt Gänzl describes her as "one of the most technically skilled and effective dancers of her generation, a dazzling comedienne... and the

68 The chapter is titled 'From George Borrow to Mary Garden: Histoire sommaire de Carmen,' Van Vechten, Music of Spain, 127-159. 69 Morales, preface to Music of Spain by Van Vechten, xv. 70 See' Roberta Montemorra Marvin, 'Verdian Opera Burlesqued: A Glimpse into Mid-Victorian Theatrical Culture,' Cambridge Opera Journal 15, no. 1 (2003): 33-66. Marvin discusses burlesques of the Verdi operas Ernani, ll Trovatore and La Traviata and their reception in nineteenth-century London.

60 possessor of both a pretty, if unambitious soprano, and of a deliciously winning way with a popular song of the comic, piquant, or merry kind."71 Thompson's Carmen is described by Gänzel as a "flirty young person, engaged in twisting cigarettes and also lovers round her fingers.s72 Thompson danced a Spanish `Madrilena' and the music included snippets from Bizet alongside known melodies and topical songs.73 The show was a success but due to the sale of the theatre and the subsequent break up of the company, Carmen, or Sold for a Song! ended its London season in March 1879.

Cruel Carmen, or the Demented Dragoon and the Terrible Toreador (1880) by J. Wilton Jones was premiered in Manchester's Princes Theatre in 1880. Puns on Spanish names were also common in burlesque titles, for example Carmen, or Soldiers and Seville-fans by Frank Green and Frank Musgrave played in the same year, moving to Broadway with Selina Dolaro as Carmen. As already noted, Dolaro had been the first to sing Carmen in English at Her Majesty's Theatre in early 1879, and her career is a prime example of the cross-over that occurred between the opera and popular forms of theatre such as burlesque.

The success of Bizet's opera was such that some Carmen burlesques were rushed into production with little preparation. An example of this is the burlesque Little Carmen by Alfred Murray that was first staged at London's Globe Theatre on 7 February 1884. The Times gave this new work a positive review, however this is partly due to the respect shown for the appearance of society lady and part-time actor Bella Howard in the title role:

A new burlesque of Carmen, by Mr. Alfred Murray, was produced tentatively at the Globe Theatre yesterday afternoon with somewhat more success than usually attends such fugitive experiments. As the Spanish gipsy, Miss Bella Howard, in whose name the matinée was given, played and danced with a degree of intelligence which only required to be supplemented with a little more vivacity of manner in order to be thoroughly pleasing; and in Miss Susie Vaughan as the amorous brigadier Don Jose, she found a coadjutor well skilled in the rendering of burlesque. The piece, though presented under unfavourable circumstances, was bright and lively, and its topical songs and puns were of a superior order.74

'1 Gänzl, Lydia Thompson, 2. 72 Ibid., 193. 73 Ibid., 194. 74 `The Theatres. Globe,' Times, 8 Feb. 1884, 10.

61 Even though this was clearly a parody, the believability of the gypsy character was important. She needed to be realistic and vivacious to be credible and these qualities were desirable in any portrayal of Carmen, whether in a popular or high-art context. A writer for The Sporting Times declared that Little Carmen failed in both requirements of a new burlesque: wit and topicality.

That a lady so universally respected as Miss Bella Howard was about to embark in theatrical management, if only for a few hours, naturally attracts a distinguished audience to the Globe Theatre on Thursday afternoon. Numerically, perhaps, they were not strong, but aristocratically considered, nothing choicer could have been procured...All the choristers smoke cigarettes, so do the principals, throughout the progress of the soul-inspiring entertainment...Yet the play is of smoke, smoky dim and dirty...Had the burlesque by Alfred Murray been produced a couple of centuries ago the topical songs could no doubt have been much appreciated. Even now they are received with such applause as they merit. The silliest portions of Little Dr. , Blue Beard, and Fra Diavolo have been extracted and presented to Miss Bella Howard, in the form of a new three-act burlesque.75

In 1890 the burlesque Captivating Carmen by Martin Byam and Byam Wyke was staged at the Folkstone Pier, although it does not appear to have toured or made a significant impact. Later that year the most successful of all Carmen parodies was produced at the Gaiety Theatre, Carmen Up to Data. This work was premiered at the Liverpool Shakespeare Theatre on 22 September 1890, in preparation for its London opening at the Gaiety Theatre on 4 October 1890. The piece was a burlesque in three acts by George R. Sims and HenrY Pettitt with music by Meyer Lutz, the same creative team responsible for other Gaiety burlesques, including the successful parody of Gounod, (1888). Carmen Up to Data was one of the most successful shows of this period and ran for 248 performances in London followed by numerous provincial performances.76 The work also had an international reach and in 1892 toured to Germany, Austria, Hungary and Australia. In each country topical references, puns and jokes were added for the local audience. Figure 3. Advertisement for the sheet music for songs from Carmen up to Data, featuring Letty Lind as Mercedes 77

75 Sporting Times, 9 Feb. 1884, 2. 76 Kurt Gänzl, Encyclopedia of the Musical Theatre, 317. 77 London: Theatre Museum, Gaiety Theatre Archive Box.

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63 Carmen Up To Data was a success from the first performance. The combination of interest in Bizet's opera and the reputation of the Gaiety team had heightened expectations. The performers were applauded vigorously at the conclusion of each song, and many items were repeated by popular demand. There were some difficulties with the final thirty minutes of the show and adjustments were made early in the season, but critics predicted that this would be a long running show. Under the headline `Rapturous reception,' the Daily Chronicle reporter wrote, "there is no reason why the new burlesque, Carmen Up to Data, should not occupy the Gaiety stage as long as Faust Up to Data or Ruy Blas.s78

The work differed from other burlesques in that it stayed close to the original plot of the opera, a fact noted by many critics, "The authors, Messrs. Sims and Pettitt, have written a parallel rather than a burlesque of Bizet's opera and Merimée's story."79 Prior to this it was not essential for a burlesque to make more than superficial references to the plot or the structure of the parent work. Musical parody and the lampooning of key characters were the most important ways of connecting with the original model. Balancing the vital ingredients of humour and light entertainment with this adherence to the operatic story, presented "an intelligible and dramatic story—of course treated in comic fashion."80 This signalled a new approach to burlesque and a blurring of the boundaries between music hall, operetta, opera and music theatre. One writer summed it up:

The authors have taken the plot of Bizet's opera for the foundation of their play, and instead of distorting it until not the least resemblance is left as is usual with burlesque writers, they have kept very closely to the original, though naturally treating the incidents in a humorous fashion, and introducing good jokes, merry songs, and pretty dances to any extents'

Burlesque was a genre in transition during the early 1890s and writers were experimenting with a greater variety of songs, topical references and set pieces. The Times critic observed that Carmen Up to Data was a superior example of this new type of entertainment, indeed "a

78 Daily Chronicle, 6 Oct. 1890. Also from the same review, "Mr. Meyer Lutz has composed music that, by turns vivacious and sentimental, is always effective and melodious. Little wonder then, that, except at the termination, "Carmen up to Data" was on Saturday night rapturously received, nearly all the solo vocal pieces and some of the dances being followed by demands for repetition so unanimous and decisive as to leave the performers no option but concession, whilst in two or three instances double encores were insisted upon. Until half-an-hour before the curtain finally descended no burlesque could have gone better with a Gaiety audience, some of whom had assembled at the pit and gallery entrances four or five hours prior to Mr. Meyer Lutz taking his place in the orchestra to conduct the overture." 79 Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 1 Nov. 1890, 6. 80 Daily Chronicle, 6 Oct. 1890. 8i Unknown paper, 4 Oct. 1890, London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box.

64 very good specimen...Burlesque, like pantomime, becomes more and more a variety entertainment, supplemented by bright costumes and catching music."82

The use of topical references was an important part of this show and the Daily Chronicle review of the London premiere observed: "There are many happy references to current topics in the text.s83 As the season progressed new items were added to retain a topical flavour and to prolong interest. Towards the end of its run in May 1891 new songs and dances were added in an attempt to keep it current and to entice audiences who had seen the original version to return to the show.84

The composer Meyer Lutz (1829-1903) was restricted by copyright from quoting passages of any significant length from Bizet, and was required to write his own music to some of the opera's most famous scenes. The Observer's critic recognized the difficulty of this undertaking, "The numerous have been set to music by Mr. Meyer Lutz, who had an onerous task; being called upon to illustrate, musically, a number of scenes in which Bizet has been heard at his best."85 With the rights to Bizet's music tightly controlled, Lutz was ingenious in his suggestion of aspects of the original score.

Mr Lutz has produced for the occasion quite a solid volume of music, including choruses, songs, duets, and dances, wherein a sort of haunting suggestion, even at times a bar or so, of Bizet's music is cunningly designed to mark the theme without invading the composer's jealously guarded rights.86

Lutz was largely successful in furnishing the burlesque with music that was recognized by the English audiences of 1890 as identifiably Spanish. It is informative to note the seriousness with which the issue of Spanish character was discussed in relation to Carmen up to Data. A writer in the Observer analyzed the Spanish features of Lutz' music and made comparisons with similar passages in Carmen,

82 `The Theatres in 1890,' Times, 10 Jan. 1891, 3. 83 Daily Chronicle, 6 Oct. 1890. 84 The Times commented on this injection of new material, "Hedda Gabler is shortly to be withdrawn from the Vaudeville, so that the interest manifested in Ibsen by the general public has not been great. It is instructive to note by the side of this failure that the Gaiety burlesque, Carmen Up to Data, has just taken a new lease of life, having been provided with a fresh assortment of songs and dances." `The Theatres,' Times, 25 May 1891, 6. 85 Observer, 5 Oct. 1890, 6. 86 Daily News, 6 Oct. 1890, 6.

65

Many of the best numbers, the "Fandango" for instance, and the chorus of cigarette girls, are as distinctly Spanish in character as anything that can be found in Bizet's opera, and this characteristic is to be found in almost all the ballet music. For Miss Florence St. John (Carmen) a capital substitute for Bizet's "Habanera" was furnished in the song "Ask me to marry," and a still more characteristic and piquant specimen of music after Spanish patterns was the "Calasera"...Her sentimental songs were less original, and less in harmony with the character of Carmen.87

The following excerpts (Ex. 1) from Carmen's song in Act 1 of Carmen Up to Data illustrate the closeness of the parody to the original. The song opens with an instrumental introduction based on the habanera rhythm Bizet borrowed from Iradier.

Example la. The introduction to Carmen's song "Ask Me to Marry, I Laugh Ha! Ha!", from Carmen Up to Data, act 1, no. 5, ms.1-8.88

5 8"` ,. Er-vmamalma l•■ m____,■ . r '. . --- 3 -- 3 —M . S 3 3

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Carmen's vocal line in "Ask Me to Marry" refers directly to the melody adapted by Bizet from Iradier's El Arreglito. The comparison is most obvious in the chromatic descending melody of bars 28 and 29 (Ex. lb).

87 Observer, 5 Oct. 1890, 6. as Meyer Lutz, George Robert Sims, Henry Petit, Carmen Up to Data, Piano-vocal score (London: E. Ascherberg, 1890), 36.

66

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Lutz successfully manipulated the expectations of audiences who were very familiar with the music and story of Carmen. The closeness of the plot of Carmen Up to Data to the opera served to enhance the musical parody and a critic in the Daily Telegraph explained the success of Lutz' score,

They have so led up to well-known musical points in Bizet's opera that the audience seemed to wait for the familiar music. But here came in the wonderful skill of Herr Lutz. He was deliberately forced into a contest with Bizet on his own ground. How admirably the musician came out of the struggle we need not say. The music like Bizet's, had all the brightness and sparkle and abandon of the Spanish character. But with all that, the greatest adorers of Bizet will not fail to be delighted with Lutz.9°

89 Meyer Lutz, George Robert Sims, Henry Petit, Carmen Up to Data, Piano-vocal score (London: E. Ascherberg, 1890), 37-8. 90 Daily Telegraph, 6 Oct. 1890.

67 As composer, musical director and conductor, Lutz was the driving force behind Carmen Up to Data. A writer in The Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News summed up his influence on the show by stating, "Carmen Up to Data might perhaps be more properly called Meyer Lutz up to everything. The talented musical director of the Gaiety appears to me to be the moving spirit of the whole performance. His eye and his baton give impulse to the show and sustain it."9 t

In addition to the music, the costumes and staging played a pivotal role in portraying Spanish colour. The Daily News critic was impressed by the exotic locations and staging and wrote, "The scenery was exceptionally picturesque, Mr. Hann's Square in Seville, Courtyard of the Gipsy Club, and Rocky Retreat on the the seacoast being particularly noteworthy."92

The closeness of the burlesque and operatic genres is demonstrated by the way many singers crossed between these genres, as has already been noted in the case of Dolaro. It is noteworthy that the performance of Florence St. John as Carmen in Carmen Up to Data was critiqued with almost as much seriousness as a performance of the operatic role. The Daily Chronicle wrote:

Vocally Miss St. John is as excellent as ever. Four solo airs are at present alloted her. In place of the "habanera" of the opera stands a lightsome morceau, "Ask me to marry, I laugh, ha, ha!" a tender air in F, "One who is life to me," a calasera (thoroughly Spanish in character), whilst beguiling José to remain in the inn instead of responding to the bugle summons to rejoin his regiment...A more fascinating and persuasive Carmen has not been seen on the metropolitan stage.93

In the Daily Telegraph review, Miss St. John's performance was seen as evidence of her ability to sing the operatic Carmen, "Miss St. John might be a very delightful Carmen on the serious stage. She has all the temperament for the character. She would have done for the part what Selina Dolaro did for it."94

This quest for more variations on the Carmen character and above all a more authentically Spanish Carmen led naturally to dramatic versions of Mérimée's novella. A dramatic production of Carmen adapted by the playwright Henry Hamilton had some success in

91 Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 1 Nov. 1890, 6. 92 Daily News, 6 Oct. 1890, 6. 93 Daily Chronicle, 6 Oct. 1890. "Daily Telegraph, 6 Oct. 1890.

68 America before being presented in London at the Gaiety Theatre on June 6 1896. The English actress and theatre manager Olga Nethersole (1867-1951) played Carmen in this presentation. She was already well known in theatre circles as manager of the Royal Court Theatre in London and as a director of her own plays and scenarios. Nethersole pioneered a realistic approach to acting and was an important figure in the evolution of a modern style of drama in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She aimed to bring this realistic style to Carmen, an extension of what had already been happening on the operatic stage in the work of Calvé. In preparation for her turn as Carmen, Nethersole drew on her first-hand experience of travel to Spain in an attempt to put an authentic stamp on her dramatic Carmen interpretation. In response to negative commentary about the play, Nethersole's biographer Archie Bell wrote, "who of these critics has spent hours and days of study upon the real soul of the girl Carmen, as she lives in Spain to-day? Miss Nethersole has made the true representation of Carmen one of the artistic ideals of her life."95

The play caused a stir, most notably the lengthy kiss between Carmen and Don Jose which became known as the "Nethersole kiss," however, reviews in London were not favourable.96 Perceptions of Spanish music and the Carmen story were so closely united to the musical context that for many a purely dramatic setting did not have the ring of truth. The Times's critic pointed out the difficulties London audiences found in appreciating a Carmen devoid of operatic artifice and music:

The story of Carmen is so entirely wedded to the music of Bizet that Miss Olga Nethersole is necessarily handicapped to some extent in appearing in a purely dramatic version of the loves and infidelities of Prosper Merimée's heroine. That is one reason, doubtless, why the efforts of this clever young actress were not so cordially appreciated at the Gaiety on Saturday night as they might have been 97

Music was not totally absent from this production and selections from Bizet's score and some original music were included in between the dramatic movements of the show. In the opinion of a number of critics Nethersole's performance did not live up to the lofty standards of expression and realism set by the opera stars Hauk and Calvé. A dramatic portrayal was

95 Archie Bell, Olga Nethersole (Paris: Herbert Clarke, 1907), 7. 96 "In her performance of Carmen, Nethersole had become famous for what became known as 'the Nethersole kiss'—a kiss on the lips that lasted so long that were rumored to lay bets on its duration each evening." Katie N. Johnson, Sisters in Sin: Brothel Drama in America, 1900-1920 (Cambridge: CUP, 2006), 45. 97 'Gaiety Theatre,' Times, 8 June 1896, 13.

69 deemed too realistic to be plausible. The Times was quite adamant on this point and wrote, "The truth is—and Miss Nethersole will do well to lay it to heart—that there is no more room on the stage for a realistic Carmen than there is for a Jeanne d'Arc who should be merely a cow-girl of Lorraine, too familiar with the officers of the French army."98

Nethersole added Spanish colour to her performance with the inclusion of a Spanish dance routine with castanets, however, it was deemed unconvincing and the writer in The Times commented that "she does well not to try too much the nerves of a public called upon to accept a Carmen who does not sing, and who attempts, without much success, a dance with the castanets."99

Arthur Sullivan and Spanish music A number of English composers wrote Spanish music as part of music hall revues or theatrical works that evoked Spain. One of the most notable nineteenth-century English composers to write Spanish music for the theatre was Arthur Sullivan (1842-1900). Sullivan was probably the most successful English composer of the Victorian era, known for the light operas and burlesques he composed to libretti by his partner William Gilbert. Sullivan's grandfather had taken part in the Peninsular War, serving at Vittoria, 100 and Badajoz, and Spanish themes and characters feature in several of his theatrical works. One of his earliest, The Contrabandista, or The Law of the Ladrones, is set in Spain and stars thieves, bandits, Spanish dancers and musicians. The Contrabandista predated his partnership with Gilbert and opened at St George's Hall in London on 18 December 1867. The piece was an important stepping-stone for the young composer, even though it played to mixed reviews and remains a rarely performed work.10' This was his first work in more than one act and was written at a time when when a distinctly British form of musical theatre was emerging. La Contrabandista marked Sullivan's second collaboration with the writer F.C. 102 Burnand who worked for Punch magazine and was experienced in the field of burlesque. Even though the script for The Contrabandista is comical, it attempted to conjure up images

98 Ibid. 99 Ibid. 1°° Arthur Lawrence, Sir Arthur Sullivan: Life Story, Letters and Reminiscences (1899; New York: Haskell House, 1973), 253. 1°1 The Contrabandista was performed occasionally in England and the USA until 1880 and not again until the Sir Arthur Sullivan Society revived it in a concert version in 2002. A recording of the work was issued in 2004 on the Hyperion label. Soloists, The New London Orchestra, The London Chorus, cond., Arthur Sullivan: The Contrabandista — The Foresters, Hyperion Records, CDA67486, 2004. 1°2 Their collaboration had already produced the successful one-act comic opera Cox and Box (1866)•

70 of Spain and provided Sullivan with the opportunity to incorporate sections of Spanish colour. To suggest the Spanish context Sullivan utilized typical Spanish dance forms such as the bolero and the cachucha, which were common markers of theatrical Spanish music and dance in the mid-nineteenth century.

The story, playing on the familiar stereotype of the Spanish bandit, is set in mountainous terrain in the area between Compostello and Seville. A group of bandits capture an English woman, who is engaged to marry a Spanish Count. As retribution, the Count kills the leader of the bandits and they are forced to choose a new leader. According to the "Law of the Ladrones," the first stranger to pass by will be named their new chief and a hapless Englishman named Aldolphus Cimabue Grigg is the first stranger to pass. Copied below is a stretch of dialogue from this scene at the end of Act 1 where two of the robbers, José and Sancho have confronted Mr Grigg (Fig. 4). The scene ends in a bolero, featuring castanets.

71 Figure 4. Arthur Sullivan and F.C. Burnand, La Contrabandista, dialogue from the end of act 1.103

Both [José and Sancho]: We're members of a robber , We offer you, as Captain, the command. Mr. Grigg: Upon my word, I do not understand, In fact I'd rather not. Both: Our Captain you must be! Refuse! Then choose, be Captain or be shot! Mr. Grigg: What? Both: Shot! Mr Grigg: Not— Both: Shot! Mr. Grigg: What? Both: Shot! Mr. Grigg: For what? Both: Yes, shot! Mr. Grigg: Well, agreed! Both: `Tis agreed! Dance the bolero! Dance the bolero! Mr Grigg: Mad! `Tis my belief. Both: Wild tarantellas will welcome our Chief. Dance the bolero! Mr Grigg: Why the bolero? Both: Bolero! Bolero! The robber's pet, We'll dance to the and the gay castanet. Mr Grigg: Bolero! Bolero! A dreadful set! I wish that I'd never these gentlemen met. All: Bolero! Bolero!... We'll dance to the sound of the pipe...

The following excerpt (Ex. 2) of the piano score of this trio shows some of the musical devices Sullivan used to suggest the Spanish setting. The trio is in a sprightly triple meter and is marked `Allegro, tempo de cachucha.' The rhythmic inflections setting of the word "bolero" mimic the rhythm of the dance, and the harmonic movement from D major to E flat

103 A rthur Sullivan and F.C. Burnand, La Contrabandista, (London: Boosey, 1867), 30-36.

72 major (over a D pedal) in bars 242-245 is a reference to the distinctively Spanish sounding Phrygian mode.

Example 2. Arthur Sullivan, `Hullo! What's That?,' La Contrabandista, act 1, no. 6, ms.234- 249.104

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73

Sullivan followed this trio with a Spanish dance marked "tempo di Bolero." Here (Ex. 3) the staccato articulation in the clef (bars 1-4), cascading triplet figures (bars 3-4), dotted rhythms (bars 1-2), use of the Phrygian mode (bars 3-4) and the typical guitar key of A minor, are some of the means by which Sullivan creates a Spanish dance pastiche (Example 3).

Example 3. Sullivan, Dance, La Contrabandista, act 1, no. 7, ms.1-14.05

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Sullivan's biographer, Arthur Jacobs, argued that in this early work Sullivan's use of dances to suggest the Spanish setting was not always handled smoothly. He writes that the dances were introduced "effectively as music, but with a clumsy interruption to the action, which 106 Sullivan would avoid when reintroducing such dances in The Gondoliers."

105 Sullivan and Burnand, La Contrabandista, 37 '06 A rthur Jacobs, Arthur Sullivan: A Victorian Musician (Oxford: OUP, 1984) 52.

74 By the time of The Gondoliers, the writing partnership of was at its zenith. First produced at the in 1889, The Gondoliers was an instant success and one of their most enduring works. The story moves between Venice and Barataria, the imaginary island given to Sancho Panza in Cervante's Don Quijote. Character names such as "The Duke of Plaza-Toro" and "Don Alhambra del Bolero" indicate the play on Spanish themes in this work. The most famous Spanish number in The Gondoliers is the Chorus and Dance, "Dance a Cachucha." Sullivan was writing for an audience already familiar with the Spanish stereotypes promoted by Carmen and its manifold spin offs. The effortless comedy of The Gondoliers played on expectations of the lighter side of the Spanish or "southern" temperament. A reviewer in The Telegraph wrote, "The `Gondoliers' conveys an impression of having been written con amore. It is as spontaneous as the light-hearted laughter of the sunny south and as luminous as an Italian summer sky.s107

Twenty-seven years after the premiere of The Contrabandista, and in the aftermath of the success of Carmen, Burnand and Sullivan joined forces again to resurrect and rework the piece under a new title, The Chieftan. The music was substantially re-written, particularly the second act.108 The Chieftan was first put on at the Savoy Theatre on 12 December 1894 and, after a strong opening, attendances declined. Sullivan made a last ditch effort to save the show by amplifying the use of Spanish colour. He wanted to replace Inez's song from act 1 with a new habanera but had difficulty setting Burnand's words. Sullivan wrote to Burnand about the problems he was having setting the new words to a habanera rhythm:

I have tried hard [with Burnand's new words] but cannot get it into shape. The metre is against my setting it in a Spanish, dancing rhythm, and it is disjointed in form, which wouldn't matter except that in this particular place I want a strongly marked, catchy rhythmical [sic] number, like the quintet in 2"d act...Here are nonsense words and music which give an idea of a characteristic Spanish rhythm [sic]. Two or three verses of this, with words which will admit of a 'la la la' in the chorus, and I could make a bright, lively opening number.109

107 Quoted in Lawrence, Sir Arthur Sullivan: Life Story, 183. 108 Jacobs, Arthur Sullivan, 352. 1°8 Ibid., 353.

75 Sullivan later sent Burnand examples of the rhyming scheme he wanted and in the new edition of the vocal score Inez's song is marked `Allegro molto alla habanera'."° In the end it was to no avail and The Chieftan only lasted for 96 performances, a failure for someone with Arthur Sullivan's track record." Florence St John, who had such success in Carmen up to Data, was in the cast of The Chieftan, playing the role of Rita.

Throughout the 1880s, the 1890s and into the new century, London audiences had developed their own, much discussed, multiple understandings of Spanishness through the opera Carmen, its various English adaptations, and Spanish-themed theatre works. Performers and productions had to be convincing and realistic but could only push the boundaries so far. At the same time, Spanish musicians performing in London were frustrated with stereotypes derived from Carmen. The following chapter is a discussion of the fortunes and impact of two renowned Spanish musicians active in late-nineteenth century London, Pablo Sarasate and Isaac Albéniz (1860-1909).

11° Ibid. "I The Gondoliers ran for 554 performances.

76 Chapter 3: Pablo Sarasate and Isaac Albéniz: Prominent Spanish performer- composers in late Victorian London

In their book Musical Visitors to Britain, David and Peter Gordon discuss the reasons why Britain has attracted a steady stream of foreign musicians since the sixteenth century.' They identify a distinct increase in the number of musical visitors to London in the nineteenth century when tours by foreign musicians in Britain were more viable than ever before due to the increased possibilities of travel and a larger and more educated musical public.2 The early nineteenth century also marked the rise of celebrity conductors and performers and music festivals where foreign artists were showcased. The emergence of the musical entrepreneur and bodies such as the Philharmonic Society of London facilitated concerts and tours for foreign performers and composers. London in particular was a place where money could be made, not only through performing but also teaching. The strong culture of amateur music making in Britain ensured successful musicians could make a living from a combination of activities.

The two most significant Spanish musicians to appear on the London scene in the final decades of the nineteenth century were the violinist Pablo Sarasate and pianist and composer Isaac Albéniz. They were both prominent Spanish musical ambassadors who spent significant periods of time in London and in this chapter their significance to musical perceptions of Spain in London is examined via a survey of published reviews and writings focused on their activities in the English capital.

Pablo Sarasate in London Sarasate's brilliance as a violinist transcended national boundaries, however, his Spanish or "Southern" nature was often a topic for critics. His rise to prominence coincided with the first wave of popularity of the opera Carmen and the subsequent interest in Spanish music and dance. Sarasate's Fantasia on themes from Carmen and his own Spanish compositions were responses to this trend and in turn helped to

David Gordon and Peter Gordon, Musical Visitors to Britain, (London and New York: Routledge, 2005). 2 Ibid., 5-9.

77 generate interest in Spanish instrumental music. Sarasate was one of Spain's most famous musical exports and an important figure in cultivating perceptions of Spanish music in London. The level of success and popularity he attained was unprecedented for a Spanish instrumentalist and he paved the way for later Spanish performers, especially Albéniz.

Sarasate was born in the northern Spanish city of in 1844 and from an early age learnt the violin from his father. In 1854 he went to Madrid for lessons and within two years gave his first concert at the and played for the Spanish King and Queen.3 According to the recollections of his mother he played instrumental fantasies on themes from the operas Norma, Rigoletto and for the royal couple.4 In 1856 Sarasate and his mother set out for Paris with a letter of introduction to the renowned pedagogue Delphin Alard whose violin method had been translated into Spanish, German and Italian.5 Tragically, Sarasate's mother died suddenly of cholera during the journey but Sarasate continued on to Paris with the help of a Spanish businessman who arranged for his studies with Alard to proceed. He showed his talent by winning the Paris Conservatoire prize for violin in 1857, followed by a prize for harmony the following year. Alard had a reputation for "purity of style and execution,"6 qualities Sarasate was also famous for, but Sarasate later remarked that all he learnt from Alard was posture.? After graduating from the Conservatoire Sarasate's reputation grew steadily and he attracted the attention of Rossini who famously remarked that he was "a giant in talent whose modesty doubles his charm."8

Sarasate's activities in the 1860s are not well documented. He made his first visit to London as a teenager in 1861 for concerts at the Crystal Palace in London organized by the American impresario Bernard Ullman. Newspaper coverage of these concerts was limited and in press previews he was referred to as Neapolitan.9 The Standard

3 Pedro Garcia Morales, `Sarasate y Navascués, Pablo de,' A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians, ed. A. Eaglefield-Hull (London: Dent, 1924), 436. 4 According to the nineteenth-century virtuoso tradition exemplified by Liszt. S Iberni, Pablo Sarasate, 35. 6 Milsom, Late Nineteenth-Century Violin Performance, 24. Ibemi, Pablo Sarasate, 38. 8 Morales, `Sarasate y Navascués,' 436. Morning Chronicle, 17 May 1861.

78 published a brief review, indicating that the repertoire was confined to fantasies and arrangements of operatic items, and not even mentioning Sarasate's Spanish nationality.10

After 1861 Sarasate focused his energies on performing in America and continental Europe. He reappeared in London in 1874, when he played the Concerto in F written for him by his close friend the French composer Edouard Lalo (1823-1892). Born and bred in France, Lalo's family background was actually Spanish and his second , the Symphonie espagnole (1874) is his best known composition." Sarasate probably met Lalo in Paris during his years at the Conservatoire and knew Lalo's chamber works featuring violin.12 On 29 November 1873 three of the most important names who would be associated with Spanish music combined when Sarasate played Lalo's with Bizet at the piano.13 The 1874 London premiere of Lalo's Concerto in F was advertised as Sarasate's first visit to England,14 and reviews noted Sarasate's tone and technical mastery, with the Morning Chronicle describing him as "Senor Sarasate, whose execution is facile and whose tone is pure, lucid, sweet, and true."15 His regular visits to London date from this time and he continued to visit England frequently until his final years.16

A measure of Sarasate's popularity in late Victorian London is the fact that he was presented as a favourite violinist of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's famous detective Sherlock Holmes. In the Conan Doyle story The Adventure of the Red-Headed League," Holmes invites Watson to St. James's Hall to hear Sarasate perform, noting that, "there is a good deal of German music on the programme, which is rather more to my taste than Italian or French. It is introspective and I want to introspect.s18 Watson relates the effect of Sarasate's concert on Holmes' mood,

10 Standard, 18 May 1861, 6. 11 Elaine Brody, Paris: The Musical Kaleidoscope, 1870-1925 (New York: George Braziller, 1987). 12 Iberni, Pablo Sarasate, 50. 13 Ibid., 50. 14 Standard, 11 May 1874, 1. 15 Morning Post, 21 May 1874, 6. 16 Iberni, Pable Sarasate, 39. 17 First published in The Strand Magazine in August 1891. 15 Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Ware: Wordsworth Editions, 1992), 139-140.

79 All the afternoon he sat in the stalls wrapped in the most perfect happiness, gently waving his long, thin fingers in time to the music, while his gently smiling face and languid, dreamy eyes were as unlike those of Holmes, the sleuth-hound Holmes, the relentless, keen-witted, ready-handed criminal agent as it was possible to conceive.19

An examination of critical responses to Sarasate's performances illustrates not only his impact on perceptions of Spanish music in London but also provides invaluable information on Sarasate's performance style, perhaps more so than the recordings he made towards the end of his life.20 The entry on Sarasate in the 1899 edition of Grove's Dictionary of Music described the salient features of his playing, suggesting Sarasate did not bring to the fore qualities generally expected of a Spanish musician:

Sarasate's distinguishing characteristics are not so much fire, force and passion, though of these he has an ample store, as purity of style, charm, flexibility, and extraordinary facility. He sings on the instrument with taste and expression, and without that exaggeration or affectation of sentiment which disfigures the playing of many violinists.21

George Bernard Shaw (1856-1950) noted the difference between Sarasate's personality and public expectations of him. "He is always alert, swift, clear, refined, certain, scrupulously attentive and quite unaffected. This last adjective will surprise people who see him as a black-haired romantic young Spaniard, full of fascinating tricks and mannerisms."22 Features of his musical style mentioned time and again in reviews include technical brilliance, accurate intonation, consistency of tone and tasteful or civilized playing. These features could conceivably describe dull music- making, however, Sarasate's performances were far from lacklustre. He had the air of a showman about him. The wife of violinist remembered him as:

19 Ibid., 140. 20 David Milsom in Theory and Practice in Late Nineteenth-Century Violin Performance compares performances by prominent nineteenth-century violinists through an analysis of their recordings. The results are problematic given the age of the performers and the constraints of recording technology in the early twentieth century. Sarasate's recordings date from 1904 when he was in the twilight of his professional career. For more on Pablo Sarasate's 1904 recordings see Rodriguez, `De la manière des zigeuner.' 21 Christopher Fifield, : His Life and Works (London: Victor Gollancz, 1988), 149. 22 Star, 24 May 1889, 132.

80 the greatest grand seigneur in musical history. He looked like a grand duke. He has a mass of grey hair, but his moustache was dyed pitch black. He played with the greatest nonchalance. When he had already placed his violin under his chin and everybody thought he was about to start, he would drop it again, clamp a monocle into his eye and survey his audience. He had a way of seeming to drop his that would take the audience's breath away. That is, he would let it slide down his slender figure, only to catch it by the scroll of the neck just in time. It was a regular showman's trick of his.23

In his book Thirty Years of Musical Life in London (1903), the critic Herman Klein (1856-1934) recalled the impression Sarasate made at an early concert in 1877,24

Senor Sarasate had just turned thirty when he made his first appearance before a London audience. Three years later (October 13, 1877) his rendering of Mendelssohn's violin concerto at the Crystal Palace fairly took the town by storm, and he repeated his triumph at the Philharmonic in the following spring. After 1885 he became an almost annual visitor to England, and he also toured several years with unvarying success in the United States.25

Klein was right about Sarasate's success but his memory of the repertoire was faulty. According to press reports Sarasate played Max Bruch's (1838-1920) Violin Concerto No. 1, in G minor (1866), at the Crystal Palace on 13 October 1877, and local critics were well aware of his growing reputation in Europe:

Herr Bruch...was lucky in such an interpreter as Senior Sarasate, a Spanish virtuoso, who, but little known in England, has nevertheless of recent years been winning golden opinions on the Continent, and not infrequently through the medium of the same concerto.26

Sarasate forged close musical allegiances with a number of composers including the German Bruch. They first met in 1877 at performances of the Violin Concerto no. 1,

23 Fifield, Max Bruch, 149-150. 24 Klein dated Sarasate's debut in London to 1874. The earlier tour of 1861 seemed to have been erased from the public memory. 25 Hermann Klein, Thirty Years of Musical Life in London, 1870-1900 (London: William Heinemann, 1903), 96. 26 `Crystal Palace Concerts,' Times, 15 Oct. 1877, 11.

81 originally written for (1831-1907), in and Wiesbaden.27 Bruch was fascinated with Sarasate's playing and subsequently dedicated his Violin Concerto no. 2, in D minor (1878), to him.

Joachim and Sarasate enjoyed an active rivalry, not only of personalities but between rival schools of violin playing. Joachim represented the more cerebral, academic German school, 28 while Sarasate was aligned with the French school. As The Times critic explained, "the French school of violinists, using that term in the wider sense...refers to style and training rather than to birth. Vieuxtemps and Sarasate, the first a Belgian, the second a Spaniard... [both belong] by `elective affinity' to the school just referred to."29

In many ways Sarasate was a unique artist who transcended the limits of any school. No less an authority than Carl Flesch wrote in his memoirs that "from him, in fact, dates the modern striving after technical precision and reliability."30

Joachim was seen as the more cerebral of the two violinists and this perception extended to repertoire choices. Shaw mused in print on a number of occasions about their relative merits, reflecting in 1890 on what he considered the hypocrisy of Joachim's conservative repertoire choices:

Joachim is famous for the austerity of his repertoire. He will play nothing meretricious: he stands inflexibly by the classics; and will [play] none of your Sarasate dance tunes and national airs...I cannot, for the life of me, see that Joachim has any valid standard of criticism. It seems to me that if he is prepared to tolerate second-hand Mozart, faked by Spohr, and mechanical padding by Sgambati, he is hardly in a position to turn up his nose at the free and original compositions of Sarasate and Wieniawski3l

27 Fifield, Max Bruch, 149. 28 Maciej Jablonski and Danuta Jasinska, Henryk Wieniaski and the 19'1'-Century Violin Schools (Poznan: The Henryk Wieniawski Musical Society, 2006), 105. 29 `Crystal Palace,' Times, 13 Dec. 1881, 4. 30 Carl Flesch, Memoirs (Harlow: Bois de Bologne, 1973), 38. 31 Star, 21 Mar. 1890, 350.

82 While Sarasate was renowned for the accuracy of his intonation, Joachim was less technically exact, but evidently consistent in his own way. Shaw wrote of his desire to hear a violinist who combined Sarasate's technique and Joachim's interpretative powers after hearing Joachim's performance of the Bach Chaconne in D minor at a concert in 1893:

If the intonation had only had the exquisite natural justice of Sarasate's, instead of the austerity of that particular scale which may be called the Joachim mode, and which is tempered according to Joachim's temperament and not according to the sunny South...But the thought that the miracle of miracles might arrive in the shape of a violinist with Sarasate's intonation and Joachim's style made me forbear.32

After the premiere in London of Carmen in 1878 Sarasate was characterized more prominently as a Spanish musician, and writers and critics dwelt on aspects of Spanish character and temperament in his performances. Critics repeatedly characterized Sarasate's playing as fiery and passionate, particularly in comparison with Joachim's interpretations. Inevitably, these traits were attributed to his Spanish or "southern" heritage. The repertoire did not have to be by southern European composers for these comparisons to be made. A performance of Mendelssohn's Violin Concerto led The Times reviewer to write: "The peculiar fire which the Southern artist imparts to the German composer's thoughtful conception... distinguishes his reading from that of Joachim."33 The same critic described Sarasate's performance of Beethoven's Violin Concerto as "played...with the fire and energy peculiar to his southern nature, and differing from, although by no means inferior to, the so-called `classical style' in which that masterpiece is generally rendered."34 Here Sarasate's nationality is referred to in a positive light and his Spanishness became the defining feature of his performance.

In his own compositions, Sarasate also furthered the racially oriented expectations of style. On the cover of the 1878 edition of (Gypsy Airs) Sarasate wrote that it should be played "in the style of the gypsy people" ("de la manière des zigeuner"). The conflation of gypsy and Spanish identities, particularly in the wake

32 World, 29 Mar. 1893, 276. 33 'Senor Sarasate's Concert,' Times, 23 Apr. 1883, 4. 34 `Senor Sarasate's Concerts,' Times, 4 May 1885, 6.

83 of Carmen, meant that Sarasate's take on gypsy melodies, largely based on Eastern European violin styles, reinforced the exotic allure of his persona. Sarasate's score for Zigeunerweisen has detailed markings to convey his approach his ideas of tempo and rubato. In his 1904 recording of Zigeunerweisen Sarasate stays closer to the marked indications of the score than most modern interpreters.35 In his analysis of this recording, Rodriguez makes a comparison with a recorded performance by Itzak Perlman (1945-) and observes, "this nineteenth-century precision of Sarasate manages to give a feeling of improvisation or flexibility that Perlman's twentieth-century precision does not have."36

Lalo's Symphonie espagnole, written for Sarasate in 1874 became a signature work for the violinist and one of the most popular Spanish-themed works performed in London before Carmen. According to James Parakilas, "Lalo can be said to have invented Sarasate in this work—to have invented for Sarasate the style on which he would build his career.i37 It is an exaggeration to claim that Lalo "invented" Sarasate in this work given he was well known for his precocious talents and virtuosity from an early age, and that these attributes had already inspired composers such as Camille Saint Saëns (1835-1921) to write for him virtuosic works exhibiting elements of Spanish or gypsy musical style.38

Parakilas also discusses the difficulties Sarasate faced in conforming to preconceived ideas of Spanish musical personality. He writes,

To fulfill international expectations of the Spanish "type," his music and playing had to be passionate; to match the manners of the concert hall, they could not be too passionate. His music settles for elegant lyricism. The more successfully he cultivated the role of the Spanish fiddler, the more he played into condescension abroad when he insisted on breaking out of that role, as when he performed Beethoven in .39

"Rodriguez, 'De la manière des zigeuner,' 149-151. 36 Ibid., 151. 37 Parakilas `How Spain Got a Soul,' 162. "For example the Introduction and Rondo Capriccioso (1863, revised 1870) mentioned later in this chapter. 39 Parakilas, 'How Spain Got a Soul,' 162-3.

84 Reviews of Sarasate's performances in London do not necessarily support these assumptions. It is difficult to imagine a performer of such prodigious talents as Sarasate, who was successfully performing a wide range of works in both Europe and America, adapting his performance style to meet expectations of Spanish type. Negative reactions to his playing of Beethoven in Berlin probably had as much to do with local support for the German style represented by Joachim, as they did with Sarasate's own performance. As has been seen in a number of the reviews quoted earlier, English critics enjoyed hearing Sarasate play a wide range of music. After his success with the Lalo Symphonie Espagnole, Sarasate wrote and performed more of his own Spanish pieces. Rather than being viewed solely as a concession to public expectations, this was an opportunity to present original Spanish-themed works in concert, often as encore pieces or at the end of a recital. These pieces were popular character works, akin to the lighter salon pieces that many performers included in their programmes.

Before 1874 Sarasate had written numerous fantasies and variations on operatic themes but after the Lalo success he began to write almost exclusively Spanish pieces. As a performer, however, Sarasate refused to be locked into playing Spanish works. His musical interest extended to northern European folk music and he encouraged composers to use these themes in works written for him. Lalo wrote the Fantasie norvégienne (1878) for him to play and the Scottish composer Alexander Mackenzie composed a suite for violin and orchestra based on Scottish themes (Pibroch, 1889) dedicated to Sarasate. These choices baffled some commentators including The Times music critic who wrote:

M. Sarasate gave Mendelssohn's concerto for the violin, with the verve and technical mastery for which the Spanish artist is justly famous. In addition to this, he produced one of the novelties of the evening, a "Fantaisie Norvégienne," for violin, by Edouard Lalo, the well-known composer and violinist. Why an artist of Southern origin who lives in France and acquired his reputation by a "Symphonie Espagnole" should have chosen a Norwegian theme for his subject may seem surprising at first sight 4°

a° 'Fifth Philharmonic Concert,' Times, 2 May 1879, 8.

85 Another composer close to Sarasate was the distinguished French composer Saint- Saëns. Sarasate asked him to write a concerto for the violin at their first meeting resulting in the Violin Concerto, in A major (1872), Saint-Saën's first violin concerto, and a perfect match for Sarasate's playing style. James Harding has observed of this work,

It was tailor-made for Sarasate's bewitchingly elegant style, all silver sheen and ice- cold sweetness, a style achieved without practising scales or exercises, and nurtured by sight-reading classics and new works which gave him opportunities to develop his remarkable facility for understanding and immediately overcoming the most complicated problems4'

Among the other works Saint-Saëns wrote for Sarasate were the Introduction and Rondo Capriccioso and the Violin Concerto No. 3, in B minor, premiered by Sarasate in 1880. The first of these pays homage to Spanish music especially in the accompaniment figures in the Rondo section which recall the guitar.42 The virtuosic writing of this work, particularly in the finale, suited Sarasate and it was one of his favourite works to perform. Bizet prepared the of this piece for violin and piano 43

Perhaps, rather than Lalo inventing Sarasate with his Symphonie espagnole, it might be more accurate to suggest that Sarasate was an important inspiration for both Lalo and Bizet. Luis Iberni speculates that Sarasate was actually a key inspiration for his friend Bizet in his writing of the opera Carmen.44

By 1881, the music of Carmen was so familiar to London audiences that music with a Spanish flavour was instantly compared with Bizet's opera and Lalo's Symphonie espagnole was described as being, "full of the Spanish rhythms and melodies familiarised by Carmen.s45 Sarasate's own Carmen Fantasy (1883) took some of the most recognisable themes from the opera and arranged them into a virtuosic violin

41 James Harding, Saint-Saëns and his Circle (London: Chapman and Hall, 1965), 78. 42 Brian Rees, Camille Saint-Saëns:A Life (London: Chatto and Windus, 1999), 116. 43 lbemi, Sarasate, 41. 44 Ibid., 53. 45 The work was conducted by Charles Lamoureux at St. James's Hall. Times, 17 Mar. 1881, 6.

86 showpiece, becoming one of his most popular works. An 1884 Times review of Sarasate's performance of his Carmen Fantasy, not only praised his playing, but celebrated Bizet's music for its authenticity: "In the fantasia on airs from Carmen Senor Sarasate played the national airs of his country, which Bizet has embodied in his opera, with a fire and piquancy of rhythm unattainable by anyone not to the manner born."46

As the most successful Spanish musician of his generation, championing the music of other composers and performing his own works, Sarasate placed Spanish-themed instrumental music before the English public on a regular basis during the 1870s and 1880s. In his book Thirty Years of Musical Life in London, Klein highlighted Sarasate's role in educating London audiences about Spanish music:

How amazingly clever they sounded, how tender and exciting by turns, how well written for the instrument! Above all, how exquisitely Sarasate played them!—the "Jota Aragonese," the "Zapateado," the "Sevillana," and the "Habaflera." We were at last beginning to learn something about Spanish music. Then in 1889 came Isaac Albéniz.47

Isaac Albéniz in London Albéniz is generally considered to be the father of Spanish nationalist music as it developed in the twentieth century. Pedro Morales wrote of Albéniz in 1924,

With him came into existence the "new Spanish school," and his name as piano composer has now extended to all countries...He revealed to the world the artistic significance of Spanish music, and awoke musical Spain to the reality of a modern sensibility 48

Albéniz's compositions, particularly the piano suite Iberia (1905-1909), had a profound influence on the next generation of Spanish composers, especially Manuel

46 ` Senor Sarasate,' Times, 12 May 1884, 12. 47 Klein, Musical Life, 252-4. 48 Pedro Garcia Morales, `Albéniz, Isaac,' in A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians, ed. A. Eaglefield-Hull (London: J.M. Dent, 1924), 9-10. Albéniz's status and influence is still widely recognised. Walter Aaron Clark wrote in 1999, "If we consider Falla as the central point towards and from which we measure the progress of Spanish nationalism in music, Albéniz is Falla's most important predecessor." Clark, Albéniz, 284.

87 de Falla (1876-1946) and Joaquin Turina (1882-1949).49 Iberia is considered a major work in the development of a modern aesthetic for the piano and some of its famous admirers include (1862-1918), Percy Grainger (1882-1961) and Olivier Messiaen (1908-1992).5°

Albéniz was based in London for a crucial phase of his career, spanning the years 1889-1893. During this time he developed key relationships with entrepreneurs and other musicians, while successfully cultivating an audience for his pianism and for new Spanish music. In the English capital he was able to develop all the aspects of his creative personality: performing, concert organization, composing and his love for the theatre. This was an eventful period in his evolution as a composer. Albéniz arrived in London at a time when interest in Spanish music was high, however, he had to deal with frequent comparisons to the music of Bizet and Sarasate. He played many of his own compositions in London and also promoted the works of other Spanish composers. Reviews of concerts Albéniz presented in 1889 and 1890, introducing the English public to new Spanish music, provide further insights into the English engagement with Spanish music in the late nineteenth century. The last part of Albéniz's time in London was devoted to the composition of new works for the stage and commentators continued to evaluate Albéniz with reference to Spanish music and his Spanish nationality.

Albéniz gave his first piano recitals in London in 1889 and his impact was immediate. The music critic in the weekly society magazine Vanity Fair wrote:

Last week I had the pleasure of hearing a really remarkable new pianist. His name is Senor Albéniz, and he hails from the land that has given us Sarasate and has been immortalised on the lyric stage by Bizet. In addition to technical ability of the first order, he possesses that rare gift, the art of charming.51

These comparisons were common and English critics were quick to point out the similarities between Albéniz and Sarasate. Although Albéniz's playing was marked by restraint and subtlety, his instrumental virtuosity was widely recognised. In this

49 Joaquin Turina observed "Our father Albéniz showed us the road we had to follow." Ibid., 284. 5° Ibid., 5. 51 Vanity Fair, 25 June 1889, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 2. Biblioteca de Catalufla, Barcelona

88 aspect of the art of performance, Sarasate and Albéniz were alike. The Dramatic Review published an eloquent comparison of the two performers:

Never overmuch inclined to the thunder and lightning style of the pianists of the day, Mr. Albéniz has now played his rivals a remarkable trick; for abandoning altogether the style in which they most excel, he now moves his audience not by astonishing them but by charming them. There is much in the style of this Spanish pianist which reminds one of our incomparable Spanish violinist; the same dazzling brightness, the same exquisite delicacy, that mark the playing of Sarasate distinguish also that of Albéniz.52

According to English reviewers, both performers displayed brilliant tone and technique and a delicate expressiveness without resorting to a more demonstrative style favoured by some contemporary performers. Both Sarasate and Albéniz gained, somewhat unfairly, a reputation for specializing in lightweight repertoire. This was partly due to specific repertoire choices, including their own Spanish works, but also the result of national stereotypes. Spanish music was widely considered to be light and undemanding, and this view extended to Spanish musicians. In 1890 Shaw referred to Albéniz as "the most distinguished and original of the pianists who confine themselves to the rose-gathering department of music",53 in reference to the supposedly frivolous nature of some of the repertoire he presented.54 An examination of Albéniz's concert programmes from this time belies this, revealing that alongside shorter works he played many substantial works from the German piano repertoire, often earning high praise for his interpretations. Beethoven Sonatas and arrangements of Wagner for the piano were regularly included in his programmes, and like Sarasate, he encountered in London the prejudice that Spanish, Latin or Southern European musicians could not satisfactorily interpret Germanic music. Albéniz continued to present diverse programmes to the London public although the weight of commentary continued to fall on his own Spanish pieces and so-called "light" repertoire.

52 Dramatic Review, 28 June 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 28. 53 George Bernard Shaw, World, 9 July 1890, 33-34. 54 Clark explains that here Shaw was "presumably alluding to his [Albéniz's] penchant for playing popular and accessible pieces." Clark, Albéniz, 77.

89 Albéniz's exotic appeal as a Spanish performer was heightened by comparisons with Bizet and London's continuing fascination with Carmen. In an article titled "Albéniz and Bizet" a London writer compares the composers' "Spanishness":

Albéniz, Bizet, "Carmen"—here is a beautiful example of the alphabet of music. There is an obvious connection between the popular and pretty pianist who gave another concert yesterday afternoon, and the opera [Carmen] which Mr. Harris kindly gave us in the evening at Covent Garden. Both are Spanish; the opera a great deal more so than the pianist. Both are good in their very different ways.55

This report illustrates the double bind Albéniz encountered in London: an intense interest in Spanish music from a public reluctant to change dearly held stereotypes.

Reviews and critical writings from this time show that public expectations of Spanish music were not always matched by the reality of Albéniz's style. Like Sarasate, Albéniz satisfied the audience craving for Spanish music with his own works. In London Albéniz wrote a number of his most popular and well-loved piano works, including the Deux Morceaux Caractéristiques (1889), Serenata espan"ola (1889), Granadina (1889) and the six piano pieces published under the title Espana (1890),56 pieces that displayed the influence of guitar music and the sound of flamenco. Albéniz identified himself with the Moorish history of Spain and claimed at times he was a descendant of the Moors.57

Albéniz's piano compositions were warmly received by London audiences, and were perceived as being superior to the works of Sarasate. Some critics appreciated the sophistication of his Spanish works and applauded the avoidance of cliché in his compositions:

Almost everything he writes has a Spanish flavour; though he has but rarely recourse to certain too familiar rhythms which have somehow got to be looked upon as thorough Spanish, though in many instances they are not Spanish at all. It is

ss Albéniz and Bizet,' Star, 10 Apr. 1891, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 63. 56 See Torres, Catdlogo. " Clark, Albéniz, 17.

90 interesting to hear Spanish music played by one who is "to the manner born," and 58 doubly so when the music is the composition of the player himself.

Albéniz's performances of the keyboard sonatas of (1685-1757) were regularly singled out for praise in the London press. Scarlatti lived in Spain and Portugal in the service of the royal families for much of his professional life and many of his more than 500 sonatas for the keyboard bear the strong imprint of Spanish music. They exerted a key influence on a number of late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Spanish composers, most notably the music of Granados and Falla.59 During the late nineteenth century there was also a revival of interest in the music of Scarlatti in England.

Albéniz played Scarlatti on the keyboard in his student years in Brussels where he entered the Royal Conservatoire in 1876.60 The influence of Scarlatti's works is heard throughout Albéniz's piano music, in the adaptation of guitaristic figurations and chords onto the keyboard. The use of pedal points, repeated note figures and the imitation of guitar strumming effects point to the influence of Scarlatti. Because of his nationality, Albéniz's playing of Scarlatti was watched closely by English critics: he was considered to be "one of the few who can play Scarlatti as he ought to be played."61 Even when presented in the context of a "long and varied programme", Albeniz's performances of Scarlatti stood out, as works "in the rendering of which he especially excels."62 His playing of Scarlatti, drew a backhanded compliment from Shaw: "His playing of harpsichord music is prodigiously swift and dainty; but it gives no gauge of his capacity for serious playing."63 Shaw's comment indicates lingering reservations about Albeniz's ability to tackle larger, more substantial works. Perhaps

" Dramatic Review, 28 June 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 28. The phrase "to the manner born" has a long history and appears in Shakespeare's Hamlet, Act 1 Scene iv. It was popular amongst Victorian writers and was used to refer to someone well suited to something, in this case Spanish music, by virtue of their upbringing or the culture they were born into. This phrase is used regularly in the press to describe Albéniz's performances. His impact as an authentic Spanish musician was magnified when he played his own Spanish-themed works. S9 On Granados and the influence of Scarlatti in his works see Maria-Alexandra Francou-Desrouchers, `Resituating Scarlatti in a Nationalist Context: Spanish Identity in the of Granados,' PhD diss., Schulich School of Music, McGill University, Montréal, Canada, 2009 and Clark, Enrique Granados, 114-115. 60 Clark, Albéniz, 37, 39. 61 Dramatic Review, 28 June 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 28. 62 Daily Graphic, 9 June, 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 6. 63 Shaw, London Music in 1888-89, 221

91 because of this and the ease and brilliance with which he played his own pieces and the keyboard Sonatas of Scarlatti, he was typecast as lacking the depth to tackle the major works from the mainly Germanic nineteenth-century piano repertoire. A review of his performance of Beethoven's so-called Moonlight Sonata op. 27 no. 2 pointed out what were generally believed to be his strengths and weaknesses:

He is not heard at his best in works which require much interpretative power. In a short piece by Scarlatti (which he played as an encore), and in two of his own graceful compositions, which came at the end of the programme, Senor Albéniz's delicate and refined style was heard to far greater advantage.TM

Two of the features of Albéniz's playing most commented upon were his tone and his ability to play softly, traits not necessarily expected of a Spanish performer. A writer in Bazaar observed,

His great excellence lies in the power to play softly—a capacity which is often wanting in executants nowadays...The sensational effects of the Liszt-Rubinstein School he never indulges in, being content with the cultivation of symmetrical execution and superlative beauty of tone 65

Shortly after he arrived in London, Albéniz looked to expand his performance opportunities and to tap into the general interest in Spanish music. To this end he organized a series of concerts in 1889 and 1890 showcasing his own compositions and music written by Spanish colleagues. In organizing these activities Albéniz went further than Sarasate or any other musician of this period in his promotion of Spanish music in London. This was a bold venture and the concerts were only moderately successful. A survey of reviews shows that there was a significant disparity between the current English expectations of Spanish music and some of the compositions chosen by Albéniz for these concerts.

In June 1889 the London press announced that Albéniz was planning to introduce Spanish music, old and new, at concerts in the capital. Reports that he had consulted

64 Saturday Review, 21 Feb, 1891, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 24. 65 Bazaar, 16 Feb 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 33.

92 rare manuscripts from the vaults of El Escorial added to the authenticity of the exercise. Along with a number of writers, the music critic for The Morning Post demonstrated an eagerness to hear:

A special programme of Spanish music which [Albéniz] will introduce to the public early in the new year. It will include works representing both ancient and modern masters. Mr. Albéniz has received permission from the Spanish government to copy, for the purpose of this concert, several important manuscripts in the library of the Escorial. Considering how little is know here of Spanish composers, this should be an interesting and instructive entertainment.66

At a concert given in July 1889 Albéniz played his own Sonata and the Rapsodia Espanola (1886) for two pianos.67 Spanish pieces by Albéniz's friend, the violinist Enrique Fernandez Arb6s (1863-1939), were also on the programme.68 Vanity Fair reviewed the concert and foreshadowed the introduction of works by Ruperto Chapi (1851-1909) and Tomas Breton (1850-1923) in future concerts. Albéniz was beginning to focus on promoting contemporary Spanish composers:

Spanish music of a higher order is to us almost an unknown quantity, and Senor Albéniz's recital on Wednesday was of the greatest interest, as the programme included several examples of the music of the Peninsula. The concert-giver was represented by a most interesting and cleverly written Sonata and an admirable Rhapsody for two pianos...The national element predominates in the latter composition, and the effect of melodies alternately sad and gay, interwoven in a masterly manner, is irresistible. The above remarks apply to the three Spanish pieces by Yermandos [sic] Arb6s for piano, violin, or `. These eminently characteristic compositions which are written in classical form, gain additional charm from the piquancy of the Spanish rhythms. Senor Arb6s, who is a favourite pupil of Joachim, and professor of the violin at the Madrid Conservatoire, is a composer of remarkable ability. When Senor Albéniz returns here, I hope he will introduce us to more works of Senor Arb6s, as well as of his compatriots Chapi and Bret6n.69

66 Morning Post, 25 June 1889, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 2. 67 The Rapsodia Espanola was originally written for piano and orchestra. See Torres, Catâlogo, 320- 322. Vanity Fair, 13 July 1889, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 2. 69 Ibid.

93 Albéniz would introduce works by both Chapi and Breton at concerts in November of the following year. As a preview to this venture, he presented a concert focused on his own works at the Steinway Hall in June 1890. Initially this was to have been an all-Albéniz programme, but due to difficulties in finding enough orchestral players, the promised Suite Espagnole was replaced by a selection of Sonatas by Scarlatti and some violin solos.70 Two of Albéniz's own works for piano and orchestra were very well received: the Concerto for piano and orchestra no. 1, in A minor (1887), and the Rapsodia Espan"ola. The Concerto was described as, "a work of some beauty and originality, orchestrated with much knowledge of effect, and calculated to display the soloist's best characteristics in a favourable light."71 The Rapsodia was deemed to be a more typically Spanish-sounding piece. The Times critic commented on "an abundance of local colour" in this work, 72 while it was described in Country Gentleman as, "a composition very characteristic of the national music, with the occasional introduction of and castanets."73 To some who had come to admire Albéniz's pianism and short Spanish compositions, it was a revelation to hear these more ambitious works. Vanity Fair placed him "amongst the leading composers of the day" and stated that he had "proved that Spain is a country which will have to be reckoned with musically."74 Albéniz's piano solos remained highlights of the programme and were described as "a suite of compositions for piano alone by Albéniz himself; brilliant works indeed—some of them so sparkling as to be almost intoxicating."75

Shortly after this triumph, Albéniz and the publicist N. Vert set about organizing two orchestral concerts. Vert, full name Narciso Vertigliano, was a well known artist manager who had represented Sarasate in the 1880s and helped organize some of

70 The Times reported, "Considerable variety was given to the recital of Seftor Albéniz at Steinway Hall on Tuesday afternoon by the employment of an orchestra of moderate size. The programme was to have consisted exclusively of compositions by the concert giver, but it was found impossible to obtain a sufficient number of players for the purely orchestral work announced, a "suite Espagnole," and accordingly the place this would have occupied was filled by a group of pieces by Scarlatti, played with all Sefior Albéniz's usual skill, and by violin solos played by M. Nachez." `Recent Concerts,' Times, 27 June 1890, 13. 71 `Recent Concerts,' Times, 27 June 1890, 13. 72 Ibid. n Country Gentleman, 28 June 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 28. 74 Vanity Fair, 28 June 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 26. 75 Dramatic Review, 28 June 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 28.

94 Albéniz's first appearances in London.76 The concerts were planned for 7 and 21 November 1890 at St. James' Hall and would showcase his own music and works by his countrymen Chapi and Breton. Organised and promoted on a much larger scale, orchestral players were carefully selected and Breton was engaged to conduct in his first London appearance. 77 Albéniz's enterprise enjoyed considerable support and numerous articles appeared in the press, often accompanied by lengthy biographies and portraits. It was widely advertised that this would be a chance to hear authentic Spanish music by some of Spain's most important composers. The programme for the event is reproduced in Figure 5:

76 Christopher Fifield, Ibbs and Tillet: The Rise and Fall of a Musical Empire (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 203. Vert also helped organize the first visits to London of Grieg and Busoni. 77 The Daily Telegraph wrote of Breton, "Mr. Breton comes to London expressly for this engagement, and will, it is understood, introduce examples of the Spanish school of music not known in this country. This should be very interesting." Daily Telegraph, 17 Oct. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 58.1. From the Daily News, "The orchestral concerts to be given by Senor Albéniz at St. James's Hall on 7 and 21 November promise to be of exceptional interest," Daily News, 31 Oct. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 60.

95 Figure 5. Programme for Albéniz's first London concert of Spanish Music. St. James's Hall, 7 November 1890.78 Programme Ruperto Chapl Moorish Fantasia "La Corte de Granada" I. Granada (March to the Tournament) II. Reverie III. Serenade IV. Finale

Mozart no. 26 in D (Coronation)

Schumann Piano Concerto in A

Tomas Breton Prelude to "Guzman el Bueno" En la Alhambra in Eb

Franz Liszt Hungarian Fantasia (piano and orchestra)

Isaac Albéniz Scherzo Rhapsodie Cubaine

Felipe Pedrell Cantique from the "Feast of Tibullus" Triumphal March

The concert ended with two pieces by Felipe Pedrell (1841-1922), a key figure in late nineteenth century Spanish musical nationalism and mentor to Albéniz, Falla and Enrique Granados (1867-1916).79 Unfortunately for Albéniz the concert was not a great success. Audience numbers were lower than expected and some of the Spanish

78 Morning Post, 10 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 78. 79 Harper, Manuel de Falla, 28.

96 works received a lukewarm reception. Added to this the programme was overly long, starting at Bpm and not finishing until 11.15pm.S0

Critical responses to the concert varied, but most writers agreed that there was a desire and a need to hear more Spanish music written by Spanish composers. The Daily News summed up the goodwill felt towards Albéniz and his enterprise:

Music by living Spanish masters was made a special feature of the programme, and thus the Spanish pianist not only paid a suitable compliment to his own country, where he rightly enjoys high popularity, but also permitted London amateurs to gain some experience of a school which has been hitherto been more or less neglected here. 81

Much of the negative commentary focused on Breton's Symphony in El). Breton and Albéniz had been friends since their student days in Madrid. The Symphony in Eb did not pretend to have any folk music influence or references to Spanish local colour and was composed when Breton was a student as an exercise in imitation of Beethoven's symphonic style, with particular reference to the Eroica Symphony. In press previews for the concert, Breton's work was described as a Spanish symphony and considered something of a novelty:

Spanish music in its most exalted form will present itself to London amateurs at the Albéniz concert, in St. James's Hall, this evening. Spanish Dances are familiar enough, but not often is the chance of hearing a Spanish Symphony presented. Mr. Breton's work of that class might have been written by a composer of any other country, but the programme contains a good deal of music essentially characteristic of the land where the Moors held sway.82

Albéniz had put together a programme showcasing the breadth of Spanish composition but also showcasing his pianistic virtuoso abilities as a performer of Mozart, Schumann and Liszt. Most English critics were mystified by the inclusion of Breton's symphony and Shaw was particularly savage:

8° St James' Gazette, 10 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 80. S1 Daily News, Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 62. 82 Daily Telegraph, 7 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 66.

97 Unfortunately the programme was insanely long, containing practically three , six orchestral movements, and a symphony by the conductor—an ingeniously horrible work, lasting forty-five minutes, full of what the programme...called syncopations, but which were in fact Procrustean torturings of two-four themes into three-four time.83

Surely the inclusion of such a work for an audience hungry for "authentic" Spanish music was a miscalculation? Perhaps it was, but just as Albéniz and Sarasate before him had resisted popular wisdom about Spanish performers, it seems that Albéniz was trying to establish Breton's credentials as a composer and to present a wide variety of Spanish compositional styles. The Daily News correspondent expressed some of the confusion surrounding the work:

His Symphony in E flat has nothing whatever of the Spanish element about it, and the audience—who were not let into the secret by any explanation of this matter in the official programme—must have felt some astonishment that almost from first to last it appeared to be a plain imitation of Beethoven and (particularly as to the first movement) of the "Eroica" symphony. We are, however, credibly informed that the resemblance was perfectly intentional. It seems that while still studying at Senor Breton wrote, merely as "exercises," two , one in the style of Mozart and the other of early Beethoven. The fact being avowed, no charge of plagarism can of course even be suggested...It is, however, a pity that such a work was introduced into a programme more or less Spanish.84

Pedro Morales, writing over thirty years later in A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians, noted that Breton's contributions to Spanish music through works for the concert hall, and opera, were unequalled.85 He also mentioned the reaction to the Symphony in Eb from the 1890 concert and reported: "one of the leading critics advised him to abandon the imitation of the classics and devote his talents to the music of his country. Breton took the hint in the right spirit."86

ß3 World, 12 Nov. 1890, 74. ß4 Daily News, Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 62. 85 Pedro Garcia Morales, `Breton, Tomas,' A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians, ed. A. Eaglefield-Hull (London: Dent, 1924), 60. 86 Ibid.

98 Two works on the programme, Breton's En la Alhambra (1888) and Chapi's Moorish fantasy Los gnomos de la Alhambra (1889), were representative of the Spanish Alhambrist movement.ß7 In Spain this movement was characterised by nostalgic representations of the Alhambra and Moorish themes.

Breton's En la Alhambra and the Prelude to his opera Guzman el Bueno (1876) were more favourably received than the Symphony in E1 :

It is a fact that Senor Breton's talents as a composer were displayed to infinitely better advantage in two less pretentious pieces—the one a delicious and quite characteristic little serenade entitled "En la Alhambra," and the other a prelude which commences some of the principal melodies in his opera "Guzman el Bueno.sS8

First performed in Madrid in 1888, En la Alhambra is one of the most attractive pieces to come out of the Alhambrist movement in Spain, and London critics celebrated the hints of Spanish colour to be found in the piece. The work is clearly influenced by Breton's study of French composers, particularly the orchestration of 's (1841-1894) Espana (1883). This piece came closer to matching the expectations generated by the publicity for this concert, leading one critic to claim he heard echoes of the Moors in it: "Far better was a serenade, In the Alhambra (the Alhambra of Granada, and not, of course, that of Square), in which the characteristics of Moorish music were strongly apparent."89

Breton's ability was universally praised. The orchestra is reported to have played well despite the large programme and a number of critics wrote of their hope that he would soon return to London as a conductor. However, stereotypes based on national characteristics persisted as seen in the Daily Graphic's assessment that

S7 According to Ramon Sobrino, "The most representative work [of Spanish Alhambrism] is...En la Alhambra, serenata by Breton." Ramon Sobrino, `Introduction,' Mûsica Sinf6nica Alhambrista (Madrid: ICCMU, 1992), xvi. In his discussion of the Alhambrist movement Sobrino writes, "More than a fully-developed stylistic entity, Alhambrismo in nineteenth-century music was a fashion, a type of `sound' which can be linked with a pictorialist tendency and the recreation of the mood of Spanish music of the first half of the nineteenth century", Sobrino, Mûsica Slnfonica Alhambrista, xv. 88 Daily News, Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 62. 89 Figaro, 8 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 68.

99 Breton's conducting lacked the "animation and impetuosity one associates with a Southerner."90

Of all the works on this programme, Chapi's Los gnomos de la Alhambra in four movements elicited the most polarised views. Referred to in the English press as a Moorish Fantasy or symphony, the colourful and vibrant orchestration was acknowledged, however, the work was judged by some to be a mere novelty piece, unworthy of the concert platform. While The St. James' Gazette reported, "The Moorish Symphony by Senor Chapi, which stood first in the programme, is full of Spanish and Oriental colour",91 more numerous were the voices mocking the vulgar and showy orchestration and extrovert nature of Chapi's score. The Figaro correspondent observed,

In regard to Mr. Chapi, his Moorish fantasia, the "Court of Granada," contains a barbaric march, a long-drawn-out "Reverie," a flimsy serenade, which for some reason was repeated, and a finale. The fantasia partakes, to a certain extent, of the character of Eastern music, but it is wholly unsuited for a classical programme at St. James's Ha11.92

The audience were no doubt feeling generous at the beginning of the concert, which may account for the encore of the Serenade movement. Most reviewers were not so enthusiastic, particularly the writer for The Pall Mall Gazette who recognised the piece as a curio but could find no redeeming features in this music:

The novelty of the evening came first on the programme—a "Moorish Fantasia" by Ruperto Chapi...The composer devoted himself at an early age, as an executant, to the -a-pistons...the entire composition bears the taint of this blatant instrument...It is cheap, trashy noise, hardly worthy of the sacred name of music.93

90 Daily Graphic, 10 Nov.1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 74. 91 St. James' Gazette, 10 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 80. 92 Figaro, 8 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 68. 93 Pall Mall Gazette, 8 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 70.

100 Likeminded critics criticised the "sheer tea-garden blatancy" of the finale, or compared it to "circus music."94 Some writers looked in vain for Moorish elements in these works and blamed their inability to find any on a lack of familiarity with the style: "The whole is supposed to be written in the Moorish style, but the knowledge of that style among English hearers is more limited than the acquaintance with Spanish music, and much must be taken on faith."95

The programme for this concert provoked varied reactions from disappointment, to interest, to reflections on the state of contemporary Spanish music. Thwarted in his anticipation of a piece that evoked the sound world of Carmen or Chabrier's Espana, the Daily Graphic's critic was dismissive:

Those who looked forward to a feast of national music, rich in piquant rhythms and characteristic melody, must have been sorely disappointed. After all, national music is not always created by native musicians. The best exponents of Hungarian music are the gypsies, and similarly Bizet...has given us a truer musical picture of the life of the Peninsula than any of the composers represented last night.96

His colleague at the Morning Post concurred, declaring that the Spanish programme provided evidence that "now, as in times past, there is no distinguishing school of Spanish music."97 The critic of the Daily Telegraph was much more supportive of the whole venture, although he too referred to Bizet's Carmen as the standard by which Spanish music was measured. He admitted that English audiences needed to be educated about Spanish music:

Acquaintance with Spanish music, apart from dance measures, is practically limited, indeed, to a few works introduced by Mr. Sarasate and to the admirable imitations of it found in "Carmen." The Albéniz concerts are certain to amend this state of things somewhat, and, it may be, prove that the present development of music in Spain deserves to be taken into account as a distinct feature connected with European art.98

94 Daily Graphic, 10 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 74; Referee, Nov. 9 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 72. Morning Post, 10 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 78. 95 9697 Daily Graphic, 10 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 74. Morning Post, 10 Nov. 1890. Albéniz 98 Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 78. Daily Telegraph, 10 Nov. 1890. Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 76.

101 Other critics pondered on whether Spanish musicians had learnt how to integrate the characteristic features of Spanish music into the recognised classical forms such as the concerto or symphony. Albéniz and Breton must have hoped that the Symphony in Eb would be an interesting companion piece to Breton's other, more characteristically Spanish, works in the programme and would illustrate Breton's credentials as a serious composer. The result, however, was a misunderstanding about the nature of Spanish music. In the Athenaeum, a writer asked whether,

Native composers have yet appeared capable of engrafting the characteristics of Spanish music on to the higher forms of composition—a process the equivalent of which has been accomplished successfully by musicians of genius in Poland, Hungary, and Bohemia. The concert of Friday last week left this question unanswered, for the works by composers of the Iberian peninsula were least characteristic where they were most entitled to consideration as abstract music.99

Questions were asked about the motivations of Vert, the promoter of this concert. Some critics felt that he was exploiting Albéniz:

I don't think Senor Albéniz is likely to be very successful in his endeavour to popularise Spanish instrumental music. It is said that the clever pianist is being exploited by an enthusiastic capitalist, and the statement is credible, for no ordinary concert agent would waste hundreds of pounds in advertisements, and also smother St. James's Hall with programmes.10°

Lessons were learnt from this first concert and the second, on 21 November was shorter and the music more accessible, including works by Scarlatti, Chopin and Weber in addition to Spanish works by Albéniz and Breton. Curiously, the concert opened with a Wagnerian style Dramatic Overture penned by the young English composer Arthur Hervey (1855-1922) who conducted the orchestra for this concert. The programme is reproduced in Figure 6:

99 Athenaeum, 15 Nov. 1890. Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 86. w° Modern Society, 15 Nov. 1890. Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 94.

102 Figure 6. Programme for Albéniz's second London concert of Spanish Music. St. James's Hall, 21 Nov 1890. 1°1

Programme

Part 1 Arthur Hervey Dramatic overture for orchestra

Isaac Albéniz Concerto Fantastique (piano and orch.)

Isaac Albéniz Piano solos: —Scherzino "Reves"—Champagne Valse

Isaac Albéniz Orchestra: Idyll, Serenade— Rhapsodie Cubaine

Part 2 Tomas Breton Orchestra: prelude from the Opera, Gli Amanti di Teruel Scherzo from Trio

Scarlatti Piano solos: Toccata—Sonata

Weber-Tausig Invitation a

Chopin Andante Spianato et Grand Polonaise (piano and orchestra)

Breton Zapateado (Spanish Dance)

The audience for this concert was larger and more enthusiastic than for the concert two weeks earlier and the critical reception focused more on Albéniz's own pieces

1°t `Serfor Albéniz's Second Grand Orchestral Concert,' Musical Star, 29 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 120.

103 and his talent as a performer than his compositional skill. Albéniz was clearly the main protagonist and his playing was applauded, however, the level of orchestral playing was of a lower standard:

Senor Breton and a scratch orchestra somewhat distract the attention from that which is edifying in the pianist to that which is ambitiously unsuccessful in the orchestra. We must confess also to a feeling that Senor Albéniz is more successful as an interpreter than as a composer, the works from his pen last night being less acceptable than his work on the pianoforte. His compositions are no more inspired than his pianism, but they are less technically skilled.102

Elsewhere Albéniz's compositions were praised for their Spanish character. Particularly well received were his piano works:

Some of the chief characteristics of Spanish music are introduced in these works, which met with a very enthusiastic reception from the audience. Three solos for the pianoforte, composed and played by Senor Albéniz, proved specially attractive, graceful in style, and containing much that is original and artistic. These pieces gave the audience great pleasure, and the pianist was enthusiastically encored.'°3

The critic in The Era was also taken with Breton's works and praised their "freshness and novelty."'"

However, there was far from universal admiration for these works. The Musical Star's critic wrote that Albéniz's concerto was an "agreeable, if not a forcible work", and that his solos were "too much in the drawing-room style for a concert-room."1°5 Curiously, in the same review, the Rapsodia Cubana (1881) was said to have "failed to satisfy strict connoisseurs.s106 As Clark has noted, it is hard to imagine how many English connoisseurs of Cuban Rhapsodies there were in London at that time.107 This reviewer did find more to admire in Breton's works and stated that his works had

102 Pall Mall Gazette, 22 Nov. 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 100. 103 Era, 29 Nov 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 138. 1°4 Ibid. '°5 Musical Star, 29 Nov 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 120. '°6lbid. 107 Clark, Albéniz, 81, fn 29.

104 "unquestionable merit in the modern sense."108 In this instance Breton had contributed an operatic overture and a Zapateado which came closer to the audience's expectation of rhythmic and colourful dance-inspired Spanish music.

The readership of the Pictorial World were used to having their concert reviews mixed with snippets of gossip and comedy, and the review of Albéniz's second concert lived up to this formula. In a biting twist, the writer compared Spanish musical culture with a fictional character from the novels of Charles Dickens:

There is no distinctive school of musical art belonging to the [Spanish] nation, and...its music is but a pale reflection of French art or German thought. Even the rising English school of art, which is now assuming definite form and shape, has more individuality of style than so-called Spanish music. It has gone out of use—if it ever was to the fore—with Cordovan leather and liquorice, or Baracco juice. Spain has been called the Mrs. Harris of nations, and, as far as its artistic music is concerned, it may be said, with Mrs. Gamp, "we don't believe there ain't never no such thing.s109

Sarah Gamp was a popular character from Dicken's novel The Life and Adventures of Martin Chuzzlewit (1843-1844). A hopeless alcoholic, she was often heard in extended conversations with her imaginary friend Mrs Harris. At this time, English composers, like their Spanish counterparts, were grappling with issues of identity and national style.

By contrast, the Daily Chronicle reviewer was at least interested in hearing more Spanish works, however, the tone was not overly enthusiastic,

For several generations Spain is supposed to have been in the back ground in the matter of high-class music, but after what we have heard of late at St. James's Hall through the medium of Mr. N. Vert, we begin to be doubtful respecting the truth of the imputation. It is quite possible that other nations have been wilfully blind as well

108 Musical Star, 29 Nov 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 120. 109 Pictorial World, 22 Nov 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 138.

105 as deaf to the labours of Spanish musicians. At all events Senor Albéniz's concerts have demonstrated that it would be judicious to extend inquiries in this direction."°

The conductor Hervey, whose Dramatic Overture opened the concert, took the unusual step of writing a review of the concert for Vanity Fair. It was clearly partisan and overwhelmingly positive in relation to Albéniz, without any of the uncertainty or disappointment present in the other reviews,

The largeness of the audience...is a proof of the hold that this artist has been gradually acquiring over the public. This is all the more flattering, considering the comparatively short time in which it has been accomplished...Senor Albéniz may well inscribe upon his escutcheon the words, "Veni, vidi, vici"; and I am sure that everyone will be glad to hear that he has elected to make London his own. His two orchestral concerts have been interesting in many ways, and have the means of directing public attention to the present school of Spanish composers. It is of the highest degree of importance for the progress of art in this country that we should be kept au courant with the musical doings of other nations. "'

Hervey declared that Albéniz's Concierto Fantéstico for piano and orchestra "should undoubtedly find a permanent place in the repertoire of pianists" and he responded to the exotic elements of the score, "Listen to the Rhapsodie Cubaine, with its peculiar Southern colouring, and visions of a land where flourish the platanes, where love- birds make the air alive with their melodious chirpings, and beautiful creoles languidly recline in their hammocks, will unfailingly come to your mind."112

By 1891 Albéniz was clearly an established and respected presence on the London scene and he maintained a busy performing schedule, as indicated in the society magazine Queen:

Few instrumentalists have been more prominently before the public latterly than Senor Albéniz, whose portrait we give, for scarcely a week passes without

11° Daily Chronicle, 22 Nov 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 98. Ill Vanity Fair, 29 Nov 1890, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 128. 12 lbid. Torres notes that the Concierto Fantâstico is the same work as the Concerto for piano and orchestra No. 1, in A minor (1887). Torres, Catâlogo, 175.

106 opportunity offering itself of hearing the artist at some one of our many London concerts, where his efforts are invariably received with favour and appreciation.'13

After 1891 Albéniz's concerts in London would be less frequent, as composition for the theatre became his first priority, beginning with the light opera The Magic Opal written in 1892 to a libretto by Arthur Law. According to Morales, Albéniz had originally agreed to co-write the music for The Magic Opal with his friend Arbos, who shortly thereafter withdrew from the project.114 The Magic Opal ran from 19 January 1893 until 4 March at the Lyric Theatre resulting in forty-four performances.115 The work was presented in two acts: an Overture and twelve numbers followed by an intermezzo and eleven items. Spanish colour was included in the second act with a Ballet scene which featured the Spanish dancer Candida. Three significant musical items in The Magic Opal were pre-existing Albéniz compositions: the Overture is the same as "En la Aldea", the first of Albéniz's Escenas Sinfônicas for orchestra, premiered under the baton of Breton in Madrid in March 1889. The Intermezzo came from the earlier Serenata Arabe, written between 1884-1885, and the music for the Ballet from the Rapsodia Cubana, premiered in Cuba.116 All three of these pre-existing works were highly evocative Spanish character pieces and lent the work a distinctly Spanish flavour.

The story of The Magic Opal is set in Greece, with exotic themes and characters, including bandits, woven into the story. The Spanish colouring of some of Albéniz's music conveyed a generic Mediterranean atmosphere to the English audience. The plot concerns an opal ring which gives the wearer magical powers, so that the first person of the opposite sex to touch the wearer of the ring falls deeply in love with them. The remainder of the story is a complicated mixture of plotlines featuring the cunning and humorous manipulation of the ring and its powers.117

1t3 Queen, 11 Apr. 1891, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 65. 114 See Morales, `Albéniz.' Arbbs claimed that he had a hand in writing two numbers. See Torres, Catâlogo, 110. 115 Torres, Cathlogo, 102. 116 Ibid., 103. 117 See Clark, Albéniz, 85-92, for a summary of the plot.

107 The Spanish elements of Albéniz' music for The Magic Opal,' 1 s particularly in the Overture, Intermezzo and Ballet sections, evinced the almost obligatory comparisons with Bizet's Carmen: "The name of Bizet will also arise to the mind, and several pages of the present work could well have been signed by the composer of `Carmen' ""9

The initial reviews for The Magic Opal were largely positive. Albéniz was at the height of his popularity and a successful run was widely predicted, however, Law's libretto was widely criticised. The central theme was already very familiar to audiences and The Star's critic lamented, "Are we not heartily tired of the love charm which gets administered to the wrong people?"12° Most critics judged that the music was far more successful than the libretto,

Were the libretto supplied by Mr. Arthur Law as good as it might well have been, this new production would rank as one of the most successful of comic operas heard within recent years. There is much originality in its music, and a freshness of treatment that is very acceptable is apparent throughout the score...Even in its present shape, the opera bids fair for a long and prosperous run—a fate it well deserves. thanks to the delightful art of Senor Albéniz, for whose music there can be nothing but recommendation.121

Some commentators wondered why a celebrated concert performer and composer of piano pieces would write such a work. The critic of The Musical Times lamented the fact that Albéniz was working in lower forms of music theatre and observed, "The gifted Spanish pianist can write strains of a higher class than shop ballads and dance tunes."22 However, the crossing of genres was not uncommon in London at this

118 Rhythms based on Spanish folk styles, typical syncopations and the use of modes associated with southern Spanish music. 19 Morning Post, 28 Feb 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.2, 122.1. 120 Star, 20 Jan. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 202.1. 121 Stage London, 26 Jan. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 186.1. 122 The Musical Times review continued, "His melodies, if not invariably original, are certainly always refined; his part-writing and orchestration show the hand of a true musician; and the pleasant Spanish colouring in many of the numbers is not found incongruous, though the scene of the opera is laid in Greece. We hope in due course to welcome Mr. Albéniz in the ranks of those who contribute to the more enduring forms of lyric drama—ranks by no means too well filled at present." `Lyric Theatre,' Musical Times and Singing Class Circular 34, no. 600 (1 Feb. 1893): 91.

108 time,123 and Albéniz's musical ideas and orchestration were recognised as being a cut above the usual quality of comic opera.'24

The lyrics to the love-duet "Little Bird" (act 2, no. 19) from The Magic Opal illustrate the mismatch between Albéniz's music and Law's lightweight libretto. The protagonists of this duet were Carambollas and Olympia, played by two favourites of the London stage, Harry Monkhouse and Susie Vaughan. The character of Carambollas is the pompous mayor of the Geek town of Karakatol and Olympia is an elderly spinster, who successfully pursues the magic ring. This duet was one of the most successful items of the opera.125 The lyrics were reproduced in a review in Paddock Life because it was an "excellent skit on the love-duet of serious opera."126

Olympia: Dicky bird, dicky bird, twitter your lay!- Carambollas: Come, then, sweet birdie, come hither I pray. Olympia: Sing it, oh sing it to poor little me. Carambollas: This is the song I would warble to thee:- Ducky-darling, sweety-meaty, kissy-missy-me, Nicey-picey, periwinkle, tickle-ickle-ee, Lovey-dovey, rosey-posy, oh kernoodle do, Popsy-wopsy, kicksy-wicksy, winky-pinky-pool 127

123 From the Bazaar, "Comic opera seems to offer increasing attractions to all classes of composers. Not only the writers of professedly , such as Planquette and others, but even musicians whom one is accustomed to associate with the severer walks of the art, appear with one accord to be essaying it. Senor Albéniz, who is best known to the London public as a very admirable pianist and the exponent of classical compositions on his favourite instrument, has for a while deserted Beethoven and Mozart and come forward as a composer for the comic-opera stage." Bazaar, 25 Jan. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 194.2. '24 Bazaar noted, "The music from Senor Albéniz's pen is of an essentially superior style. Replete with pure and graceful melody, it does not leave any frothy impression on the mind, but satisfies the musical sense almost as completely as the light works of the Italian lyric stage. Part of this unusual impressiveness is certainly due to the able manner in which the piece is scored. In this respect Senor Albéniz has set an example which deserves to be followed. He scores his work as carefully and as elaborately as if it were some serious composition intended for Covent Garden rather than the Lyric." Ibid. 125 Torres, Carcilogo, 100. Torres lists it as number 19 of the opera's 24 numbers. 126 Paddock Life, 14 Feb. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.2, 94.1. 'z7 Ibid.

109 Little wonder that Albéniz had some trouble setting the English text!128 The actors played this duet as a spoof, adding in comic touches of their own,

"Little bird" was given in so exquisitely droll a manner by Mr. Monkhouse and Miss Vaughan, that the audience insisted upon its repetition, and we shall not be surprised to learn that it has become one of the great features in the opera. The fairy-like dance and toe-solo indulged in by Mr. Monkhouse at its conclusion convulsed the audience. In this Miss Vaughan also did work of a most amusing nature.129

The forms of comic opera and burlesque were in flux at this time as the popularity of comic opera was declining and writers were desperately trying to breathe life into a 13° tired form. The libretto for The Magic Opal combines elements of burlesque and light comic opera, whilst Albéniz's music moves between light opera, comic opera and even style. A critic in the Lady questioned whether this mix could ever work successfully:

Comic opera like most things just now, appears to be in a transitive state, one of complete uncertainty, and this is exemplified by "The Magic Opal." It is called, with equal justness, either light opera or comic opera. As a matter of fact, the composer has chosen to attempt a compromise between both styles, and, moreover, has made several departures into the field of grand opera. Whether such a course is exactly a wise one is doubtful.131

Changing tastes were partly responsible for the decline in popularity of comic opera, but increasing costs were also a factor. As the following extract from the Truth illustrates, it was no longer possible to let a work run for three months at a loss while it built up and audience,

128"You are reminded here and there that he is not an Englishman, and has therefore handled an occasional line awkwardly, and he is much more at home with the orchestra than which the chorus." Star, 20 Jan. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 202.1. 129 Stage, 26 Jan. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 186.1. 130 The English manager of the Gaiety Theatre led the move away from burlesque and comic opera to musical comedy. Richard Traubner notes the effect of the new musical comedies such as The Shop Girl (1894), "Edwardes had effected a change that hit much of Europe in the 1890s, when the public clamoured more for modern-dress stories than for satiric or burlesque plots." Richard Traubner, Operetta: A Theatrical History (New York: Routledge, 2003), 198. See also Jeffrey Richards, Imperialism and Music: Britain 1876-1953 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), 261-2. 131 Lady, 3 Feb. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.2, 62.

110 When a pretty and artistic work like Senor Albéniz' "Magic Opal," despite tasteful mounting and a capital cast, cannot attain to a career of more than seven weeks, and when almost every light opera theatre in London is preparing for a change of bill, it is obvious that something is wrong. It may, of course, be that the making fashionable of the music halls has done most of the mischief...Or it may be that the cost of producing and casting a "comic" opera is so high that nothing but a succession of nearly full houses will pay a manager...I am authoritatively informed that the expenses of "The Magic Opal" exceed £720 a week. The theatre, if every seat were occupied (which even at the best houses they never are), would hold about £1,800 a week, so that there should at any rate be an ample margin for profit, if the audience only half filled the house every night...Indeed the expenses are now so heavy that no comic opera manager could afford, as Henderson more than once did in the old days, to run a piece at a loss, hoping that two or three months later the business could be worked up. Henderson did not pay a third of the salaries for which entrepreneurs are now called upon.132

In the 1890s the inclusion of dance or ballet scenes was commonplace in both high and low forms of opera and a Spanish dancer named Candida was engaged to perform a ballet scene in The Magic Opal. This will be discussed further in the section on Spanish dance in Chapter 4.

After its initial London season ended, The Magic Opal was revised and retitled as The Magic Ring. Albéniz wrote three new pieces to replace existing items and some numbers were deleted.133 The story was modified, and a new writer, Brandon Thomas, was brought in to revise the libretto. Albéniz conducted the revised version at the Prince of Wales Theatre for the first time on 11 April 1893. The Magic Ring was less successful than its predecessor and ran for only thirty-seven performances, ending on 19 May. The changes made by Albéniz and Thomas were unable to disguise the weaknesses of the original:

The incongruities which marred the piece on its first production are as glaring as ever; the two low-comedy merchants treat it a la burlesque, and although the action

12 Truth, 23 Feb. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 182.2. 133 See Torres, Cattilogo, 110-112 for details of the changes made by Albéniz.

111 takes place in Greece, introduces all kinds of Cockney wheezes. The music of "The Magic Ring" is much too characteristic and serious to be wedded to these meaningless gags.'34

Shortly after the demise of The Magic Ring, Albéniz was involved in London performances of a musical comedy called Poor Jonathon. This was a German musical comedy with music by Karl Millöcker (1842-1899). For London performances in June 1893 the work was adapted by Charles Brookfield with the addition of songs and instrumental pieces by Albéniz, who also conducted the performances.

As we have seen in the example of The Magic Opal, the 1890s was a period of swift transition for genres such as burlesque and comic opera. Poor Jonathon was a prime illustration of the emerging genre of musical comedy. The Standard's critic explained the effect of these changes:

A short time since comic opera of a conventional pattern was to be heard in all directions; but the thing was apparently overdone. That taste died out, and for the present has been supplanted by what is called "musical comedy;" the bright attire of the recognised type of comic opera is done away with in favour of unpicturesque modern dress, and the plays approach mainly to what are known as "variety entertainments." Of this new fashion Poor Jonathon is an example.'35

Burlesque and musical comedy shared a fondness for topical references. The Era's review listed some of the themes that were "worked over" in Poor Jonathon:

In regard to being "up to date," a consideration highly prized in these light pieces, Poor Jonathon may claim to be not an hour behind in discussing the latest topics, Ibsen, bogus companies, divorce, speculation, the latest scandal, and the chit-chat of the clubs, fashions, the opera, woman's rights, and female colleges are among the subjects gaily satirised in music, speech, or humorous stage business.'36

134 St. James' Gazette, 14 Apr. 1893. Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 178. 135 Standard, 16 June 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 71. ►36 Era, 17 June 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 202.1.

112 While viewed as a variety entertainment of dubious artistic merit, The Standard did not preclude its success,

The result [is] apparently quite to the taste of audiences, if that of last night is to be accepted as fairly representative. That there is anything very brilliant or witty about Poor Jonathan cannot be said. Mr. Brookfield has clearly done his best with a somewhat unpromising theme; for at least one moment a species of sentimental love interest is suggested, and at another preposterous is put forward; but there are some amusing sketches of character, some tuneful music, and some capital dancing, and, as two or three somewhat similar pieces have been successful of late, the same prospect should attend this.137

Albéniz was still a favourite of the critics. As with The Magic Opal, his music was regularly singled out for praise:

Senor Albéniz's music, for instance, is nearly always delightfully charming and graceful, and more than once he gives us some real comedy in his orchestration; indeed, his share always stands well the test of comparison with Millöcker, who is answerable for the remainder.138

This work was even further removed from serious music than The Magic Opal and again questions were raised about Albéniz' involvement. He must have seemed oddly out of place and the Daily Graphic expressed some sympathy for him,

After witnessing a performance of this "musical comedy," however, we are inclined to think that Senor Albéniz, and not Herr Millocker, is the more to be pittied. The additions to the score for which which the Spanish composer is responsible are in nearly every instance superior in construction, charm, and elegance to the work of the original composer.139

The question of competing musical styles was also raised by the Morning Post,

17 Standard, 16 June 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 71. 138 Morning Leader, 16 June 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 71. 139 Daily Graphic, 19 June 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 170.

113 Senor Albéniz, who conducted the piece, has added to the music of Millocker some graceful compositions of his own beautifully scored for the orchestra and full of charming effects. These were, it must be confessed, almost too artistic in style and idea for the somewhat flimsy plot and eccentric situations.14°

Poor Jonathon was performed in this version fourteen times between June 15 and 30 1893.141

Albéniz left London for Spain in 1893 but maintained the contacts he had made 142 during his time in London. He had attracted the attention of the wealthy businessman Francis Money-Coutts who became his patron and commissioned Albéniz to write a series of operas for which he would supply the libretti.143 The first of these was the opera Henry Clifford, on which Albéniz started work in London in 1893 and continued to compose in Barcelona and Paris where the work was completed in 1895.144 The work followed the fortunes of a soldier during the War of the Roses. Henry Clifford received only five performances in Barcelona in 1895 and was not performed again in Albéniz's lifetime. Money-Coutts and Albéniz also collaborated on the opera Pepita Jiménez (1896), based on Juan Valera's 1874 novel of the same name,145 and Merlin (1902), part of a projected Arthurian trilogy.146 Neither opera was a success and there were no English performances in Albéniz's lifetime.147 His lasting fame and influence on Spanish and French music can be attributed to the success of his piano suite Iberia; and the introduction of these works to London audiences by John Singer Sargent (1856-1925) and Percy Grainger will be discussed in Chapter 5.

Sarasate and Albéniz were two of the most significant Spanish musicians active in Europe in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. They were both multi-

14° Morning Post, 19 June 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.1, 194.1. '41 Tones, Catdlogo, 115. '42 According to Clark Albéniz decided to leave London in the autumn of 1893 and eventually settled in Paris sometime before August 1894. Clark, Albéniz, 109. 143 Clark provides a detailed discussion of the relationship between Money-Coutts and Albéniz. Ibid., 102-108. 144 Ibid., 109 and 125. 145 Ibid., 136-177. 146 The three operas were to be Merlin, Launcelot and Guenevere, based on the fifteenth century romance written by Sir Thomas Malory. Clark examines the influence of Wagner on Albéniz in the writing of Merlin. Ibid., 178-189. 147 The first performance of Merlin was in Barcelona in December 1950. Ibid., 269.

114 dimensional figures who, in some respects, were considered quintessential Spanish musicians, yet in other ways challenged and expanded the English appreciation of Spanish music. Through a range of activities, Sarasate and Albeniz helped to loosen the shackles that had previously tied Spanish music to early nineteenth century exotic clichés.

115 Chapter 4: Estudiantinas and Spanish dancers as popular entertainment in fin-de-siècle London

Chapters 2 and 3 of this thesis focused on the reception of Spanish music and dance in opera, ballet and the concert hall. Equally important for the dissemination of Spanish stereotypes were forms of entertainment popular in Victorian London, as featured in the increasingly fashionable music halls. Variety theatres and music halls reached a peak of popularity in the 1880s and several new theatres were opened or upgraded.' This expansion coincided with a new wave of Spanish musicians and dancers who arrived in London and performed in a variety of popular entertainments. Among the most successful visitors to England during this period were the Estudiantinas, or Spanish students, and their unique brand of Spanish music featuring plucked string instruments. The Estudiantinas introduced a new type of Spanish music, which was closely linked to the subsequent proliferation of the guitar as both a folk and concert instrument.

In the realm of dance, a new style performed by Spaniards and incorporating elements of flamenco began to make a mark in London in the 1890s. Spanish dancers were regularly accompanied by Estudiantinas as they performed in the music halls and theatres of London. La Belle Otero was the main exponent of this new dance style in London at the same time as her inspiration Carmencita impressed audiences in New York, and both dancers were considered to be the epitome of the Carmen character.2 The links between Spanish dance and Carmen were maintained into the Edwardian era with the presentation of Carmen as a very successful ballet.

1 J. S. Bratton, Music Hall: Performance & Style (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1986) x. The Empire of Leicester Square opened its doors in April 1884, the London Pavillion was rebuilt in 1885 and the Alhambra reopened as a theatre in 1883 after a fire that gutted the building in 1882. See also Alexandra Carter, Dance and Dancers in the Victorian and Edwardian Music Hall Ballet (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005) 1-28. 2 Carmencita (1868-1899) was born Carmen Dauset Moreno in Almeria, Spain. For information on her life and career, see Navarro Garcia and Navarro, Carmencita Dauset. Otero's full name was Augustina Carolina Otero (1868-1965) and she was born in the village of Valga in Galicia.

116 Estudiantinas and spectacle in Victorian London A performing troupe of Spanish students, known as an Estudiantina, arrived in Paris in March 1878 for the annual Carnival. They played in the streets to great acclaim and news of their success was widely reported abroad.3 The Estudiantina revived the vogue for Spain, with its exotic Renaissance student costumes and distinctly Iberian ensemble predominantly featuring plucked strings. After further success at the Paris Exposition Universelle in 1878, professional Estudiantinas formed and toured extensively throughout Europe and the Americas into the early twentieth century. The first Estudiantinas reached London in the summer of 1879 where they had an enduring impact on perceptions of Spanish music and dance.

There were two key historical precedents for the Estudiantina revival of 1878: the centuries old tradition of Spanish university student groups and the folk-based Spanish plucked string ensembles known as .4 The modern Estudiantina movement borrowed heavily from these two models. When the Spanish students first played in Paris they performed mainly outdoors and en masse (around 50 performers), reinforcing commonly held stereotypes about Spanish musicians performing outdoor serenades.

The musical instruments featured in these groups were the Spanish steel string instruments the and the laud, s Played with plectra, these instruments are similar in range and sound to the mandolin and the , although tuned in fourths and with a flat-backed construction. Guitars were an integral element of these groups and provided chordal accompaniment, bass lines and inner voices. Violin and percussion completed the ensemble, including at times massed singing by the instrumentalists.

3 The Daily News reported from Paris, "The Spanish students, whose appearance in the streets in the costume of Salamanca collegians of the 16t century is the great event of this Carnaval." Daily News, 4 Mar. 1878. 4 For background to the history of the Estudiantinas and Rondallas in Spain see Felix M° Martin Martinez and José M° Ovies Alonso, `Estudiantina [, tuna)' in Diccionario de la Mzisica Espanola e Hispanoamericana, ed. Emilio Casares (Madrid: SGAE, 1999). s Pepe Rey, `Bandurria,' Diccionario de la Musica Espanola e Hispanoamericana, ed. Emilio Casares (Madrid: SGAE, 1999) and Pepe Rey, `Laùd,' Ibid.

117 Figure 7. The Spanish Estudiantina in Paris, 1878.6

Many nineteenth-century Spanish zarzuela composers evoked the sound of the Estudiantina in their works.? The "Jota de los Estudiantes" from the zarzuela El Barberillo de Lavapiés (1874) by Spanish composer Francisco Barbieri (1823-1894) interpolates the traditional Estudiantina ensemble into a typical zarzuela orchestra and provides an aural snapshot of these groups in Spain in the 1870s. Barbieri played an important role in the zarzuela revival of the 1850s and 1860s and had begun his musical life as a folk musician and skilled performer on the bandurria.8 In the "Jota de los Estudiantes" he utilized the traditional Estudiantina line up of laird, bandurria and guitar to great effect (see Example 4).

6 Le Monde Illustré, 16 Mar. 1878. For example, Francisco Asenjo Barbieri in Pan y Toros, A. Vives in Dona Francisquita and F. Alonso in La Linda tapada. Martin Martinez and Ovies Alonso, `Estudiantina [rondalla, tuna],' 837. 8 Paul Sparks, The Classical Mandolin, 24.

118 Example 4. Francisco Barbieri, bandurria, laud and guitar parts, "Jota de los Estudiantes," El Barberillo de Lavapiés, act 1, no. 6, ms.23-29.9

When the Spanish students first performed in London during the summer of 1879, they appeared in a range of venues, from the rose show at the Crystal Palace to a season of twelve performances at the Alhambra Theatre. The timing of their arrival was fortuitous as the London premiere of Carmen the year before had been the catalyst for a growing interest in Spanish music. Throughout the ensuing period the guitar and plucked string instruments became even more strongly associated with Spanish music.

An 1879 article entitled "Spanish Minstrels at the Alhambra", published in The Era, described the Spanish students sitting in three rows with legs crossed wearing all black costumes and caps decorated with the image of a spoon. They are portrayed as exhibiting "extreme Spanish gravity."10 A commentator in The Guardian remarked on the distinctly Spanish nature of the outfits, and commented that "the black doublet and breeches, the sombre cloak, the hat adorned with the significant silver spoon, are more Spanish than Spain itself."11 The spoon was a symbol of the shared student experience of communal dining.

Many of the touring Estudiantina performers were not students at all, leading a writer in The Guardian to muse,

9 Franciso Asenjo Barbieri, El Barberillo de Lavapiés: zarzuela en actos, edited by Ma. Encina Cortizo and Ramon Sobrino (Madrid: ICCMU, 1994), 4. 1° `The Spanish Minstrels at the Alhambra,' Era, 27 July 1879. Manchester Guardian, 26 July 1879, 7.

119 It was something of a shock to their admirers to find that they were not students at all, but only accomplished guitarists, who might originally have been mere barbers (the Spanish shaver has been since Quevedo's day, a renowned practitioner on the guitar, and a guitar is even now part of the furniture of his shop, where it does the function filled amongst us by the morning paper), and had nothing of the scholar about them but the traditional costume.12

The professionalization of the Estudiantinas from their student origins did not affect their success and according to The Era, "the audience received them with so much enthusiasm that the applause continued long after the curtain fell...the Spanish Students could not have wished for a more favourable reception."13

While the Estudiantina was perceived as an exotic spectacle, the musicianship of the performers was widely appreciated. The strong attack and rapid decay of plucked strings make larger ensembles hard to coordinate and precise ensemble playing is not easily achieved. The Estudiantinas were very well rehearsed and drew praise for their superior sense of timing and ensemble. As a correspondent in The Era wrote, "At the signal of the conductor the chords were struck and the rapid passages executed with the precision of clockwork, or rather with still greater exactness, for sometimes clocks do not keep time."14

Estudiantinas also cultivated a broad audience because of their diverse repertoire, which featured Spanish songs and dances alongside generic waltzes and . Their Spanish pieces ranged from flamenco-based examples such as the malaguena to popular dances like the jota. They also arranged well-known numbers from the vast zarzuela repertoire, particularly the new genre of revista or reviews that emerged in Spain in the 1880s. The most successful of these reviews was La gran via (1886) with music by Federico Chueca (1846-1908) and his collaborator Joaquin Valverde (1846-1910). Items from these reviews were played by Estudiantina groups alongside arrangements of overtures, arias and movements from the light classical repertoire, and especially composed works by composers such as Dionisio Granados, one of the first leaders of the renowned Estudiantina Figaro.

12 Manchester Guardian, 26 July 1879, 7. 13 Era, 27 July 1879. 14 Era, 27 July 1879.

120 The Estudiantinas varied their repertoire according to the type of performance and venue. Printed below is a list of repertoire performed by Estudiantina Figaro in Vienna in late 1878, after their success in Paris but prior to the performances in England. Between October and December 1878 they gave 56 performances in the Josefstadt Theatre, playing in the interlude between short theatrical works. The majority of the pieces are popular Spanish dances or songs, many written and arranged by Granados. Well-known instrumental pieces from the opera repertoire by , Friedrich von Flotow and Luigi Arditti complete the program along with an arrangement of a Jota by Chueca.

121 Figure 8. Repertoire from the Estudiantina Figaro's Viennese tour October-December 1878.15

El Turia (Waltz) Potpourri of Spanish Songs Madrid (Waltz) Hamburg () El' Paraiso (Waltz) Malaga (Polka) La Crux, Roja (March) Emmy, Bremen, Cavara and Primavera (Polkas) Dionisio Granados Granadina (Mazurka) Caro and Dionisio Granados La Mandolinata Paladille Overture, Martha Flotow Giralda Adam Stiffelio and Aroldo Verdi In Genua (Gavotte) Arditti Los Cadetes (Pasodoble) Metra Granado (Polka) Mora Marie (Jota Espagnol) Chueca

Some English commentators expressed a desire to hear these groups play more Spanish repertoire: "unfortunately, they do not confine themselves to the interpretation of Spanish music; on the contrary, they affect the stuff that is European, base, common, and popular."16 There was a sense of frustration that the Estudiantina was not playing enough music deemed to be quintessentially Spanish. What sort of music would fulfil those expectations? The Guardian correspondent imagined Spanish music to be, "romantic and peculiar" or "national and curious."17 Elusive and

15 Repertoire list from Franz Fellner, "'Verfall" und Wiederentdecking der Mandoline in Wien. Zur Kultur-und Sozialgeschichte eines Instruments im 19. Jahrhundert,' in Wiener Geschichtsblätter, Jahrgang 1996, 81. 16 Manchester Guardian, 26 July 1879, 7. Earlier in the same article the reviewer admired the national character of the costumes, describing them as "more Spanish than Spain itself' and commented on their authentic "look" and the prominence of the national instrument the guitar. "Manchester Guardian, 26 July 1879, 7.

122 vague descriptors that evoked images of Spain were drawn from nineteenth-century travel writers, novelists and artists, and their obsession with exotic stereotypes.

Similar ensembles began to tour throughout Europe and America from the late 1870s, and the most famous was the Estudiantina Figaro, a touring company of ten to twenty artists, more manageable and economically viable than the initial Estudiantina groups. These groups performed in a wide range of venues from the music hall to high society balls and became the standard accompanying ensembles for Spanish dance in London. Figure 9 gives an incomplete list of countries visited between 1878 and 1884, demonstrating the extent of Estudiantina Figaro's itinerary.

123 Figure 9. A list of countries visited by Estudiantina Figaro between 1878 and 1884.18 USA (574 concerts) Spain (232 concerts) Austria (134 concerts) Mexico (133 concerts) Cuba (114 concerts) France (35 concerts) Russia (including 10 private concerts in the private palace of the Tsar) England (including 10 private performances for the Prince of Wales) Belgium Canada Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Italy Portugal Puerto Rico Rumania

In late nineteenth-century London, Estudiantinas remained an accessible touchstone for Spanishness, especially when compared with less diatonic and instrumentally polished Spanish folk music and flamenco encountered in Spain. In 1887 the Pall Mall Gazette printed one Englishman's travel notes featuring his impressions of two contrasting musical performances. He wrote,

We were a day and a half at Seville, and duly saw the sights, the evenings being occupied by the performances of the so-called gipsy dancing girls and the "Estudiantina." Of the dancing, and the music that accompanies it, both at Seville

1B `Tunos.com,' accessed 6 July 2012, www.tunos.com/historico/lofiversion/index.php/t1666.html. "Tras una exitosa trayectoria artistica en Europa, dando conciertos en los teatros de las principales ciudades de Espana (232 conciertos), Portugal, Francia (35 conciertos), Italia, Austria (134 conciertos), Rumania, Rusia (10 funciones privadas en el palacio del Zar), Bélgica, Inglaterra (10 funciones privadas en los salones del Principe de Gales) y Holanda, emprendib rumbo a América en 1879, presentando su espectaculo en Canada, Cuba (114 conciertos), EE.UU (574 conciertos), Puerto Rico, México (133 conciertos), Guatemala, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Ecuador y Perû."

124 and at Granada, all that need be said is that it is as vulgar and degraded as ever...The "Estudiantina," however, or Students' Musical Society, which has greatly advanced in recent years, is a first rate institution...I strongly recommend all travellers in Spain to spend their money on obtaining, if they can, the services of these excellent and picturesque young musicians in place of the gipsies.19

After a break of a few years, Spanish Estudiantinas returned to England in 1889, the same year Albéniz arrived in London and a Spanish Exhibition opened at Earls Court,20 the third in a series of shows that had previously featured North America and Italy. Commentators engaged with these increasingly visible Spanish events with greater knowledge and sophistication. From a Spanish point of view, the exhibition was an opportunity to promote Spain abroad with a view to enhancing commercial and industrial ties with Britain.21 The exhibition was also designed to immerse patrons in Spanish culture, history and landscape while a variety of oil paintings, "enable[d] the visitor to glean impressions of various phases of Spanish history and life."22 There were gardens where military bands performed, and in which there were representations of famous Spanish monuments or scenes. Views of the Alhambra and its surrounds, and a Spanish market place were chosen as authentic representations of Spain. The Paris Exhibition of 1889 also featured scenes of Granada and gypsy musical performers, and events such as this gradually positioned Granada as the spiritual home of flamenco in Andalusia.23

Nineteenth century technology was also on show through a diorama and cosmorama. The diorama was a theatrical experience offering audiences a changing panorama of images and light and the Spanish Exhibition featured a diorama of a bullfight, that in the words of one commentator, "enables the spectator to assist at a gory bullfight

19 Pall Mall Gazette, 4 Nov. 1887 20 The English scholar Kirsty Hooper has researched the Spanish Exhibition of 1889 and some of her findings are detailed in the working paper presented at the `Contact and Connection' symposium, University of Warwick Institute of Advanced Study, 27 June 2013. The paper is titled "`Moorish Splendour' in the British Provinces, 1886-1906: The Spanish Bazaar, from Dundee to Southampton", available online at www.kirstyhooper.net/2013-06_PAPER_Bazaars.pdf 21 "La Exposici6n Espanola de Londres esta destinada â levanter la reputaci6n de Espana en elextranjero y A extender su comercio, y de consiguiente su industria." "London's Spanish Exhibition will elevate the status of Spain abroad and this will extend to Spain's commercial and industrial sectors." La Dinastia, 12 June 1889, 2. 22 `The Spanish Exhibition,' Times, 3 June 1889, 6. 23 See Fauser, Paris World's Fair.

125 without any prickings of conscience or nervous tremors."24 The cosmorama or perspective pictures with many lenses offered views of various Spanish monuments and landscapes. Examples of Spanish handicrafts were exhibited and a wine vault displaying barrels of a range of Spanish wines was among the highlights. Music featured prominently in the gardens at the Spanish Exhibition, with items including a troupe of Spanish Serenaders (singing, dancing and playing), vocalist José Rio who performed the from Carmen, a guitarist by the name of Antonie Espade and "dancing by Senoritas Carmencita, Garcia, Lola and Prados [who] proved to be extremely graceful and enjoyable."25

While the Spanish exhibition was not an overwhelming success,26 the number and variety of London shows featuring Spanish music and dance grew exponentially. The Era reported in May 1889, "We are greatly in want of a craze this season, and there seems to be no reason why a Spanish boom should not be worked very successfully in London this year."27 In 1889 Spanish music and dance was reaching a more sophisticated audience and The Era predicted success for the Estudiantinas in this year: "They ought to be a perfect God send to society hostesses on the look out for some new thing; and what with private engagements and public success they should return to their country well satisfied with the results of their visit."28

The Estudiantina set the stage for the popularity of mandolin and guitar throughout Europe and America. With the establishment of guitar and mandolin groups in England, they became social meeting places, before the bicycle clubs assumed this role. In America, corresponding ensembles formed part of the burgeoning Banjo, Mandolin and Guitar or BMG movement, which was clearly linked to the popularity of the Estudiantinas. A critic in The Times commented in 1889,

Amateurs of the instruments played by the Estudiantina, as well as those who prefer the mandoline or banjo, will be especially interested in the concerts, and many of

24 `The Spanish Exhibition,' Times, 3 June 1889, 6. 25 Era, 26 Oct. 1889. 26 See Hooper, www.kirstyhooper.net/2013-06_PAPER_Bazaars.pdf, 4. 27 `The Spanish Students,' Era, 25 May 1889. 28 Ibid.

126 them might profitably follow the example of the Spanish players in the matter of expression and precision. should be welcome in fashionable ball-rooms.29

As the Estudiantinas continued touring and the 1889 Spanish Exhibition tried to capitalize on the interest in Spain, Spanish dance was viewed with renewed interest. Critics began to discuss styles of Spanish music with greater authority, for example, "Two Andalusians...did some Spanish dances; a jota and a Flamenco dance. The former is the most characteristic of all the North Spanish national dances."30 The writer had some reservations about the success these dances would have with an English audience and continued, "There are other Spanish dances, however, which are more consonant with British notions of Terpsichorean excitement, and we advise the introduction of certain of these."3 ' Extrovert and demonstrative Spanish dances were the most likely to satisfy audience expectations. At this time a new wave of Spanish dancers were refining their acts in Paris and New York and would soon make an impact in 1890s London.

Spanish dance in late Victorian and Edwardian London The Spanish dancer Carmen Dauset Morena (1868-1910), better known as Carmencita, came to prominence at the 1889 Exposition Universelle in Paris and later performed in New York to considerable acclaim. She was a key figure in the popularization of Spanish dance in the USA and Europe in the late 1880s and early 1890s. In London she was best known as the subject of a portrait painted by the American artist John Singer Sargent, who was fascinated by Spanish painters, in particular Velasquez, and travelled to Spain for the first time in 1879. Sargent was particularly struck by the south of the country and the music and dance of flamenco inspired his famous painting of a flamenco dance spectacular El Jaleo (1882).32 Sargent lived in London from 1884 and was an influential figure on the London scene, promoting Spanish music and organising concerts of Spanish music. His portrait of Carmencita was first shown in London at the Royal Academy of Art in 1891 and

29 'Spanish Concerts,' Times, 20 May 1889, 11. 3° 'The Spanish Students,' Era, 25 May 1889. 31 Ibid. 32 Michael Jacobs, 'Colour and Light: From Sargent to Bomberg,' The Discovery of Spain, ed. David Howarth (Edinburgh: National Galleries of Scotland, 2009) 119.

127 introduced the exotic dancer to London.33 The Times' critic described the picture as, "a full length of La Carmencita, who, for two or three years past has been turning the heads of New York society."34 The painting was reported to portray "an extraordinary sense of vitality...it is the living being itself and when the music strikes up she will bound away in the dance."35 In a later article printed in The Times, Sargent's painting of Carmencita was described as the, "all but life-size semblance of a young Spanish woman born with the genius of the dance." 36 It was important to readers that she was a native Spaniard with an inherited affinity for Spanish dance.

The success of Carmencita motivated the American impresario Ernest André Jürgens to travel to Paris in an effort to source talented acts, especially Spanish dancers. He discovered Carolina Otero and was responsible for refining her act and introducing her to New York audiences in 1890.37 She was billed as a competitor to Carmencita and made her London debut in 1892. A poem from the weekly newspaper the Clarion highlighted the captivating charm and allure of the dancer now known as "La Belle" Otero (1868-1965),

Figure 10. Poem from the Clarion in praise of Otero.38

Ne'er a sweeter Senorita Than D'Otero you can see. Her Spanish fling Is quite the thing— And she's the girl for me. Woe is me Alhambra!

Otero's first visit to London in 1892 was promoted with little fanfare but highly anticipated by dance enthusiasts. Otero drew on imagery and themes from the opera Carmen in her portrayal of Spanish dance and she even invented a Carmenesque

33 Carmencita was also painted by other North American artists including James Carroll Beckwith and . 34 'The Royal Academy,' Times, 2 May 1891, 14. 35 Ibid. 36 `The Champ-De-Mars Salon,' Times, 14 May 1892, 17. 37 Otero's relationship with Jürgens is discussed in Lewis, La Belle Otero, 28-43. 38 Clarion, 15 Oct. 1892.

128 backstory to her life, claiming that she was born in Andalusia and of gypsy blood. The reality is that she was from the north-western Spanish region of Galicia.

Otero had a long and successful career and visited London numerous times between 1892 and 1913,39 and often employed Estudiantina-style ensembles as her backing groups. Spanish dance existed comfortably in both high art and popular contexts. Otero played her first London shows at the Empire Theatre, squeezed in between two comedians.4° This was fairly typical of the music halls where everything that did not play in the serious theatre was represented, however, it was not uncommon for performers to move between the music halls and more high-brow forms of entertainment:"

For English aficionados of Spanish dance, the first visit of Otero to Britain was highly anticipated:

I have often wondered that managers of English music halls have done so little in the way of bringing over Spanish dancers, and I was therefore enchanted to find, the other day, that the famous and beautiful Otero, whom I had seen two years ago at Paris, was appearing at the Empire.42

Otero's dance was immediately identified as something new to London. Her exotic looks and unique routine captivated critics who were quick to comment on the novelty in her dancing. Otero tapped into long held notions of Spanishness and added a perceived authenticity that only a true Spaniard could portray. Drawing on knowledge of Spain, increasingly common to English travellers, the Sunday Sun wrote of Otero, "It is dancing of a kind that, as far as I know, London has not seen

39 After her performances at the Empire in 1892, Otero returned in 1898 for a season at the Alhambra Theatre. Later visits came in May 1899, July 1902 and 1913 when she performed at the London Opera House in the musical Come Over Here. See Jane Pritchard, "More Natural than Nature, More Artificial than Art": The Dance Criticism of Arthur Symons.' Dance Research: The Journal of the Society for Dance Research 21, no. 2 (2003): 45. 40 ', Sandwiched between the tedious antics of a `peculiar American Comedian' and the cockney humour of Miss Marie Lloyd, the exquisite performance of the Spanish dancer meets with a cold approval." `Otero,' National Observer, 29 Oct. 1892. 4 Carter, Dancers in the Victorian and Edwardian Music Hall Ballet, 1. 42 ` Otero: The Spanish Dancer who Skims over the Empire Stage,' Star, 24 Sept. 1892.

129 before. Everyone who has been to Spain—and everyone has been in Spain, because everyone has been everywhere nowadays—knows something of Spanish dancing."43

For her first performances Otero danced and sang songs in both French and Spanish but as the Pall Mall Gazette wrote, "the dance, however, is the thing."44 To some critics, Otero's dance was most notable for what it was not. There was, in the words of Pall Mall Gazette, "no jumping about, no mighty rushes from the loins, no suave simply curving lines."45 The dance featured more dramatic, less familiar movements such as, "staccato movements, sudden tossings of the head and stampings of the feet, like a fresh horse suddenly pulled up. Upward movements of the legs, rather fierce and angular, and bendings of the body that seem dangerous to the bodice."46

One of the most erudite dance critics of this period was Arthur Symons (1865-1945). He had a particular fondness for Spanish dance and wrote reviews of Otero that were reprinted in several London newspapers.47 For Symons, and a number of other critics, Otero's distinctly Spanish physique was an integral part of her appeal. His review of Otero at the Empire described the features that distinguished her dance from the other Spanish dancers seen in London up to that time:

Otero is doing a new dance at the Empire, and the occasion seems a fit one for attempting an appreciation of so admirable a representative of the curious and subtle art of Spanish dancing. "Spanish dances," as was pointed out in an article on a Spanish music-hall, published in the Fortnightly for May, "have a certain resemblance with the dances of the East. One's idea of a dance in England is something in which all the movement is due to the legs. In Japan, in Egypt, the legs have very little to do with the dance...Spanish dancing, which, no doubt, derives its Eastern colour from the Moors, is almost equally a dance of the whole body, and its particular characteristic—the action of the hips—is due to a physical peculiarity of the Spaniards, whose spines have a special and unique curve of their own." The dances that one sees in Spain are not always possible to be seen in England. They are much too definitely erotic for the English taste—too suggestive, as it is called. But

43 `Theatre and Music: Senorita Otero at the Empire,' Sunday Sun, 25 Sept. 1892. 44 Nina de Otero at the Empire,' Pall Mall Gazette, 22 Sept. 1892. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibld. 47 Jane Pritchard, `Criticism of Arthur Symons,' 37.

130 such dances as those which Otero is giving at the Empire, though somewhat toned down to suit a colder public, are quite characteristically Spanish, and should certainly be seen by those who are interested in "the various poetry of vital motion" and its varying national qualities. 48

Symons believed he was observing a real Spanish gypsy of southern heritage who synthesized the centuries old traditions of the Moors and the Spanish characteristics of Carmen. He ends his review with the statement, "Of Otero herself it need but be said that she realizes Carmen."49

Numerous writers believed the dances of Otero were linked to Spain's ancient past and uncorrupted traditions. The Sunday Sun referenced the writings of Richard Ford in making the following glowing remarks about Otero:

Certain of the Spanish dances are, according to Ford, the remnant of the ancient dances of the Gades which delighted the Romans and scandalised the fathers of the Church... Scholars have expounded at great length upon the dances of antiquity which have been preserved in their integrity in Spain. The wise who visit the Empire and watch the movements of Senorita Otero may share for once in the amusements that delighted Horace, that delighted Martial.5°

Otero's exotic appeal carried over to her daily life and she was famous for her liaisons with notable political and royal figures.st

Later in the same article, Symons referred to stereotypes reinforced by the opera Carmen of Spanish women as tempestuous and violent. He claimed that Otero expressed,

The Spanish temper, its fury of love and hate, as perfectly as the English temper is rendered in the calm circle of the English skirt-dancer. She can be tigrish and

48 Arthur Symons, `Otero at the Empire,' St. James Gazette, 21 Oct. 1892. 49 Ibid. 50 'Theatre and Music: Senorita Otero at the Empire,' Sunday Sun, 25 Sept. 1892. SI Robert Greene in his book The Art of Seduction discusses Otero's legendary sexual prowess. Robert Greene, The Art of Seduction (New York: Penguin, 2003) 395-396.

131 languishing; she enchants, appeals, rejects—is scornful and enticing...the dance becomes vivid with meaning, accentuated as it is by sudden almost singular leaps and a calculated and expressive abruptness in pause. It is by this gesture in dancing, this dramatic quality, this new cunningly broken rhythm, that the dancing of Otero, that Spanish dancing, is so wonderful. It has not the classic qualities; it was decadent before that term was invented; but for London, certainly, it is a new sensation.52

The initial reception of music hall audiences to Otero was lukewarm, perhaps due to the incongruous performance context. According to the newspaper The News of the World, the audience, "stared vacantly, waiting for some development in the manner of Miss Lottie Collins, and finally grumbled out a little disappointed applause."53

According to some writers it was the structure of the dance that felt new and fresh, "utterly unlike anything that has gone before."54 The Lady's Pictorial observed, "There is no climax, no last astonishing pirouette, no pretty wave of tiny, dashing feet and dainty flounces."55

Otero's looks and physique were often commented upon and her appeal was closely linked to her exotic appearance. The dark colouring of her skin and eyes and her distinctive posture and walk were characterized as distinctively Spanish.56 The Star wrote of Otero, "Tall, slender, with the Spanish pallor, the Spanish depth of darkness in hair and eyes, Otero glides onto the stage with that curious catlike motion which gives such indescribable grace to the walk of Spanish women."57 She went on to star in the ballet Round the Town at the Empire, leading the critic of the Evening Citizen to declare that "No lover of dancing in its highest form should miss seeing the senorita as an exponent of poetry in motion.s58

52 Arthur Symons, `Otero at the Empire,' St. James Gazette, 21 Oct. 1892. A brief film of Otero dancing was made in 1898. The original clip has no sound but it is possible to observe a guitarist dressed in a toreador's costume and two Spaniards playing the castanets accompanying Otero. She is wearing an ornate costume topped with a broad brimmed hat, gesticulating enthusiastically and demonstrating her twists and rapid feet movement. The clip may be seen on YouTube. `Film of La Belle Otéro,' accessed 10 July 2012, www..com/watch?v=aVi8Pfls_eU. 53 World, 19 Oct. 1892. 54 `Senorita Otero at the Empire,' Lady's Pictorial, 1 Oct. 1892. 55 Ibid. 56 `Otero: The Spanish Dancer who Skims over the Empire Stage,' Star, 24 Sept. 1892. S7 Ibid. S8 Evening Citizen, 10 Oct. 1892. The Evening Citizen described Otero's style as "piquant, easy, and confident, and is perhaps best expressed in her dancing. This is eminently characteristic and the body

132 In the same season the Spanish dancer Candida was featured in a ballet scene in Albeniz's The Magic Opal. After the lukewarm reception given to Otero in 1892, audiences were still not ready to appreciate a subtle, less demonstrative style of Spanish dancing and critical reaction to the ballet scene was mixed. The Sketch bemoaned the disinterested reception of Candida's performance,

The comparative failure of Signora Candida, the new Spanish dancer, who appears in "The Magic Opal," brings out sadly the public's inability to appreciate subtle beauty; of this there was also proof in the cold greeting of Otero at the Empire last summer. Both of them are not merely lovely women, but dance with marvellous ability in a finely-restrained, original style; yet because their characteristics are novel and not 59 blatant, the public is indifferent, and the critics are nearly silent.

The Sketch also published an evocative description of Candida's dance:

Candida's dance in the second act of the new comic opera has a strange flavour of mystery. One sees a tall woman, with dark-brown hair streaming down her back, clad in a rather barbaric dress, which consists of a fawn-coloured silk jersey, closely moulding the figure, surmounted by some heavy spangled gold and brown cloth, cut so as to show a finely-sculptured neck and bust; below it a sash of similar material, and then long, dark electric-blue silk gauze skirts. She steals onto the stage and moves about in rhythm with the music, holding her arms above her head and clicking her fingers and thumbs with a sound suggesting castanets. Hardly does she raise her feet, save in a few steps where she beats time sharply in a staccato way. In every movement there is a fine supple beauty: each muscle seems called into play without effort, and to be obedient to the music. One thinks of some mystic enchantress making mute incantations. The end is characteristic: the almost snake-like movements grow slower and slower, the music becomes fainter and fainter, till she sinks back into the arms of a man, her hands still raised heavenwards. Grace of 60 movement is hers to absolute perfection. is brought into play almost as much as the feet. Rapid and rhythmic stamps of the feet, swift jerks and twists of the body, quick movements of the head, and occasionally agile and graceful aerial flights of the leg, all enter into a style of dancing not seen too often in this country." 59 Sketch, 8 Feb. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.2, 70/2) 60 Ibid.

133 Many critics appreciated the novelty of this dance, and saw it as a more authentic type of Spanish dancing. Music Trader Review, for example, expressed this view,

The second act likewise introduces Mlle. Candida, who has been specially engaged from Madrid, and for the first time in England gives us an idea of a genuine national Spanish dance. It is of an entirely novel character, and is accompanied by an imitation of the castanets executed by the dancer herself, who snaps her fingers in 61 time to the measure. Her poses are most graceful.

When The Magic Opal was reworked as The Magic Ring a new Spanish dancer was engaged, perhaps in an attempt to make the dancing more accessible for London audiences. The Dispatch noted that her dancing lacked the novelty of Candida's work, "Mdlle. Rosa dances capitally, though with less originality than Mdlle. Candida, in 62 the second act."

The fascination with Spanish dancers continued in 1890s London, including Carmencita's much-anticipated visit to London in 1895. Carmencita did not live up to the expectations of Symons who admitted that he "came to the Palace last night 63 with expectations which were no doubt utterly exaggerated and unreasonable." Otero returned to London and the Empire for successful seasons in 1898 and 1899 and the Andalusian dancer La Tortajada made her London debut in 1893, returning for regular visits between 1897 and 1902.64 The rising star of Spanish dance, Rosario Guerrero appeared in London for the first time in 1899 and along with Tortajada spearheaded a new wave of Spanish dance. Major Fitzroy Gardner, writing about the London theatre in the fin de siècle period remembered, "Tortajada and Guerrero

61 Music Trader Review, 20 Feb. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.2, 68/2 62 Dispatch, 16 Apr. 1893, Albéniz Scrapbook, M. 987.2, 88/2 63 'Carmencita at the Palace. Some Attitudes of Last Night,' Star, 26 Feb. 1895, Quoted in Pritchard `Criticism of Arthur Symons,' 71. Symons admired Carmencita's expressive movement of her arms but complained that "in the pirouettes. And in some of the steps which she introduced in her dances, we get, not quite the genuine thing, but a more civilised modification of what is undoubtedly, in its essence, barbaric, oriental, animal." 64 Pritchard, `Criticism of Arthur Symons,' 72.

134 created a vogue for Spanish dancing."65

The Carmen ballet Queen Victoria died in January 1901 just as a new era in English political and cultural life was commencing. The Edwardian era saw the introduction of a new generation of Spanish artists, including flamenco performers, to English audiences.

The Spanish dancer who defined Spanish dance in Edwardian London was Rosario Guerrero. The details of Guerrero's early life are sketchy, however, she claimed to have been born in Seville and reminisced about playing on the banks of the Guadalquivir river as a child. In a 1905 interview with The Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News Guerrero remembered, "When I was five years old, and that's just twenty years ago...I used to play on the banks of the Guadalquivir, the sweetest river 66 in all Spain, and dance to the castanets of the shepherd-boys."

She first danced in London in 1899 and was immediately hailed as a successor to Otero.67 The writer Symons was among her admirers and wrote in a letter to his future wife, "I have gone wild over a new Spanish dancer—La belle Guerrero. She is quite a splendid creature: I go see her every night I am free."68

Guerrero returned to London to dance at the Alhambra Theatre in September 1902, however, it was with her scenic portrayals of Carmen in 1903 that she truly made her mark and revolutionized representations of the gypsy. In that year Guerrero was contracted to appear in a one-act ballet-pantomime version of Carmen at the Alhambra Theatre in Leicester Square. This work made use of an adaptation of Bizet's score by musical director and composer George Byng (1861-1932), with the addition of two original pieces of his own. With this ballet Carmen was presented to English audiences in yet another dramatic shape. The emphasis of the production was on spectacle and dramatic realism and it ran for close to a year in London before moving to New York and a tour of the United States in the following year.

65 Fitzroy Gardner, More Reminiscences of an Old Bohemian (London: Hutchinson, 1926), 147. 66 'A chat with La Guerrero,' Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 22 Apr. 1905. 67 "It is quite true that she has less jewels but more talent than La Belle Otero." Country Gentleman, 22 July 1899, 902. 68 Karl Beckson and John M. Munro eds., Arthur Symons: Selected Letters, 1880-1935 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1889), 132.

135 Guerrero's performances introduced elements of flamenco dance to a broad audience. Like Otero, she was praised for her realization of Carmen and considered by some as an "ideal Carmen."69

Figure 11. Carmen as played by a real Spaniard. Signorina Guerrero at the Alhambra. July 1903.7°

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Critics were fascinated to see a real Spaniard play the part of Carmen, even if the forum was the ballet and not opera. The ballet was seen as an ideal medium for

69 `The Alhambra,' Times, 8 May 1903, 7. 70 Unknown paper, July 1903. London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box. The caption at the bottom of the page reads, "Signorina Guerrero has made a great success of the part of Carmen in the ballet at the Alhambra which has been extracted from Bizet's work. She is extraordinarily vivid. Here she is seen with the young soldier whom she enthralls. He is acted with grim reality by M. Volbert.

136 Carmen and Olga Nethersole's failed dramatic reinterpretation of the role was still fresh in the memory.'' Ballet scenes had been interpolated into operatic Carmen productions for many years and these interludes had begun to incorporate elements of Spanish dance.72 The authenticity of the performance was discussed in the press with the same scrutiny as the performances of singers like Calvé in the operatic role. The Carmen of Merimée's novella was recognized as the real source of the character and Guerrero was often said to embody the pre-Bizet conception of the Spanish gypsy. One critic made this point vividly, writing,

With a Carmen available of the right nationality, it was a happy idea of the Alhambra management to turn the opera to which Merimée's heroine gives her name into a ballet, or really a strenuous play in pantomime. The more so as Guerrero, the artist in question, realizes [sic] most vividly the Carmen of the author's imagining—a splendid, treacherous, ruthless, passionate anima1.73

Guerrero was celebrated for her Spanish physique and temperament. According to The Daily Telegraph, "as a dancer Senorita Guerrero possesses all the grace and suppleness of the Southern Spaniard."74 Her beauty was described as uniquely Spanish and a large part of her attraction.75

Byng composed music for additional dances in the show and while his original numbers were not considered distinctly Spanish in style, his music drew praise for highlighting qualities of the dance.76 Bizet's music was also featured and reinforced

71 "Prosper Merimée's story of Carmen lends itself admirably to stage treatment. It has already done splendid service in more than one dramatic shape...Carmen, too has inspired more than one playwright, and it is but a year or two ago that Miss Olga Nethersole essayed at the Gaiety the character of the fascinating Spaniard." `Alhambra,' Daily Telegraph, 8 May 1903, 10. 72 Of a production of Carmen starring Zelie de Lussan in July 1899 one writer observed, "the whole performance was enlivened by the real castanet dance in the second act, instead of the usual conventional ballet." Country Gentleman, 22 July 1899, 902. 73 `The "Carmen" Ballet at the Alhambra'. Unknown paper, 1 May 1903. London: Theatre Museum, Carmen Archive Box. 74 `Alhambra,' Daily Telegraph, 8 May 1903, 10. 73 The Sketch critic proclaimed, " she has been most generously dowered by nature with that beauty for which the women of Spain or Spanish birth are famous." Sketch, 3 Sept. 1902. 76 "For the music of the various interpolated dances he [George W. Byng] is himself responsible, and, although his numbers are hardly to be described as characteristically Spanish, they have a swing and strenuous quality essentially fitted to the requirements of the occasion." Daily Telegraph, 8 May 1903, 10.

137 the relationship to the opera. In the words of a writer in The Times, "we had Bizet's music, very respectfully treated, with a few exceptions."77

In all it was the combination of the exotic location, costumes, music and dance that made the production such a success, as The Times reported,

The action is simple, the interest human and passionate—moreover, the story is well known. The languorous Spanish scenes, the Southern atmosphere, the gorgeous dresses, the rhythmic Spanish dances, the haunting music by Bizet—all unite to make a piece of great sensuous charm.78

The Carmen ballet ran with success into the early part of 1904,79 and the role of Carmen was played by other dancers after Guerrero left for New York in October 1903, most notably Maria La Bella.80

The Spanish guitar in London from Francisco Târrega to Angel Barrios The popularity of the Estudiantinas and the subsequent growth of the amateur BMG movement in the 1880s provided an audience for and impetus to the dissemination and popularity of the Spanish guitar in late Victorian and Edwardian London.81 In this same period there were sporadic tours by Spanish guitar soloists and the most notable Spanish guitarist to visit London in this period was the virtuoso performer, arranger and composer for the guitar, Francisco Târrega (1852-1909).

Through his arrangements, compositions and teachings Târrega provided the technical framework and much of the repertoire for the twentieth century renaissance of the classical guitar in the hands of Spanish guitarists such as Miguel Llobet (1878-1938),

77 `The Alhambra,' Times, 8 May 1903, 7. 78 `The Alhambra,' Times, 28 Dec. 1903, 10. 79 A commentator for The Times reported on January 22 1904, "The ballet of Carmen is still performed nightly." `The Alhambra Theatre,' Times, 22 Jan. 1904, 4. 80 Maria La Bella was also credited with returning the story to Merimée's original vision, "Senora Maria La Bella, who is at present playing the title-role, pictures forth a Carmen such as Prosper Merimée himself imagined." `The Alhambra,' Times, 28 Dec. 1903, 10. 81 The amateur BMG (Banjo, Mandolin and Guitar) movement came to prominence in England and North America after the first successful tours by Estudiantinas in the 1880s. The repertoire played by these amateur groups included orchestral and arranged for plucked strings, alongside more popular salon-style works. The peak period of activity of the BMG movement was from the 1880s until 1920 and coincided with the publication of numerous dedicated periodicals in both Britain and the USA. See Noonan, The Guitar in America: Victorian Era to Jazz Age, 21-40.

138 Emilio Pujol (1886-1980) and Andres Segovia (1893-1987). Tarrega's transcriptions of Spanish piano music and his arrangements of works written for piano by Chopin, Albéniz, Granados and others, created the mould for the classical guitar repertoire well into the twentieth century.82

Tdrrega toured extensively in the years from 1885 to 1903, including visits to London in 1880 and the early 1890s.83 Clark writes of Tarrega's visit in the early 1880s, "He next travelled to London, where his reputation had preceded him and he was warmly received as the leading guitar virtuoso of the day. He would travel to London again in the early 1890s."84 Tdrrega had other connections to England in the form of wealthy patrons. The Englishman Dr. Walter James Leckie had lessons with Tdrrega, supported him financially, and often accompanied him on tour. One of the most important collections of Tarrega's work is the two-volume set of manuscripts known as the Leckie Collection, containing pieces, exercises and studies written out by Tdrrega for his student Leckie.

In spite of Arcas' earlier tours and Tarrega's visits to London, the influence of foreign guitarists in England after the middle of the century was limited. Two English guitarists, Catherina Peltzer (1821-1895), better known after her marriage in 1854 as Madame Sidney Pratten, and Ernest Shand (1868-1924) were active performers and teachers in the second half of the nineteenth century and through their teaching, compositions and performances they were the main local practitioners of a declining instrument. Stuart Button puts the issue into context thus:

From around 1850 the influence of foreign guitarists began to cease, and a new generation of English players began to emerge, but they were never able to raise the guitar to its previous popularity. They were handicapped in the sense that in England there had never been a tradition of guitarist-composers. Music and guitars were in

82 Walter Aaron Clark writes of Tdrrega's contribution to the guitar repertoire, "Tarrega's output, then, includes not only original compositions but also many transcriptions of works by famous composers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. To be sure, he was not the first guitarist in history to transcribe works from other media to his own. This had been going on since the sixteenth century. But he did so more extensively and influentially than any of his predecessors, and he thus established a practice continued by virtually every guitarist since his time." Walter Aaron Clark, `Francisco Tarrega, Isaac Albéniz, and the Modern Guitar', Soundboard Magazine: The Journal of the Guitar Foundation of America 36, no. 1 (2010): 5. 83 Frederick M. Noad, The (New York: Amsco Publications, 1986), 13. sa Clark, `Francisco Tdrrega,' 8.

139 short supply, and there began a rise of interest in related instruments, particularly the banjo and mandolin.85

Pratten was the daughter of the notable German guitarist Ferdinand Peltzer, who, in addition to publishing the Giulianiad in 1833, was very active as a guitar teacher and music educator.86 Early in her career she sought to re-establish the guitar as a serious concert instrument in Britain, utilizing the works and teachings of Sor as a model. As the following excerpt shows, she became focused on teaching the nobility, particularly young ladies. Pratten wrote, "The guitar is a charming and graceful instrument, capable of much execution, intense pathos and a variety of effects peculiarly its own, and is admirably adapted as an accompaniment to the voice."87 She composed some works for the guitar but neither her repertoire nor her own compositions demonstrate any overt Spanish influences.

According to Button, Ernest Shand was a pivotal figure for the guitar in England.88 He came at a time when interest in the guitar had declined and he was able to revive it to some extent through his compositions, performing and technical excellence. Shand was oblivious to the technical developments in Spanish guitar playing in the late nineteenth century and his musical style comes out of the Victorian music hall tradition. His guitar playing was more closely linked to popular song and light music. There are no obvious Spanish titles or stylistic touches in a recently published collection of his guitar music.89

The typical Estudiantina instrumentation of laiid, bandurria and guitar was well suited to smaller trios and quartets playing more elevated salon music and concert repertoire. The Trio Iberia was founded by the Grenadine guitarist Angel Barrios (1882-1964) and featured Ricardo Devalque playing bandurria and Candido Bezunatea on the laid. Barrios grew up in Granada, surrounded by Andalusian folk music, especially flamenco. His father, known as "El Polinario", was a well-known Grenadine singer and local identity. Barrios played and was also involved in arranging

85 Button, Guitar in England, 202. B6 Stuart Button, `The Teaching of the Guitar in England during the 19t1 Century,' European Guitar Teachers Association (1992), accessed 21 Feb. 2012. www.egta.co.uk/content/england. S7 Madame Sidney Pratten, `How to Play the Guitar,' The Girl's Own Paper, 26 Feb. 1881, 349. B8 Button, Guitar in England, 152. 89 Stanley Yates, Ernest Shand: 23 Guitar Solos from Victorian England (Pacific, MO: Mel Bay, 2000).

140 and composing for the Trio Iberia, which enjoyed success in Paris in the early years of the twentieth century, where Barrios met and became friends with Albéniz and Falla. 9° The trio travelled to London in 1908 and 1909 where they performed for King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra, an enthusiastic amateur musician who played the mandolin. The Trio Iberia's repertoire consisted of transcriptions of Spanish music, with a special focus on the works of Albéniz. A program from a concert at the Stationers' Hall in London in July 1908 includes three arrangements of Albéniz piano works, two pieces from Carmen, works by Albéniz's close friend, the composer Breton, and two items by Barrios himself, most notably the tribute to his home town, Recuerdo de Granada.91

The popularity of guitar and mandolin groups reinforced the image of the guitar as a Spanish instrument and paved the way for the ensuing presence of these instruments on the concert stage. Guitarists such as Llobet and Pujol, both of whom were students of Tdrrega, were pioneers in developing a new repertoire for guitar and performing internationally. When the Spanish guitarist Segovia first performed in London in 1926 he played to an enthusiastic public prepared by decades of exposure to Spanish music.

As I have demonstrated in this chapter, it is essential to consider the popular, or "low- art" manifestations of Spanish music and dance in order to understand changing. attitudes and performances in London. The most prominent Spanish visitors of the late Victorian era included touring Estudiantinas which introduced a new plucked string sonority and a fresh representation of musical Spain. These groups were extremely important for the ensuing popularity of the Spanish guitar through the consequent Banjo, Mandolin and Guitar movement.

Away from the operatic stage, Carmen continued to influence notions of Spanishness in the late Victorian and early Edwardian eras as Spanish dancers such as Otero engaged with the Carmen myth while simultaneously introducing elements of flamenco in their routines. These dancers often performed with Estudiantina

90 Michael Christoforidis, `Angel Barrios,' Diccionario de la Mûsica Espanola e Hispanoamericana (Madrid: SGAE, 1999). See also Ismael Ramos, Trio Iberia (Granada: Centro de Documentacibn Musical de Andalucia, 2003), 17-18. 91 Ramos, Trio Iberia, 22.

141 ensembles and together they cultivated the audiences that supported the twentieth century manifestations of Spanish music and dance.

142 Chapter 5: English fin-de-siècle literary and musical evocations of Spanish music

The fin-de-siècle was a time of transition for the relationship between England and Spain. Railways began to be developed in Spain in 1848, and with the major lines finished by the 1870s, the country became much more accessible and tourist numbers increased dramatically.' Politically, England and Spain were becoming more closely aligned and the evolution of this alliance is discussed in Chapter 6. The images of Spain promoted by Carmen, music hall parodies, Spanish dance troupes and musicians, had became part of the popular English imagination and a new generation of English travel writers stamped their authority on perceptions of Spain in the twentieth century.

In this chapter a snapshot of English evocations of Spanish music and dance is provided through an examination of three travel writers, specific works by Edward Elgar (1857-1934) and the performances of Percy Grainger.

Three Edwardian travel writers on Spain The first book discussed in this chapter is Spanish Life in Town and Country by L. Higgin (1837-1913), published in 1902 as part of the series entitled Our European Neighbours edited by William Harbutt Dawson.2 The second book is by Havelock Ellis (1859-1939), perhaps better known for his writings on sex and eugenics, and titled The Soul of Spain (1908).3 Ellis had the highest profile of the three authors discussed in this chapter and this volume is widely quoted and cited in later literature on Spain. Charles Bogue Luffman's (1862-1920) Quiet Days in Spain of 1910 is the third travel book considered for insights into English perceptions of Spain in the Edwardian period.4

In her book Spanish Life in Town and Country Higgin drew attention to the recent

I Kamen writes, "The first line to be built in the peninsula was a short link from Barcelona to Matar6 in 1848, and government legislation in the 1850s facilitated further foreign investment in railways, with the main network being completed by the 1870s." Henry Kamen, The Disinherited: The Exiles Who Created Spanish Culture (London: Allen Lane, 2007), 216. 2 L. Higgin, Spanish Life in Town and Country (London: George Newnes, 1902). 3 Havelock Ellis. The Soul of Spain (1908; Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1937). a C. Bogue Luffman, Quiet Days in Spain (London: John Murray, 1910).

143 increase of travellers to Spain. The Spanish-American war of 1898 caused a hiccup in tourism but Higgin reported that, "To-day, however, everyone is going to Spain."5 She recognized that many of the old stereotypes that had gained currency in the mid- nineteenth century no longer applied and the writings of Ford and Borrow were in many ways out-moded:

Ford is answerable for many of the fixed ideas about Spain which it seems quite impossible to remove. Much that may have been true in the long ago, when he wrote his incomparable Guide Book, has now passed away with the all-conquering years; but still all that he ever said is repeated in each new book with unfailing certainty.6

Higgin aimed to give an even-handed survey of Spain and Portugal, with due respect given to each region, thereby avoiding an overemphasis on the south. She documented the regional varieties of music and dance and took great care to emphasize the contrasts between provinces.

Writing enthusiastically on Spanish music and dance, Higgin emphasised the need to seek out the more authentic forms of gypsy dance in an age of tourism:

So much has been written about the Spanish national dances that an absurd idea prevails in England that they are all very shocking and indecent. It is necessary, however, to go very much out of one's way, and to pay a good round sum, to witness those gypsy dances which have come down unchanged from the remotest ages.

As in the writings of Irving, the guitar and castanets provided a constant to the dances Higgin documented. She described men and women of lower classes engaging in spontaneous music and dance in their leisure time.8 In a clear departure from earlier travelogues, Higgin noted that the musical aspirations of Spaniards were changing as the country was modernizing. She noted,

S Higgins wrote, "Only in comparatively late years has the Iberian Continent been added to the happy hunting-grounds of the ordinary British and American tourist, and somewhat of a check arose after the outbreak of the war with America." Higgin, Spanish Life, 1. 6 Ibid., 49. 'Ibid., 105. B "Wherever two or three men and women of the lower classes are to be seen together in Spain during their play-time, there is a guitar, with singing and dancing. The verses sung are innumerable short stanzas by unknown authors; many, perhaps, improvised at the moment." Ibid., 106.

144 The guitar is, of course, the national instrument, and the songs never have the same charm with any other accompaniment; but the Spanish women of to-day are prouder of being able to play the piano or violin than of excelling in the instrument which suits them so much better. The Spaniard is nervously anxious not to appear, or to be, behind any other European nation in what we call "modernity," a word that signifies that to be "up-to-date" is of paramount importance, leaving wholly out of the question whether the change be for the better or infinitely towards the lower end of the scale .9

Unlike many of her contemporaries, Higgin engaged with a broad range of Spanish music, from the Renaissance masters Cristobal de Morales, Francisco Guerrero and Tomas Luis de Victoria, to the zarzuela, which she claimed "appears to have been the forerunner and origin of all musical farce and `opera comique,' only naturalised in our country during the present generation."10 She also explored folk music traditions outside of Andalusia, including those from the Basque region, Galicia and other northern provinces.

At this time both Spanish and English composers were working to create a national style of music and native folksong was an important source of inspiration. In England composers and folksong collectors active in this field included Cecil Sharp (1859- 1924), Grainger, and (1872-1958), and their Spanish counterparts were composers such as Pedrell, Granados and Albéniz. Higgin also noted the importance of and a variety of national folksongs to this new generation of composers.) t

Like Higgin, the English writer Ellis was concerned with correcting false stereotypes about Spain and Spanish culture. His book The Soul of Spain was first published in 1908 and is referenced by later important writers on Spain such as Van Vechten and

9 Ibid., 215. I° Ibid., 108. Higgin wrote, "To the end of the seventeenth century a galaxy of brilliant names carried on the national history of Spanish music, both on religious and secular lines; and though in the eighteenth and part of the nineteenth centuries there was a passing invasion of French and Italian fashion, the true and characteristic native music has never died out, and at the present time there is a notable musical renaissance in touch with the spirit and natural genius of the people." Ibid., 106.

145 J.B. Trend (1887-1958).12 Ellis wanted to direct the reader away from the common clichés propagated by the opera Carmen towards a more subtle and well-informed appreciation of Spain and its people.

Writing on flamenco, Ellis described a dance scene in some detail, categorizing it as "the most primitive and African of all Spanish dances."13 Ellis' description of the intense "bacchante-like fury of dancing" and deeply personal nature of the individual performance styles is much more detailed than similar passages in Ford or Borrow. He called attention to the difference between this dance and some of the exponents of Spanish dance seen in London by emphasising that, "there is no high kicking, yet every normal movement of the body is harmoniously displayed in the course of the dance."14

Ellis devoted a chapter of his book to Spanish women and attacked the lazy stereotypes disseminated by Carmen. He complained that,

In foreign representations the Spanish woman is usually a brilliant and reckless creature, passionate but cruel, peculiarly adapted to occupy a place in novels and pictures, but on the reverse side, ignorant, bigoted, lazy, and dirty. Mérimée's and Bizet's Carmen...crystallizes into a whole the more picturesque elements of this conception, and is doubtless largely responsible for its wide dissemination."

He also lamented the changing nature of Spain and expressed concern about the effect new inventions were having on the traditions of Spanish music:

It is a little depressing to find a cinematographic show set up in the market-place of even the remotest cities, to hear the squeak of the gramophone where one has once heard the haunting wail of the malaguena, or to have to admit that the barrel-organ is taking the place of the guitar.16

12 See Van Vechten, Music of Spain, 39, and J.B. Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain: Men and Music (London: Constable, 1921), 3. Trend's writings on Spanish music will be discussed in detail in Chapters 7 and 8. 13 Ellis, Soul of Spain, 184. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid., 87-88. 16 Ibid., 9-10.

146 According to Ellis, Spaniards were sick of the ignorance of tourists who "seem to see the population of Spain symbolized in gypsies who dance or tell fortunes and beggar boys who lie in the sun eating oranges."17 He quoted the Galician author Emilia Pardo Bazân who declared that Spain "is not merely the land of the gipsy with his guitar.s18 Ellis wrote perceptively on music and was concerned that many Spanish traditions were being lost. Luffman was equally impressed by the spirit of musical performance in Spain and like Ellis sought to educate his readers on the nature of the true Spain.

Born in England in 1862, Luffman worked in the agricultural trade in Italy, France and in 1893 he travelled through Spain, publishing an account of his wanderings in A Vagabond in Spain (1895). Luffman migrated to Australia in 1895 where he successfully pursued a career in horticulture.19 He returned to Iberia in 1908 and 1909 and his experiences formed the basis of the book Quiet Days in Spain, published in 1910. Out of the 49 provinces that existed in Spain at that time, he visited 42 and covered more than 7,000 miles in his travels.20 Like Higgin and Ellis, Luffmann wanted to present an accurate picture of Spain, correcting the wrongs perpetrated by earlier writers. He took Borrow to task, writing that while "no British writer has written more entertainingly of Spain than George Borrow...no man has created a more erroneous impression.s21 Borrow was charged with the crime of exaggeration in the name of a good story.

Luffman was not especially interested in music but focused mostly on provincial differences and Spain's natural resources. He did, however, provide some detailed thoughts on the topic of Spanish song. Music was clearly an important part of everyday life in the Spain encountered by Luffmann, who wrote of the "soul for music" in Spain, which he described as, "a sense of feeling, power, and interpretation which is most rare elsewhere."22 The spirit of musical participation in Spain fascinated English writers who saw this lacking in their own culture. In the process of industrialization in Britain many traditions had been lost, whereas Spain was still poor

17 Ibid., 38-39. 18 Ibid. 19 Luffman wrote the landmark work, The Principles of Gardening for Australia (Melbourne, 1903). 20 Luffman, Quiet Days, v. 21 Ibid., vi. 22 Ibid., 64.

147 23 and under-developed, and many traditional musical practices remained intact.

Luffman did not view Spanish folk music in primitive terms. He praised the music for its "refinement of emotion" and when writing of Spanish singing described voices "most full of expression and delicacy of sound."24 However, he noted that Spanish song was an acquired taste and the structure was "not easily apprehended." 25 To help inform the English public of the refinement of Spanish song forms he quoted examples of Andalusian and gypsy couplets with detailed explanations.26 Quiet Days in Spain was widely read and was reviewed favourably in the Daily Mail by the prominent novelist and author of Heart of Darkness, Joseph Conrad.27

For Higgin, Ellis and Luffman, increased tourism to Spain meant that greater awareness of the "real" Spain was possible and the English could now strive for a more sophisticated understanding of Spanish music and culture. They were concerned about the challenges facing the traditional way of life in Spain and endeavoured to provide correct and up to date information on the country for an English readership.

Edward Elgar and Spanish Music To most music lovers, the name Elgar does not conjure up images of Spain, however, like Sullivan, he had a penchant for Spanish music. In his introduction to Van Vechten's book The Music of Spain (1919), the Spanish critic Pedro Morales added Elgar's Piano Quintet (1918) to Van Vechten's list of "Spanish" works by composers of other nationalities.28 There are passages in the first movement of Elgar's Piano

23 On this note Luffman wrote, "The town (Pontevedra) has a population of nine thousand, and though it is old-fashioned and quiet it provides more solid entertainment than most British communities with ten times the number of people." Ibid., 270. 24 Ibid., 64. 25 Ibid., 64-66. 26 Ibid. 27 Joseph Conrad, `A Happy Wanderer,' Daily Mail, 23 July 2010, 8. 28 Morales, preface to Music of Spain by Van Vechten, xxii. He wrote, "In the domain of Chamber Music, of all works, Elgar's Piano Quintet and E. Goosen junior's Spanish for Cello." Morales was a composer, conductor and writer on Spanish music and art. Born in Huelva in 1879 he studied first at Seville University and later at the in London. Morales established himself as an important presence in the London music scene. He began organizing concerts of contemporary Spanish music in 1918 and continued these activities as conductor, performer and composer for a number of years. His role in the promotion of Spanish music in London will be discussed further in Chapters 7 and 8.

148 Quintet where a Spanish influence is apparent and it is just one of a number of compositions where his predilection for Spanish music may be heard. In his first "Spanish" pieces the sonority of the Estudiantinas is a perceptible influence, an added element to the musical style of "Spanish" music written by earlier English composers such as Sullivan.

Elgar's first "Spanish" composition was the Intermezzo Moresque, premiered in Worcestershire on 4 April 1883. It later reappeared in Elgar's Three Characteristic Pieces op. 10 (1899) as the middle piece with the title "Serénade mauresque" and is the longest and most significant of the three pieces.29 Robert Anderson describes the piece as "an early example of Elgar's penchant for "Spanish" inflections, with exotic intervals and pattering pizzicato."30 In Example 5 a descending pizzicato scale in the second violin is doubled by the and bassoon in staccato articulation, while the first play guitar-like triplet semi-quavers. This imitation of plucked strings suggests the early influence of the Estudiantinas on Elgar's "Spanish" music.

29 In an example of exotic confusion, the Moorish quality of the piece was described as `Slavonic' by a critic in 1888. Anderson, Elgar, 363. 30 Ibid.

149 Example 5. Edward Elgar, Sérénade Mauresque, op. 10, no. 2, ms.5-6.31

Oboe

Clarinet in Bb

Bassoon

Violin I

Violin 11

Cello

dim.

Elgar achieved his first London performance with his Sevillana op. 7 for orchestra in 1884.32 He called the piece "an attempt to portray, in the compass of a few bars, the humours of a Spanish fete,"33 and described the opening as "an imitation of a Spanish folk-song, played by the violins on the fourth string."34 According to Julian Rushton, Elgar's "exoticism is based on conventional evocative signs rather than fieldwork, and much of Sevillana is frankly a Viennese waltz; in Spanish vein."35 However, this was typical of many projections of Spanishness in salon instrumental music, for example in the waltzes of Émile Waldteufe1,36 and ,37 which were

31 Edward Elgar, Sérénade Mauresque (London: Novello, 1899), 2. 32 "Like the Intermezzo moresque, Sevillana revealed a fascination with the music of Spain, a country he never visited." Anderson, Elgar, 363. 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Julian Rushton, `In Search of the Symphony: Orchestral Music to 1908,' in The Cambridge Companion to Elgar, eds. Daniel M. Grimley and Julian Rushton (Cambridge: CUP, 2004), 140. 36 The French waltz composer Waldteufel was well known for his Estudiantina waltz (1883), an arrangement of a melody composed by Paul Lancome. He was the author of the popular dance Espana (1886) after the work of the same name by Chabrier. See Andrew Lamb, 'Waldteufel, Emile.' in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, accessed 30 Jan. 2013, www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/29819. 37 Moszkowski wrote three groups of Spanish Dances for piano published as op. 12, op. 21 and op. 65. Other Spanish themed works were Caprice Espagnol op. 37 and Guitarre op. 45 no. 2. He completed an opera based on the legend of Boabdil and the expulsion of the Moors from Granada titled Boabdil der letze Maurenkönig op. 49. See Martin Eastick, `Moszkowski, Moritz,' in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, accessed 30 Jan. 30, 2013,

150 also performed by Estudiantina ensembles.

Elgar's next Spanish work was the part-song Spanish Serenade op. 23 written in May and June of 1892. The work is scored for voices with orchestral accompaniment and the text comes from Act 1 of The Spanish Student, a play by the American writer Henry Wadsworth Longfellow originally published in 1843. Elgar imagined a Spanish scene for the work and on the manuscript score he wrote an imaginary stage direction: "A street in Madrid. Enter Chispa followed by musicians with a bagpipe, guitars and other instruments."38 Originally scored for two violins and piano, Elgar subsequently made a version for voices accompanied by muted strings and , an allusion to the sound of an Estudiantina. These works were written early in Elgar's career and it was not until 1918 that Elgar would return to a Spanish theme in his music.

The Piano Quintet is Elgar's most substantial chamber work and incorporates Spanish allusions in a more abstracted manner. Written in the summer of 1918 it was first performed on 21 May 1919 by a group that included Elgar's close friends the violinists Willie Reed and Albert Salmonds and the Australian pianist William Murdoch. Elgar wrote the Piano Quintet while staying at his peaceful country retreat Brinkwells in the Sussex countryside. The rural landscape and in particular a group of gnarled trees sparked Elgar's imagination. The novelist Algernon Blackwood came to stay and may have had a part in associating these emaciated trees with a community of Spanish monks who had lived in the area. Robert Anderson wrote that the monks "were supposed to have been struck dead while celebrating impious rites" and "the trees are their withered forms."39 As commented on by Morales and other writers, the Spanish section, depicting the trees, begins at bar 78 of the first movement of the Piano Quintet,40 and forms the second subject of the first movement.41 The Spanish quality is achieved through a suggestion of the Phrygian mode, articulation in the strings that suggests Spanish folksong and melodic phrasing across the bar.

www.oxfordmusiconline.com.ezp.lib.unimelb.edu.au/subscriber/article/grove/music/19207. 38 Quoted in Anderson, Elgar, 274. 39 Robert Anderson and Jerrold Northrop Moore, foreward to Elgar Complete Edition, Vol. 38, Chamber Music, ed. Robert Anderson (London: Novello, 1988), vii. 4o Ibid. 41 Anderson, Elgar, 386-8.

151 Example 6. Elgar, Movement 1, Moderato-Allegro, Piano Quintet in Amin. op. 84, ms.78-92.42

78

Ped. 07 Ped. simile • 85

k

MOW

raw; 04.. .._ PPC x \ . . a . ------— . .TI• yAIMONIM. T<• .1116■ S\INI•

In his last years Elgar considered writing an opera to a libretto adapted from Ben Jonson's play The Devil is an Ass from 1616. Elgar produced the libretto with his friend and they renamed the opera The Spanish Lady. The project struck a number of difficulties and remained unfinished, however, there are Spanish pieces among the extant sketches. Willy Reed, the leader of the London Symphony Orchestra and a friend of Elgar's, remembered playing through sections of The Spanish Lady with Elgar and although he remained confused about Elgar's intentions,43 he clearly recalled the Spanish-themed music Elgar had written: "We

42 Edward Elgar, `Piano Quintet' in Elgar Complete Edition, Vol. 38, Chamber Music, ed. Robert Anderson (London: Novello, 1988), 67. 43 Reed said of The Spanish Lady: "If I am ever asked what it was all about, I shall have to confess that I have not the faintest idea." Quoted in Anderson, Elgar, 274.

152 began playing through a lot of it [The Spanish Lady] on my violin and his piano. There was a Spanish dance, a country dance, a bolero, and a ."44 The music assembled for the opera was an eclectic mix of styles. Elgar raided his sketchbook for musical material and planned a number of Spanish-themed pieces. The only item that was partially scored was a "Bolero", based on a Polonaise for violin and piano written in 1879.45 The work references seventeenth-century Spanish and English music, in accord with the neoclassical tendencies of the time. However, Elgar's musical take on Spain remained firmly based in the nineteenth century, as evidenced by the amount of material taken from earlier sketches. The blending of contemporary and early music sources evident in the neoclassical music of Manuel de Falla and other Spanish nationalist composers did not influence his musical approach in this piece. Elgar worked on The Spanish Lady until 5 February 1933 when poor health intervened and he died just over a year later.

Elgar never published a work for the guitar but he did compose a small sketch for the instrument in combination with violin and mandolin in January 1907. The sketch shows that he was familiar with the Spanish guitar and its serenading and Estudiantina associations. The fragment was written in Italy and inspired by a trip to the barbershop. A letter from Elgar's wife to Mrs. Nicholas Kilburn described the musical encounter, "This morning E. went over to the Barber's to have his hair cut, the Barber was always playing the Mandolin, so E. took up a Violin & they performed a Duet, then a Guitarist arrived & they performed a Trio brilliantly to a delighted audience! E. so gay and amused."46 Elgar's writing demonstrates a degree of understanding of the guitar and typical chords and figuration.

The guitar remained popular in Edwardian London through the BMG movement, and this is attested to by the publication in 1914 of Phillip J Bone's book The Guitar and Mandolin, a milestone for the instrument.47 Containing entries on hundreds of players, composers and enthusiasts, Bone dedicated his book to "the noble band of enthusiasts,

44 Percy M. Young, foreward to Elgar Complete Edition, Vol. 41, The Spanish Lady, ed. Robert Anderson (London: Novello, 1991), ix. 45 Anderson, Elgar, 273. 46 Anderson and Moore, foreward to Elgar Complete Edition, vi. The musical fragment is reproduced on pages 164-5. 47 Bone, Guitar and Mandolin.

153 of all nationalities, who are ever striving for the advancement of their beloved instruments—the guitar and mandolin."48 He acknowledged the strong folk music associations held by these instruments when he observed, "the guitar and mandolin are seldom studied seriously, or even heard to advantage, in this country."49

The ability of the guitar to cross social and genre boundaries is exemplified in the life and work of the Spanish guitarist and teacher Alberto Obregon (1872-1922) who was inspired by hearing Târrega in concert in Barcelona and subsequently had lessons with the maestro.50 Obregon settled in London where he wrote light pieces for the guitar, conducted a mandolin and guitar group and performed several times for King Edward and Queen Alexandra who, according to Bone, "evinced sincere interest in the artist and his instrument."51

Percy Grainger and Spanish Music The Australian pianist and composer Grainger admired the Estudiantina settings of mandolin and guitar and included these instruments in some of his compositions and arrangements. Grainger is not normally associated with the Hispanic world, yet as a pianist he was recognised for his early performances of Spanish music in Britain and America. An active performer and promoter of the piano music of the modem Spanish school, most notably Albéniz's piano suite Iberia, Grainger's ideas relating to Spanish music would even have an impact on his compositions.

Grainger's interest in Spanish music was cultivated through his francophile connections in Edwardian London, and especially through his close ties with Sargent. The piano music of the modem Spanish school had predominantly developed in fin- de-siècle Paris, and was closely aligned to various currents of new French music. Albéniz, with his close ties to the Schola Cantorum and the Conservatoire, was at the vanguard of this movement, and his magnum opus Iberia was published in four books between 1904-1909, and considered a groundbreaking work of Spanish and French pianism.

48 Ibid., 4. 48 Ibid., 5. so Ibid., 260-1. si Ibid., 261.

154 Grainger's respect and admiration for Sargent extended to his musical taste and shaping of musical fashion in London. In his memoir of Sargent, written shortly after the artist's death in 1925, Grainger wrote, "John Singer Sargent was one of the most outstanding musicians I have ever met; for although his musical technic [sic] was not as developed as his painting technic, he had the rarest of all esthetic gifts— individualistic, balanced, critical judgement."52 Grainger not only admired Sargent as a visual artist and for his musical taste, but was also taken by the naturalness of his pianism and wrote, "To hear Sargent play the piano was indeed a treat, for his pianism had the manliness and richness of his painting, though, naturally, it lacks that polished skillfullness that comes only with many-hourly daily practice, spread over many years.s53 Grainger confirmed the artist's predilection for French and Spanish music, declaring: "He delighted especially in playing his favourite, Fauré, and in struggling with the fantastic difficulties of Albéniz's Iberia, which later he had mastered to the point of making it a musical joy to listen to at his hands; a task that might stagger many a well-equipped concert pianist."54 For Sargent, Albéniz's music was a modern pianistic incarnation of the flamenco music and guitar playing that had fired his imagination. He was also very familiar with some of the principal flamenco dancers and guitarists of the period, having befriended Angel Barrios and his father, "El Polinario" during his travels in Granada.

Grainger appreciated and embraced amateur guitar and mandolin ensembles and included guitars in numerous pieces and arrangements. Through the use of open tunings and -style strumming, Grainger was an early advocate of massed guitars in the concert hall. In keeping with the role of the guitar in Estudiantinas and mandolin and guitar groups, Grainger used the guitar primarily as a rhythmic and harmonic instrument. Notable examples include, Random Round (1912-15), which is an early exploration of aleatoric principles, an orchestration of Shallow Brown (scored 1910) with parts for 4 guitars, the use of multiple guitars in his arrangements of Father and Daughter (1908-09),55 and Scotch Strathspey and Reel (1901-39).

52 Percy Grainger, 'Sargent's Contribution to Music (1927),' in Grainger on Music, eds., Malcolm Gillies, and Bruce Clunies Ross (Oxford: OUP, 1999), 169. 53 Ibid. sa Ibid. ss Dedicated to John Singer Sargent.

155 It may be that Grainger's fascination with the guitar, and his extensive use of it in his ensemble music of the early twentieth century, was in part indebted to Sargent's contacts with the instrument. However, according to Grainger's later reflections, Sargent was not so taken with Grainger's inclusion of guitars in his arrangements:

As long as my compositions were not publicly performed Rathbone and Sargent seemed to take a keen interest in them. Between 1904 and 1912 (1913-1914?) they were always engaging me to play (and shout out the prominent voices) such things as English Dance, Green Bushes, Father and Daughter to their friends, at their `at homes', etc. There was always lively speculation as to how the orchestration, the guitars, etc., would sound.56

Grainger speculated that, "Perhaps they felt that my `special instruments' (guitars in `Father and Daughter', and guitars in `Scotch Strathspey and Reel') were a bit foolish in actual concerts. But the guitars in `F and D' surely must be said to have made their mark."57

Albéniz's premature death in 1909 brought his music to greater notice, although it took a number of years for Iberia to be considered a ground-breaking modern classic outside of Paris. Grainger was indeed a pioneer in this area outside of France and Spain, practising and performing some of the works from Iberia at least as early as 1909. In letters from January of this year to his partner Karen Holton and to his mother he mentions practising two pieces by Albéniz. In August of that year he performed them in Copenhagen and reported to his mother Rose on 30 August 1909, "The Albéniz's make a remarkably great impression on Scandinavians, so I must do them over here all I can."58 On 1 December of the same year The Times reported Grainger's performance of two of Albéniz's pieces which were played with "marvellous clearness and dexterity."59 One of these pieces was probably Triana, included by Grainger in a programme for a concert in on 20 February 1910.60 He had the utmost respect for Albéniz's piano writing and in the words of the

56 Gillies, Pear, and Carroll, eds., Self-Portrait of Percy Grainger, 193. 57 Ibid., 194. S8 Dreyfus, ed., The Farthest North of Humanness, 351. 59 `Music, Mr Percy Grainger's Recital,' Times, 1 Dec. 1909, 14. 68 Letter to Rose dated 20 Feb. 1910 from Copenhagen. Reproduced in Dreyfus, The Farthest North of Humanness, 359.

156 critic D.C. Parker in a promotional booklet from 1918, "[Grainger] pays an eloquent tribute to Albéniz, whom he describes as `in several ways the greatest pianistic advent since Chopin'.s61 Grainger continued to play Albéniz's works for the rest of his performance career.62

There are a number of Albéniz's piano scores with annotations by Grainger in the Grainger Museum Collection at the University of Melbourne.63 The markings on these works illuminate some of the features that attracted Grainger to this music, most notably: cross-rhythms, the novel use of alternating right and left hands and very specific use of the pedals.

One of the pieces Grainger performed repeatedly was "El Puerto", from the first book of Iberia. His score is full of markings detailing the length of time notes need to be held with the sustain pedal and also where notes should be damped. On page 1 he wrote, "Study in cross-rhythms and the use of damper pedal for purely rhythmic effects (while sustain ped. holds down pedal-notes)."64 Grainger highlighted the rhythmic function of the pedals and Albéniz was also known for his disinclination to over-pedal, particularly when clarity of texture might be compromised.65 Grainger also marked the 2 against 3 rhythmic effects, a feature of many genres of Spanish music and an integral part of this piece. He indicates that these passages should be kept strictly in time.

Another of the annotated Albéniz scores in Grainger's library is "Almeria" from the second book of Iberia. In this piece Albéniz notated the cross rhythms by juxtaposing 4/4 and 6/8 (3/4) time signatures. Again Grainger writes that the 2 against 3 rhythm should be kept strict. Albéniz would have approved of Grainger's emphasis on rhythmic precision as he himself was known for exactness and restraint in his piano playing.66 As had been the case with Albéniz, English critics sometimes described

61 Gillies and Pear, Portrait of Percy Grainger, 92. 62 It is unfortunate that there are no available recordings of Grainger performing the music of Albéniz, given the high regard he had for the genius of this Spanish composer and his pianism. The works with the most markings are Triana, El Puerto and Almeria. 64 Grainger Museum, MG C1/ALB-2. 65 "Beethoven's intentions were realised' when Albéniz played the first movement of the `Moonlight' Sonata without making use of the pedals,' which resulted in an appropriate absence of `blurred sound'." Vanity Fair, 21 Feb. 1891. See also Clark, Albéniz, 82. 66 See Clark, Albéniz, 80.

157 Grainger as a performer of precision but lacking in Romantic flair and expression.67 Grainger's promotion of Albéniz's Iberia and some pieces by Granados, alongside pieces from the modern French school, particularly Debussy and Ravel, added to his reputation as a specialist of modern piano repertoire.68

In his article on piano music from 1915 Grainger also wrote a paragraph on `The Influence of Spanish Gipsy Music.' Here he shows his interest in the guitar and mandolin effects apparent in Spanish and Spanish-influenced piano music. Grainger wrote, "It is highly interesting to trace the influence of guitars, , etc., in pieces such as Debussy's La Soirée dans Grenade and Minstrels, Ravel's Alborada de Gracioso, and Albéniz's Iberia."69 He continued by praising the piano writing of Albéniz and hinting at the influence of Sargent's keen interest in Spanish Renaissance and eighteenth-century painters, most notaby El Greco and Goya:

Albéniz developed the `two-hand' technique perhaps more than anyone else. His piano style might also be nicknamed a `concertina' style, so much does it consist of `right, left, right, left' devices. Albéniz seems to me to give us a volume of sonority, a dashing intensity and glowing brilliancy that we have been lacking in composers for the piano since Liszt and Balakirev, and without which we should be very much the poorer. At other times the vibrating gloom of his music suggests old Spanish pictures. But in all his phases he appears to me a real genius, occupying a wholly unique and precious niche amongst the greatest pianistic composers of all time.70

Grainger continued to play Albéniz in his English concerts until his departure for America in 1914.

67 These comments on Grainger's piano playing and temperament come from The Times, "In some ways it was a pity that Mr. Grainger had chosen Schumann's concerto, for although elaborate polyphonic writing suits the player's clean, analytical style, he does not succeed in convincing us that he is by temperament really in sympathy with such warm, full-blooded stuff as Schumann is here giving us." `Concerts,' Times, 14 Mar. 1907, 11. b8 From The Times in May 1912, "Another encore was insisted upon ...which was made up of interesting works of the utmost "modemity"—Albeniz's "Almeria," one of Granados's Spanish dances, and Debussy's "Toccata." All were most brilliantly given, and full sympathy was manifested with the music of all the various schools." `Mr Percy Grainger's Recital,' Times, 31 May 1911, 12. 69 Percy Grainger, `A Blossom Time in Pianoforte Literature,' in Grainger on Music, eds. Malcolm Gillies and Bruce Clunies Ross (Oxford: OUP, 1999), 75. 70 Ibid.

158 In Edwardian England some writers, performers and composers sought to modernize the image and sound of Spain. Ellis and Grainger engaged with the emerging Spanish nationalist movement, whilst others such as Elgar continued to write "Spanish" music informed by late nineteenth-century styles. As we shall see in the following chapter, modern Spanish musical nationalism began to be accepted and promoted in England, largely through its association with the new French school.

159 Chapter 6: Changing Political Alliances and Spanish Music: From the Entente Cordiale (1904) to the death of Granados (1916)

The loss of empire experienced by Spain in the late nineteenth century, and the threats being posed to English global influence at the same time, resulted in both countries cultivating new political alliances. The French invasions of the early nineteenth century left Spain a divided country and political instability marked the remainder of the century.1 The Spanish-American War of 1898 saw Spain lose sovereignty over Cuba, the , Puerto Rico and Guam,2 and this loss of colonial power provided further impetus to the artists and thinkers of the Spanish Generation of 1898 who were already grappling with issues of Spanish national identity.3 For much of the nineteenth century England had been the most powerful country in the world but found its authority in Africa threatened by the events of the Second Boer War (1899- 1902). This encouraged a belief amongst other nations, notably Germany, that the era of English domination was coming to an end. England looked abroad for allies and signed agreements with Japan, France and Russia.4

As the era of imperialism drew to a close, the political relationship between England and Spain grew closer with the signing of the Entente Cordiale in 1904,5 and the 1906 marriage of Spain's King Alfonso XIII to Queen Victoria's granddaughter, Princess Victoria Eugenie of Battenberg.6 In this chapter I will highlight the important influence that new political alliances had on the reception of Spanish music in London in the early twentieth century. A significant catalyst for this evolution was the influence of French critics who saw Spanish music as a subset of French music. Two

I See Enrique Moradiellos, `Spain in the World: from Great Empire to Minor European Power,' in Spanish History Since 1808, eds. José Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert (London: Arnold, 2000), 110- 121. 2 Enric Ucelay Da Cal discusses the rise of nationalism in Spain and other European countries in `The Restoration Monarchy and the Competition of Nationalisms,' in Spanish History Since 1808, eds. José Alvarez Junco and Adrian Shubert (London: Arnold, 2000), especially 124-127. 3 Vincent, Spain 1833-2002, 79. 4 Anglo-Japanese Alliance (1902), Entente Cordiale (1904), Anglo-Russian Entente (1907). 5 The Entente Cordiale was an agreement between England and France with specific reference to Spain. For a discussion of the importance of the Entente Cordiale to Spanish interests in Morocco and the vital role played by Britain in the agreement see Moradiellos, `Spain in the World,' 118. 6 For background to the marriage between Alfonso XIII and Victoria Eugenie see William D. Phillips and Carla Rahn Phillips, A Concise History of Spain (Cambridge: CUP, 2010), 234-5.

160 such writers with close connections to Spanish music were Henri Collet (1885-1951) and Raoul Laparra (1876-1943). They were part of a wider group of writers on French music, including London-based critics Edwin Evans (1849-1921) and Georges Jean-Aubry (1882-1950), who engaged with Spanish music. Although Collet and Laparra were most active in France, Laparra's opera La Habanera (1908) was performed at Covent Garden and introduced a new type of "realistic" Spanish music to London audiences. Their writings and the French movement to engage with and promote Spanish music as part of a broader Latin alliance influenced developments in England after World War I.

Manuel de Falla visited London for a concert of Spanish music facilitated by Jean- Aubry in 1911, however, the recital attracted little attention in the press. This was in marked contrast to the wave of enthusiasm that greeted the new Spanish ballet with music by Falla, The Three-Cornered Hat, in London after the war. What had changed? The catalyst for a new wave of promotion of Spanish composers in Britain was the death of the Spanish composer Enrique Granados aboard a civilian steamer in the English Channel in 1916. After this tragedy, Spanish music began to receive more performances and was discussed with greater seriousness than previously in the English musical press. Although Spain was neutral during World War I,7 it retained strong ties with England and nationalist sentiment was partly responsible for the re- evaluation of Spanish music. The music of other Spanish composers such as Albéniz, Turina, and most notably Falla benefited from this wave of interest.

Throughout this period Spanish music was ever-present in popular entertainments in London, such as the reconstituted English version of the Spanish review La Gran Via, visiting flamenco dance troupes, and the fashion for the , which, although Argentine in origin, formed part of London's Hispanic musical milieu. All of this activity informed the reappraisal of Granados' music after his death and prepared the way for the London premiere of The Three-Cornered Hat in 1919 (see Chapter 7).

7 The neutral stance of Spain during World War I and the benefits and problems it caused for Spain are highlighted in Ibid., 236.

161 The Entente Cordiale and Spanish music in Edwardian London Prior to the signing of the Entente Cordiale, France, Britain and Spain had been engaged in secret negotiations over the partitioning of Morocco, reaching agreement in 1904. The following extract from Article 8 of the Entente Cordiale between the and France outlines the special role of Spain in this agreement and illustrates the political balancing act achieved in this document.

The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the interests which that country derives from her geographical position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the French Government will come to an understanding with the Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His Britannic Majesty's Government.8

The British presence at Gibraltar was a decisive factor in the discussions between France and Spain on the subject of Morocco. France and Spain agreed to divide Morocco into two zones and to work together to further their colonial interests. With Morocco divided between France and Spain and safe from German influence, Britain effectively maintained control of the Straits of Gibraltar.9

The 1906 marriage of King Alfonso XIII to Princess Victoria Eugenie had a political dimension, reinforcing the Entente Cordiale, and maintaining the hegemony of European royal families. A writer in The London Morning Penny Post commented on this after the engagement was announced:

The authoritative announcement made by the Standard correspondent at Madrid of the engagement of the King of Spain to Princess Ena of Battenburg marks the end of a long campaign of domestic plotting on the Continent in which politics have also played a part.10

s Quoted in Melvin E Page and Penny M Sonnenburg, Colonialism: An International Social, Cultural, and Political Encyclopedia (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2003), 1000. 9 See Moradiellos, `Spain in the World,' 118-119. 1° London Morning Penny Post, 9 Dec. 1905, 3.

162 The vogue for all things Spanish in high society reached a peak at the time of the Royal wedding in 1906 and the British theatre musician Ernest Irving (1878-1953) highlighted this fashion in his autobiography as he remembered a tour to Spain in 1907. He was the musical director of a light opera company that presented musical comedies such as The Geisha, A Greek Slave, The Circus Girl and numerous others for seasons in Madrid. In response to being offered the chance to visit Spain, Irving wrote,

Spanish affairs were making the headlines then in the English papers, as Princess Ena of Battenberg had just been married to the King of Spain, and if everybody in England was not studying Spanish, everybody in Spain was learning English. I leapt at the chance of visiting Madrid, and proceeded as rapidly as possible to assimilate Hugo 's Teach Yourself Spanish»

This interest in Spain led to performances of Castles in Spain, an English re-working of the zarzuela La Gran Via in London in 1906-07. As mentioned in Chapter 4, La Gran Via had great success in Spain and musical items from the work became standard pieces in the Estudiantina repertoire. La Gran Via toured successfully to Paris, Vienna, Prague, and repeatedly in Italy and Latin American countries, however the productions of Castles in Spain in London and New York were less popular. Van Vechten argued that a reason for this lack of success was that "the zarzuela, to be fully enjoyed, in fact, must be seen in Spain. Like Spanish dancing it requires a special audience to bring out its best points."i2 Morales laid the blame for the poor reception with English theatrical managers. He reasoned that, "the English theatrical manager's customary treatment robs the continental importations of their character. Chueca's music was introduced in a show arranged ad hoc, entitled Castles in Spain. It was neither English nor Spanish."13 English writers Cosmo Hamilton and Eustace Ponsonby wrote new lyrics for the show and the music hall singer Henry Fragson added musical numbers. The new material was presented alongside the main numbers originally written by Chueca and Valverde for La Gran Via. A writer in The

11 Ernest Irving, Cue For Music (London: Dobson, 1959), 41. 12 Van Vechten, Music in Spain, 78. 13 Pedro Garcia Morales, 'Chueca, Federico,' A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians. ed. Eaglefield-Hull (London: Dent, 1924), 94.

163 Manchester Guardian commented on some positive aspects of the work but remained unimpressed with the way the original Spanish material was treated:

The mixture is not altogether happy, if only because Mr. Fragson suffers so much by comparison with the Spanish composers, whose music has an abundance of vigour and colour. True, it bears a great family likeness to a deal of other Spanish music we know, but it has a distinct character, whereas Mr. Fragson's own music is an undistinguishable mixture of everyday French and English idioms.14

In the pre-war years Spanish music maintained a regular presence on the London stage in popular forms of entertainment, however, music by Spanish composers was rarely heard in the concert hall. Indeed, there had been something of a hiatus in performances of Spanish concert music since Albéniz left London in the early 1890s.

The situation was very different in Paris where Spanish music continued to be an integral part of the music scene. Most ambitious Spanish composers and musicians spent formative years in the French capital. Albéniz had given successful recitals in Paris in the 1880s and returned there in 1894, staying until his death in 1909. His works stimulated the French interest in Spanish music and his piano suite Iberia was lauded as a masterpiece in France.15 Albéniz was highly regarded as a composer by Debussy and Ravel, and some scholars have suggested that Albéniz influenced Debussy's Spanish pieces.16

14 `Comic Opera in London,' Manchester Guardian, 19 April 1906, 7. 15 See Clark, Albéniz, 220-67. 16 See Michael Christoforidis, 'Invasion of the Barbarians:" Spanish Composers and Challenges to Exoticism in Belle-Epoque Paris,' Context: Journal of Music Research 29/30 (2005): 113; Jacqueline Kalfa, `Isaac Albéniz à Paris: Une Patrie Retrouvée (1893-1909),' Revue Internationale de Musique Française 26 (1988): 19-36. Debussy and (1875-1937) both wrote Spanish-themed works. Debussy's Lindaraja (1901) for two pianos is based on the habanera rhythm also used by Ravel in his two-piano piece Habanera (1895), later orchestrated as part of the suite (orch. 1907-08). The title Lindaraja refers to a garden room at the Alhambra in Granada and foreshadows another piece inspired by Granada (a place Debussy never visited) and the habanera rhythm, "La soirée dans Grenade" from Estampes (1903). Debussy also composed an orchestral homage to Spain, the suite Ibéria (1905-08). Ravel's contributions to the list of Spanish works include the four-movement Rapsodie Espagnole and the one-act opera L'heure Espagnole (The Spanish Hour) (1907-9). His piano suite Miroirs (1905) was first performed by the Catalan pianist Ricardo Vigies in 1906 and includes the "Alborada del Gracioso," a work with Spanish style themes and rhythms. Other significant Spanish works by French composers from the late nineteenth century include Chabrier's Espana (1883) and the sixth movement, "Pas Espagnol" from Gabriel Faure's Dolly Suite op. 56 (1884-87).

164 Granados went to Paris to study in 1887, staying for two years and sharing a room with his compatriot Ricardo Vines (1875-1943), who would become one of the most in demand interpreters of new French and Spanish music.17 Of the younger generation of Spanish composers, Turina arrived in Paris in 1905 and helped his friend Falla find a place to stay when he came to the French capital in 1907. Both left France before the onset of war in 1914.

During the early twentieth century there was a change in how French intellectuals viewed their relationship with Spain.'8 Responding to concerns about German military and cultural influence, a group of French writers on music advocated a Latin coalition of nations and promoted Spanish works as part of an anti-German musical alliance. Their influence was crucial in the gradual development of awareness of new Spanish music in London. Falla came to London in 1911 for a concert of Spanish and French works expedited by the London based French writer Jean-Aubry. Although this concert was not a huge success, it marked the beginning of a determined effort to bring Spanish concert music to the London public before World War I.

Spanish music and French music in London Two of the leading French writers on Spanish music were Collet and Laparra who both influenced the critical debate in London and maintained close ties with Evans and Jean-Aubry. With his opera La Habanera, Laparra aimed to present a more realistic portrayal of Spain than familiar works such as Carmen. London audiences and critics were not attuned to his interpretation of Spain which they found too far removed from familiar tropes of Spanishness. The work was performed in London in 1910 but failed to attract significant interest or repeat performances.

'7 Morales wrote of Vines in 1924, "The prominence of his name in the history of modern music cannot be sufficiently emphasised...He was one of the first to understand, and make others understand, the new French school, through his wonderful exposition of its pianoforte works which for a long period he monopolised. The new school of Spain and, to a great extent, that of Russia, owe him a similar debt." Morales, `Vines, Ricardo,' Dictionary, ie ed. Eaglefield-Hull, 513-514. Llano, Whose Spain?, 3.

165 One of the French writers on music who championed the cause of Spanish music, was Collet.19 Collet composed "Spanish" music throughout his life, including ballets, symphonic and chamber works and even a zarzuela. In Paris, he became friends with Falla with whom he shared an interest in Spanish music from the Renaissance and Baroque periods. In 1913 Collet penned an influential study on Spanish musical mysticism.20 He was a prime mover in the promotion of Spanish music in France and called for the emergence of a vibrant school of Spanish composition, independent of the prejudices and clichés that had come to characterize Spanish music. He saw Spain as a key ally of France in the fight against German cultural imperialism. The anti- German rhetoric of writers such as Charles Maurras exerted a strong influence on Collet, who in his 1909 obituary of Albéniz gave expression to these ideas.21 In writing of Albéniz's brief time spent studying in Leipzig in 1876, Collet wanted to show that Albéniz was immune to German influences in his music: "In those German milieux...Albéniz acquired enough mastery to begin confronting high composition, while preserving that freedom of attitude, that charming negligence and that spontaneity by which Spain remains impervious to Teutonic pedantry."22 In the partnership between French and Spanish music Collet clearly thought of France as the dominant partner. According to Collet, Albéniz's success would not have been possible without his success in France: "Albéniz is therefore ours, despite his apparent exoticism...Albéniz's impressionism often sounds like Debussy or Fauré rather than Spanish."23

Like Collet, the French critic and composer Laparra expressed his fascination with Spain in his own compositions and writings. He met Collet during a visit to Spain in 1902, however, his views on Spanish music differed substantially from those of Collet: he did not view Spain as part of a union against Germany, rather, he urged the

19 See Llano, Whose Spain? for a fascinating discussion of Collet's writings on Spanish music, particularly Chapter 1 "`Spanish Music" as Allied Propaganda,' 3-48. ° Henri Collet, Le mysticisme musical espagnol au XVI Siecle (Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1913) referenced in Michael Christoforidis, `From Folksong to Plainchant: Musical Borrowings and the Transformation of Manuel de Falla's Musical Nationalism in the 1920's,' in Manuel de Falla: His Life and Music, ed. Nancy Lee Harper (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2005), 216. 21 Llano, Whose Spain?, 8-15. 22 Ibid., 11. 23 Ibid., 12.

166 preservation of Spanish musical integrity without hybridization.24

Laparra's first opera, La habanera was first performed at the Opéra Comique in 1908 and in 1910 at Covent Garden. He aimed to dispense with familiar stereotypes of Spanish music and culture and according to Samuel Llano, this work "constitutes the first [French] large-scale work entirely focused on Castile with the purpose of dislodging, from the popular imaginary, representations of Spain solely based on stereotypes from the southern region of Andalusia."25 Although the work is set in Castile, Laparra did include some Andalusian elements and mixed cultural material in an eclectic manner.26

After the London premiere, comparisons with Carmen, still the benchmark for new Spanish productions, appeared in the London press. A critic in The Times judged the realism of La habanera as unsuccessful:

The single novelty offered by the management of Covent Garden this year may be best described as being everything that Carmen is not. In the first place, it is genuinely Spanish in character, representing not the gay, sunny, southern atmosphere, but the true Spain that is so much less effective for stage purposes.27

By "the true Spain" the reviewer may have been referring to the violence of Laparra's libretto.28 The story concerns two brothers who are in love with the same girl. The elder brother decides to commit suicide but ends up killing his brother. He is haunted by the ghost of his brother (who appears playing a guitar at one point) and more tragedy ensues.

There are common elements shared by La habanera and Carmen, namely the dual themes of murder and jealousy and the habanera rhythm, although in Laparra's work the habanera is used as a recurring theme. It may have been Laparra's desire to move

24 Samuel Llano, 'Hispanic Traditions in a Cross-Cultural Perspective: Raoul Laparra's La habanera (1908) and French Critics,' Journal of the Royal Musical Association 136, no. 1 (2011): 97-98. 25 Llano, Whose Spain?, 74. 266 Llano, 'Hispanic Traditions,' 98. 27 'Royal Opera, "La Habanera",' Times, 19 Jul. 1910, 12. 28 Llano discusses the violence of Laparra's libretto in Llano, 'Hispanic Traditions,' 130-131.

167 beyond Carmen stereotypes, towards a more realistic style of , however, by comparison with Bizet's opera, La habanera was deemed to be lacking in originality and compositional ski11.29

Paris was an important centre for Spanish composers and musicians in the years before Falla's arrival in 1907. Exchanges between French and Spanish musicians in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries played a crucial role in the development of Spanish nationalist music.30 In Paris Falla met the composers (1865-1935) and Debussy who were impressed with his opera , completed in 1905.31 Among the Spanish musicians Falla encountered in the French capital were Vines, Albéniz, and the guitarists Llobet and Barrios. During this time Falla attended meetings with a group known as the Apaches, comprised of influential French musicians, poets and artists, and a number of Spaniards.32

Falla found the artistic climate necessary for his career to advance in Paris, and he later wrote of the importance of the move from Madrid:

Without Paris, I would have remained buried in Madrid, done for and forgotten, laboriously leading an obscure existence, living miserably...To be published in Spain 33 is worse than [not] being published at all. It's like throwing the music into a we11.

There were close connections between the critics and musicians who supported Falla in Paris and the network of friends and supporters he developed in London. Falla's first visit to London in 1911 was for a concert of Spanish music at the Aoelian Hall where he performed with pianist Franz Liebich and the singer Suzanne Berchut on 24 May.34 In the words of Chris Collins, the cosmopolitan Liebich was "British by birth, German by training, French by musical sensibility."35 He was an advocate for the

29 "He has a strong poetic imagination. But this is not the same thing as being a skilful stage- craftsman, or an original or successful composer." `Royal Opera,' Times, 19 Jul. 1910, 12. 3° See Llano, Whose Spain?; Bergadà, Les Pianistes catalans à Paris. 31 La vida breve was first performed in Nice in April 1913 and later that year in Paris. 32 Arbie Orenstein, introduction to A Ravel Reader: Correspondence, Articles, Interviews, ed. Arbie Orenstein (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), 3. 33 Brody, Paris: The Musical Kaleidoscope, 188. See also Chris Collins, `Falla in Europe: Relations with His Contemporaries' in Manuel de Falla: His Life and Works, ed. Nancy Lee Harper (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, 2005), 247-284. 34 Chris Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 35. 35 Ibid., 35.

168 music of Debussy and his wife wrote an early biography of Debussy, published in 1908.36 Liebich and his wife became friends with Falla and firm supporters of his music. The Aoelian Hall programme included Falla's Pièces espagnoles and Trois mélodies, a two piano arrangement of Debussy's Ibéria and pieces by Turina and Antonio de Cabezôn. The concert received little critical attention, perhaps due to Sir Edward Elgar conducting the premiere of his Second Symphony on the same night.37 Falla's friend Jean-Aubry had a hand in organising this concert and bringing Falla to London.

Jean-Aubry championed modern Spanish, Italian, English and French music and was an ardent supporter of Falla. His zealous promotion of Spanish music was tied to the anti-German sentiments espoused by Collet and others who thought of Spanish music as a colonial offshoot of French music. Jean-Aubry was closely connected to the English music scene and lived in London after 1915, working for the music publisher Chester and editing the in-house music journal The Chesterian. Through his articles in the Musical Times, Jean-Aubry helped to focus attention on the renaissance in Spanish music and played a key role in organising Falla's subsequent visits to London.38 They collaborated on the work Psyché (1924) in which Falla set one of Jean-Aubry's poems for mezzo-soprano, harp, violin, viola, cello and . His writings on Spanish music will be discussed in Chapter 7.

While efforts were underway to promote the new Spanish school of composers in London, Spanish music and dance continued to thrive in popular entertainment. Spanish dancers inspired by the Ballets Russes developed idiosyncratic and increasingly modern styles of Spanish dance. At the same time flamenco groups begin to appear in the tradition of touring Andalusian dance troupes. All of this activity continued to be informed by stereotypes and myths derived from Carmen, as demonstrated by the successful revival and reworking of the Alhambra Theatre's Carmen ballet in 1912.

36 Mrs Franz Liebich, Claude-Achille Debussy (London: J. Lane, 1908). 37 Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 35. 38 Ibid., 34.

169 In 1908 the Spanish dancer Tortola Valencia (1882-1955) featured in the Gaiety Theatre production Havana. Valencia was dressed in a costume modelled on Sargent's painting of Carmencita.39 She went on to develop a distinctly personal style of Spanish dance and was influenced by the new and exotic dance styles of the Ballets Russes and Isadora Duncan.40 Iris Garland notes that while it is likely Valencia was raised by a foster family in London, she followed the example of earlier Spanish dancers and invented a romantic history for herself. In the words of Garland, "Valencia, who was notorious for self-invention and imaginative stories to the press, claimed her mother was a gypsy and her father was a Spanish nobleman."41 The London press were confused about her identity in November 1908 when she was described as "a Moorish dancer...an Algerian by birth who dances in the costumes of her country."42 The following month, with her nationality now firmly established as Spanish, a London writer described the novelty of her dance:

Dancing was represented by Tortola Valencia, a Spanish lady attired in a wonderful flame-coloured skirt, which she whirls round her in serpentine convolutions. Some of her arm action is rather suggestive of the overhand stroke affected by certain of the Channel swimmers 43

Flamenco dance groups began to visit with greater frequency in this period, most notably the Sevillian flamenco dance master José Otero who came to London with "a troupe of Spanish Dancers and a quintet of bandurria players in 1911.'44 The Carmen ballet was revived in January 1912 and touted as a new production of the show first seen in London in 1903. A troupe of Spanish dancers were brought from Madrid to support the stars of the ballet, among them La Malagueflita and La Andujar, who were promoted in The Times as "two famous Spanish dancers."45 Staged at The Alhambra Theatre with George Byng's musical adaptations of Bizet, these dancers provided an up-to-date model of Spanish dance. The Times declared, "the Spanish ladies swagger

39 Iris Garland, 'Early Modern Dance in Spain: Tortola Valencia, Dancer of the Historical Intuition,' Dance Research Journal 29, no. 2 (1997): 6. 4o Iris Garland, 'Tortola Valencia' in International Dictionary of Modern Dance, ed. Taryn Benbow- Pfalzgraf and Glynis Benbow-Niemier (Detroit: St. James Press, 1998), 791. 41 Ibid., 791. 42 'Theatrical Arrangements,' Times, 30 Nov. 1908, 13. 43 'Palace Theatre,' Times, 9 Dec. 1908, 8. 44 'The Variety Theatres,' Times, 29 May 1911, 8. 45 'The Variety Theatres,' Times, 15 Jan. 1912, 10.

170 and fascinate and strut in the true Spanish style," and La Maleguenita drew the notice of critics who described how "her castanets purr and talk and scream."46 The coarser and less refined nature of the dance, which had greater flamenco influence than the original 1903 production, drew notice as The Times commented, "it would be ungracious to complain that none of the dancing is supremely good, because none of it is of the kind that can achieve supreme beauty."47

All of this activity constituted a revival of the fashion for Spanish dance:

In the matter of dancing the mode of the moment seems to be the Spanish school. Only a few weeks ago at the Palace we saw Estrellita, a powerful and passionate danseuse, while we have now simultaneously at the Alhambra Miss Réjane who is pretty, Maria la Bella, who is inspiring, and Maleguenita, who is amazing. This week it is once again the turn of the Palace, where Tortola Valencia is exhibiting a series of hieratic and Oriental dances 48

The fashion for the tango in London of the early 1910s is demonstrated by the popularity of "Tango teas," social gatherings where the new Hispanic dance was featured as a social entertainment. Although Argentine in origin, the tango was appreciated as a broadly Hispanic style, particularly due to its similarity to the habanera rhythm that had distinguished Spanish instrumental music in the wake of Bizet's famous "Habanera" from Carmen. The popularity of the tango opened the way for other South American dances. A tango revue at the Palladium in November 1913 showcased the Argentine dance alongside dances from Brazil, Chile and Venezuela 49 A critic in The Times commented on the popularity of the tango and observed that "the appetite of the public for Tango teas continues unsatiated."5° Spanish dancers such as La Belle Otero performed at these events and Otero was reported to dance the "real Argentine Tango."51

46 `New Ballet at the Alhambra,'Times, 25 Jan. 1912, 8. 47 Ibid. as49 ,`Oriental Dancing at the Palace,' Times, 21 Mar. 1912, 9. Tango Revue at the Palladium,' Times, 25 Nov. 1913, 10. so Ibid. S' `The Theatrical Season,' Times, 27 Oct. 1913, 12.

171 At the Alhambra Theatre in 1914, a young Argentine-born Spanish dancer, La (Antonia Mercé y Luque, 1890-1936), was featured in a Spanish entertainment titled El Embrujo de Sevilla that had been playing in Paris. In this show she performed with celebrated gypsy performers and deepened her knowledge of flamenco dance.52 After World War I would become one of the most 53 prominent and influential exponents of Spanish dance and collaborated with Falla.

Another Spanish singer and dancer associated with Falla was (Encarnacion Lopez Jûlvez, 1898-1945). She was involved in the Competition of 1922 and performed in London with the English dancer Anton Dolin. La Argentinita was a close friend of Federico Garcia Lorca (1898-1936) and was the dedicatee of his Llanto por Ignacio Sanchez Mejlas (1935).54

In the pre-war years the new school of Spanish composers had not yet achieved significant recognition in England. The most successful Spanish entertainers were working in the popular theatres such as the Gaiety and the Palace, presenting new and varied representations of Spanish music and dance. It was the death of Granados in 1916 that triggered greater awareness of the modern Spanish school of composition in England and facilitated the success of Spanish composers after the war.

The Death of Enrique Granados, Anglo-Spanish relations and Spanish music in London

The man who made modern Spanish music known to the rest of Europe was Enrique Granados...(He) seemed to bring something that was new into pianoforte music, and his fame was definitely established when it became known that he had lost his life in 55 the Sussex, torpedoed in the English Channel in 1916.

The cross-channel steamer Sussex was torpedoed in the English Channel by a German submarine, the UB-29, on 24 March 1916. Passengers on board included Granados

52 Ninotchka Bennahum, Antonia Mercé, "La Argentina": Flamenco and the Spanish Avant Garde (Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1999), 49. 53 According to Bennahum, La Argentina probably first met Falla in 1914. They worked together on the choreography for Falla's . Ibid., 94. 54 See Caroline Rae, The Music of Maurice Ohana, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000), 10. 55 Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music, 32-33.

172 and his wife Amparo who both drowned after the attack as did a number of Americans. This incident was part of a series of similar attacks that drew strong criticism, especially from the USA, Spain and England. The following discussion will explore the impact of the torpedoing of the Sussex on relations between Spain and England, and the repercussions it had on the dissemination of Spanish music in London. The circumstances surrounding Granados' death are often incorrectly reported and have acquired almost legendary status in histories of Spanish music.56

Prior to his death, Granados' reputation in England rested primarily on a few of his Spanish Dances, only a handful of which were performed regularly. Even as late as 1924, Cecil Gray assessed the contributions of Falla, Albéniz and Granados in the following terms, "Spanish national music has so far produced no Borodin or Moussorgky, but only three Rimsky-Korsakovs—which is three too many."57 In March 1916 Granados was returning to Europe after a successful tour to the United States where his opera Goyescas had been performed in New York to mixed reviews.58 Although the music was generally well received, the dramatic structure of the work was questioned by a number of critics as was the effectiveness of the relationship between music and dramatic action. Furthermore, three scene changes and elaborate sets meant that Goyescas, at little more than an hour in length, was expensive to stage.59 Other opportunities followed and Granados was invited to perform in a number of concerts, most notably at the in front of President . Granados rearranged his travel plans to perform at the White House's "musicale series", both as a soloist and accompanist to the Dutch singer .60 After the concert Granados and his wife wished to sail directly to Spain, but were unable to cancel their previous booking so they returned to New York and sailed for England on 11 March where they would spend a few days before catching the S.S. Sussex across the Channel to France.61

56 For a brief account of the circumstances surrounding the torpedoing of the Sussex see David Walton, The Last Journey of Enrique Granados (Knockholt: Iberian and Latin American Music Society, 2007). 57 Cecil Gray, A Survey of Contemporary Music (London: OUP, 1924), 244. SB Clark, Enrique Granados, 155. 59 Hess, Enrique Granados; a Bio-Bibliography, 30-31. 60 Clark, Enrique Granados, 163. He performed a selection of Sonatas by Scarlatti, a Chopin Nocturne and some of his own piano works. 61 The Sussex was a 1,353 ton steamer built in Dumbarton in 1896. It was owned by the French State Railways and consequently sailed under the French flag with a predominantly French crew. It was

173 Whilst in London Granados and his wife Amparo stayed with the Catalan sculptor 62 Ismael Smith with whom they discussed a possible London premiere of Goyescas. The couple boarded the steamer Sussex on the morning of 24 March 1916. During the previous two days the 5,000-ton steamer Englishman had been sunk and two other steamers, the Kelvinbank and the Norwegian König were torpedoed in the Channel without warning.63 The Germans had recently increased their attacks on civilian and other non-military vessels from both enemy and neutral countries.64

The Sussex left Folkstone at 1.25pm with about 380 passengers, including Granados and his wife, and 50 crew, bound for . The vessel was also carrying Indian, Colonial and French mails. According to the Times approximately 270 of those on board were women and children, representing almost a dozen nations.65 At 4.30pm distress signals were received and various English and French vessels went to assist. The captain of the Sussex and other eyewitnesses reported seeing a torpedo approach from about 100 yards away. An attempt was made to avoid the torpedo but it exploded in the engine room killing several of the crew and occupants of an adjoining cabin.66

There have been many varied and incorrect assertions about the details of Granados' death.67 Some writers maintain that Granados went down with the ship and a number of accounts say that the Sussex sank 68 The Sussex stayed afloat and most of the survivors either stayed on board or returned to the steamer in their lifeboats. Most of

managed by the London, Brighton and South Coast Railway Company and had recently been used on the service between Folkstone and Dieppe. 62 Clark, Enrique Granados, 164. 63 `Dominion Liner Sunk,' Times, 25 Mar. 1916, 8. 64 The most famous sinking of a passenger ship by a U-boat was the assault on the British ocean liner the Lusitania in May 1915 with the loss of over 1000 lives. This tactic was initiated in February 1915 when Germany, attempting to cripple Britain's ability to trade, declared a war zone around the British Isles in retaliation for the British blockade of Germany. 65 `Channel Boat Torpedoed,' Times, 25 Mar. 1916, 8. 66 `The Torpedoed Sussex,' Times, 27 Mar. 1916, 9. 67 Walton, Last Journey, 30-42, outlines the various myths, theories and conspiracy theories surrounding the death of Granados. 68 For example, the notes to EMI Classics recording: De Falla and Granados (Manuel Barrueco guitar). The author of the notes to this recording, Matthias Henke, writes: "As Granados was returning to Spain, his ship was the object of a murderous torpedo attack by a German submarine. The ship sank, sucking Granados to his death with it." Matthias Henke, notes to De Falla and Granados, Manuel Barrueco guitar, EMI, 7544562, 1993.

174 the fatalities were caused by drowning as people leapt into the water or crammed into already overloaded lifeboats which then capsized. It is not known exactly how Granados and his wife Amparo perished. According to his good friend Pablo Casals, "Granados had an almost morbid fear of travelling—especially by sea—and for years he adamantly refused to cross the Atlantic."69

The sinking of the Sussex and other civilian boats by the Germans around the same time had political ramifications in both Spain and America. There was widespread condemnation of the attack and it was a catalyst for much discussion in both countries about the wisdom of appearing to maintain friendly relations with Germany. The Spanish stance of neutrality was being seriously debated in early 1916. Spain remained neutral in the war but certain sections of society began to move toward support for the Allies at this time.70 The newly elected Prime Minister Conde de Romanones was much more involved in the conflict than his predecessor. In 1914 he had expressed sympathies for the Allied powers and a desire to collaborate more closely with France and Britain, however, he had to temper these remarks significantly in order to gain political power, finally realizing his goal in December 1915.71 After the death of Granados, Romanones took a stronger stance and proposed taking official action against Germany.72

Germany had important economic interests in the Iberian Peninsula, with 70,000 nationals living there and over 40 vessels sheltering in Spanish ports.73 Both the Allies and the Central Powers subsidised newspapers, giving many of them a distinctly german6filo or aliad6ftlo bias.74 In broad terms the pro-Allied side was led by Liberal and progressive intellectuals and the upper middle classes, while the clerical world, the army and the reactionary politicians were, on the whole, pro- German.75 The Germans were more aggressive in their funding of the press whereas the British only half-heartedly wanted Spain to abandon its neutrality and enter the

69 Pablo Casals, Joys and Sorrows (London: MacDonald, 1965), 148. 7° Francisco J. Romero Salvadc , Spain 1914-1918: Between War and Revolution (London: Routledge, 1999), 60. 71 Ibid., 60-61. 72 Hess, Manuel de Falla, 63. Salvadb, Spain 1914-1918, 61. 74 Hess, 75 Manuel de Falla, 63. Madariaga, Spain, 393-4.

175 war on the Allied side. The fear was that the Spanish would want concessions on, fo example, the question of Gibraltar. Militarily Spain was only a minor player on the world scene. It was involved in an intractable dispute in Morocco and had not recovered fully from the disastrous war in Cuba in 1898.

Reports from Spain express indignation at the continued German attacks on neutral vessels. Two weeks after the torpedo attack on the Sussex, The Times' Spanish correspondent wrote:

The torpedoing of the Spanish steamer Vigo by a German submarine, following so closely the death of the great Spanish composer Senor Granados in the Sussex, has profoundly moved public opinion here. While the Germanophile Press has maintained an embarrassed silence the more independent papers openly express surprise that the German navy, while carefully avoiding meeting with the British fleet, should devote itself to sinking harmless merchant vessels.76

The English press reported the increase in pro-Allied sentiment in Spain with gusto. A "Declaration of Faith" in the justice of the Allies' cause was signed by hundreds of Spanish intellectuals and artists in early April 1916. An English response in the form of an "address of acknowledgement" was signed by eminent British and Irish people.77 An article in The Times on April 14, with the heading "Our Friendship with Spain," records a speech written by Lord Northcliffe given at a luncheon hosted by the Newspaper Proprietors Association for three eminent Spanish journalists visiting the United Kingdom. The speaker, Lord Burnham, emphasised the deep-rooted and widespread commercial ties and the traditional friendship between the two countries. He apologised for not addressing the Spaniards in their own tongue and suggested that and literature should be taught more widely in English schools and institutions.78

The attack also caused a new outburst of resentment against Germany in the United States. The French newspaper Le Temps reported that other neutral countries were waiting for a lead from the United States as to how they should respond to the Sussex

76 `Neutrals and German Barbarities,' Times, 7 Apr. 1916, 7. 77 ` • News in Brief,' Tes,im 13 Apr. 1916, 7. 78 `Our Friendship with Spain,' Times, 14 Apr. 1916, 7.

176 incident.79 On 19 April President Wilson wrote a letter to the German government in protest at submarine war and made it clear that the United States would not tolerate such attacks.80

The Germans denied responsibility for the attack for weeks after the incident, claiming that a mine had been responsible. After remnants of a torpedo were discovered in the damaged hull Germany caved into international pressure to pay reparations to some of the families affected, including the Granados family. The Granados orphans received 666,000 pesetas from the German government and in January 1917 an official apology for the death of Granados was offered by Foreign Minister von Jagow.8

Due to the tense political situation and the desire to proclaim Granados as a martyr to the Allied cause, some writers exaggerated his influence in the articles and obituaries written in his memory. In the June 1916 issue of The Monthly Musical Record, Joshua Barnard proclaimed:

No one has done more to spread the gospel of Spanish music than Enrique Granados y Campina...this most truly representative of Spanish composers is dead—"dead ere his prime." He went under with the Sussex—"a victim of German frightfulness...his unclouded inspiration may be surprised [sic] on every page, and it is such that lives forever in the memories of men."82

Sir conducted a benefit concert for the Granados orphans at the on 24 July 1916 and in attendance were diplomats, politicians and prominent musicians such as Hubert Parry, Charles Villiers Stanford, Léo Delibes and Granville Bantock.83 They wrote messages of sympathy in a book of condolences, many expressing outrage at the barbaric German approach to warfare.84 In the printed

"'Sussex Outrage,' Times, 10 Apr. 1916, 7. a° Hess, Enrique Granados, a Bio-Bibliography, 32. a' Ibid., 33. 82 Joshua Barnard, 'Enrique Granados: 1868-1916,' 84 Monthly Musical Record (June 1916): 162. Clark, Enrique 167-168. as Granados, Ibid., 167.

177 program for the concert Granados was acclaimed as "the greatest of modern composers".85

In the December 1916 issue of The Musical Times, the French writer Jean-Aubry published an insightful and more balanced article. He cautioned against over-stating the importance of Granados' legacy, instead drawing a picture of him as a composer 86 interested in "traditional aesthetics and the forms favoured by Chopin and Liszt". Jean-Aubry argued that Granados' name deserved to live on because of a selection of piano works from the collections of Spanish Dances and his two books of Goyescas. He reasoned that,

A certain haste and some exaggeration in the homage paid to Granados since he died ran the risk of injuring his reputation...By trying to magnify unduly the role of Granados and his achievements, we may well be doing him injustice. Both he and his work must be kept in their proper place; a place which indeed, is quite glorious

enough, being so personal and peculiar.87

Of Granados' Spanish Dances Jean-Aubry wrote, "I feel that they are not quite free from the defect which is apparent in many of Granados' works: the too numerous repetitions of a theme."88 The Spanish Dances are not over-burdened with expressive markings or dynamics and it is left to the performer to interpret the work so that the repetitions do not become tedious. Granados' own playing exhibits the subtlety and nuance which brings these pieces alive.89 Jean-Aubry followed up his article on Granados with full-length articles on the life and music of Albéniz and Falla in 1917.90

This newfound interest in Spanish music and Granados in particular is evident in an article by the normally pro-Germanic music critic (1868-1959). Newman's essay entitled "The Granados of the Goyescas" argues that Granados' set

85 Ibid. 86 Georges Jean-Aubry, `Enrique Granados,' Musical Times 57 (1 Dec. 1916): 535-537. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid. 89 Granados can be heard playing his Spanish Dances no.s 7 and 10 on Composers in Person: Granados, Falla, Mompou, Nin. EMI CD Classics CD 7548362 90 Georges Jean-Aubry, `Manuel de Falla,' Musical Times 58 (1 Apr. 1917): 151-154; Georges Jean- Aubry, `Isaac Albéniz (1860-1909),' Musical Times 58 (1 Dec. 1917): 535-538.

178 of Goyescas were by far his best works and proposed that Granados needed the inspiration of Goya's paintings to realise his best work.91 In his inimitable style, Newman wrote, "There was a certain amount of good music in him that had to come out. It was brought out of him by Goya, as it has been brought out of other composers by a woman."92 Newman went on to emphasise the important role of the piano in Granados' musical thinking and discussed the transformation of the Goyescas from the piano to the stage. Newman, was deeply impressed by Granados' ability to compose for the piano and wrote, "The basis of the technique is Chopin; but the style has the polyphonic quality that is too often lacking in Chopin."93

Many critics and musicians agreed that Granados was a superb pianist and compared his style to that of Chopin. Casals declared that, "He made me think of Chopin. Chopin as I imagined he was; nervy, delicate, listless, ailing, not a great worker but a born pianist. He could tackle any of the big works written for the piano, and would improvise passages to avoid working at them, without the slightest compunction."94 A recording of an improvisation based on his piano piece "El pelele", a late addition to the Goyescas, is evidence of his skills as an improviser.95 Falla also singled out Granados' skill as a pianist in his tribute to his compatriot.96

Henry Wood (1869-1944) was one of the influential English musicians to champion Spanish music, in particular Granados' orchestral works. On 28 October 1916 Wood conducted a performance of Granados' Dante in the Queen's Hall symphony concert series. Wood had been sent the piece in 1914 by the American pianist Ernest Schelling,97 and remembered in his autobiography that Dante "made a deep impression."98 The work is a symphonic poem in two movements for mezzo- soprano and orchestra inspired by a painting by English painter . An early version of Dante was performed in Barcelona in 1908 and after

91 Ernest Newman, `The Granados of the "Goyescas",' Musical Times 58 (1 Aug. 1917): 343-347. 92 Ibid., 343. 93 Ibid., 347. 94 Casals, Joys and Sorrows, 150. 95 This improvisation can be heard on Composers in Person: Granados, Falla, Mompou, Nin. EMI CD Classics CD 7548362 96 Manuel de Falla, Writings on Music and Musicians, trans. by John Thomson and David Urman (London: Marion Boyars, 1978), 92. 97 Schelling met Granados in 1912 and gave the London premiere of Goyescas at the Queen's Hall on 9 December 1913. 98 Henry Wood, My Life of Music (London: V. Gollancz, 1949), 302.

179 Wood performed the work with the Queen's Hall Orchestra on 9 September 1914, Granados revised the score before publication in 1915. In his analysis of the work, Clark draws attention to the influence of in the orchestration and an overtly Wagnerian style of chromaticism in the music.99 The piece received mixed reviews, partly because it was not written in an obviously Spanish style, although Ernest Newman wrote that Dante was the only work by Granados comparable to the Goyescas. On the other hand, Jean-Aubry believed it was an immature piece which did not represent current developments in Spanish music.100 An anonymous critic in The Musical Times complained that it could have been written by a non-Spanish composer, lamenting that, "the music displays no definite idiom that could be characterised as specially Spanish. It displays cosmopolitan influences, and might have been written by an accomplished musician of any nationality.' lol

At another concert in this series on 11 November Wood conducted an orchestral symphonic poem by Turina, La Procesion del Rocio.102 Unlike Dante, this work was deemed to incorporate features of Spanish music which attracted the same reviewer,

Joaquin Turina is one of the most distinguished of the band of Iberian composers that has, by force of ability, recently asserted its right to a hearing...Unlike Granados' Dante, Turina's music has the colour and glow that are generally associated with Spanish music.lo3

The following year Wood conducted his own orchestrations of five of Granados' Spanish Dances with great success.1o4 The Musical Times critic remarked enthusiastically, "The immediate appeal they made to every musical sensibility brings with it fresh pangs of regret that the composer was the victim of a vile German outrage on humanity. Such music should be in the repertoire of every good los orchestra."

99 Clark, Granados, 148-150. loo Jean-Aubry, `Enrique Granados,' 535-537. 101'Queen's Hall Symphony Concerts,' Musical Times 57 (1 Dec. 1916): 553 102 An Andalusian procession or pilgrimage. 103 `Queen's Hall Symphony Concerts,' Musical Times 57, 553 104 In 1938 Wood wrote of Granados, "His was indeed a Castilian temperament which is evident in all his works. I orchestrated five of his original piano dances and have played them for many years here [England], on the Continent, and in America." Wood, My Life of Music, 302. 05 Queen's Hall Promenade Concerts' Musical Times 58 (1 Oct. 1917): 465.

180 In spite of the efforts of Wood and others, the continued success of Granados' music was obstructed by the lack of major orchestral works in his oeuvre, especially those which displayed the overtly Spanish characteristics heard in some of the Spanish Dances. An unresolved financial dispute between Granados' son Eduardo and the publisher Schirmer also made some of his published work unavailable.1o6

The culmination of the increased interest in Spanish composers was the enormous critical and popular success of Falla's music for the Ballets Russes' production of The Three-Cornered Hat, premiered in London in 1919. While Falla's music showed the influence of modem trends, especially Stravinsky's music, Granados was seen as a product of the previous century. However, as some critics pointed out, the success of The Three-Cornered Hat, to be discussed in Chapter 7, could not have been achieved without London audiences' increased exposure to Spanish music after Granados' death.

106 Clark, Enrique Granados, 175.

181 Chapter 7: Falla, The Three-Cornered Hat and Flamencos

After the devastation of World War I, new political and cultural alliances were developed, including closer political ties between England and Spain. These new relationships were mirrored in the artistic domain where English writers such as Edward Dent and Arthur Eaglefield-Hull (1876-1928) endorsed a cosmopolitan pantheon of musical nations and Spain was one of the countries promoted with newfound zeal 2 The Ballets Russes' production of The Three-Cornered Hat (1919), with music by Manuel de Falla, was first performed in London in this context and the work brought a modern style of Spanish music, dance and painting to the attention of London audiences and critics. Other ballet companies, inspired by The Three- Cornered Hat, brought Spanish dance productions to London in the 1920s, with varying degrees of success. Musical societies and associations such as the International Society for Contemporary Music (ISCM), founded in 1922, endorsed the new cosmopolitanism of the post war period. A notable example of the English engagement with Spanish music in this period is the major orchestral work Fantaisie Espagnole (1919) by Lord Berners (1883-1950), who was influenced by the evolving panorama of Spanish music and dance in the 1910s.

The 1919 premiere of The Three-Cornered Hat at the Alhambra Theatre introduced a new type of Spanish entertainment to London. Critics praised Falla's music, 's sets and Léonide Massine's choreography. Most importantly, for the cash- strapped Ballets Russes, audiences flocked to see The Three-Cornered Hat, making it one of the most popular works in their repertoire. The ballet owed its genesis to the close connections between the Ballets Russes and Spain that were shaped during World War I when the company spent prolonged periods in Spain at the invitation of King Alfonso XIII. During this time the bonds were formed that unified the creative

I I am indebted to my supervisor Michael Christoforidis for his work on the reception of The Three- Cornered Hat in London, particularly the article `Issues in the English Critical Reception of The Three- Cornered Hat,' Context 19 (Spring 2000): 87-94. 2 Eaglefield-Hull was a prolific English writer, composer and organist. He edited the Monthly Music Record, Dent's International Library of Books on Music series and was the general editor of the Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians (1924). The cosmopolitan nature of this dictionary and the space given to entries on Spanish musicians will be considered in Chapter 8.

182 team of the ballet.3 Massine in particular was taken with Spain and its people, especially the region of Andalusia.4 The close connections between the Ballets Russes and Spain influenced the work and helped to create the perception of it as an authentically Spanish production. London audiences and critics had been prepared for the work by the upsurge of interest in Spanish music since Granados' death in 1916 and the success of The Three-Cornered Hat was due to the confluence of a number of factors: the return of the Ballets Russes to London after World War I, changing tastes and audiences, greater interest in Spanish music and the success of modernist aspects of the work.

In the years before World War I Diaghilev's Ballets Russes performed opera and ballet at Drury Lane and Covent Garden for audiences which included royalty, politicians and the cream of London's aristocracy.5 From 1911-1914 the Ballets Russes graced these venues as part of regular opera seasons and cultivated an elite audience, although a closer look reveals a mixture of high society, serious music- lovers and people on modest incomes.6 As a producer of opera, Diaghilev introduced London audiences to Russian works such as Mussorgsky's Boris Godunov and Borodin's Prince Igor, and the success of these three operas in 1913 focused Diaghilev's efforts on more operatic production. The English discovery of Spanish music by Falla, Granados, Turina and Albéniz in the years from 1916 to 1919 echoed the enthusiasm for Russian works in the pre-war years. In both cases the interest of London critics and audiences was encouraged and fostered by closer political ties, firstly with Russia and later with Spain. The advent of World War I and Revolution in Russia in 1917 dried up the financial resources the Ballets Russes had relied on in the years before 1914. Diaghilev set about reinventing the company and focused on tours to countries without an active involvement in the war, especially the United States, South America, Spain and Italy.

Diaghilev and Stravinsky both identified strongly with the folk in which they recognised elements of Russian and dance. In 1916 the

Christoforidis, `English Critical Reception of The Three-Cornered Hat,' 88. 4 Vicente Garcia-Marquez, Massine, 68. 6 Garafola, Diaghilev's Ballets Russes, 300-306. Ibid., 301. Christoforidis, `Igor Stravinsky,' 88.

183 company was invited to perform in Madrid by the Spanish king Alfonso XIII and they opened their first Spanish season on 26 May with the Spanish King and Queen, Prime Minister Conde de Romanones and other diplomats and politicians in attendance. The season was a huge success, paving the way for a number of short tours to Spain during the remaining war years.8

The company rehearsed two Spanish works in Rome in 1916, although they were never publicly produced: Espana with music by Ravel and Triana, to music by Albéniz.9 Both ballets were choreographed by Falla's collaborator for The Three- Cornered Hat, Massine. In June 1916 Diaghilev journeyed to Granada with Falla and Massine for a performance of Falla's Nights in the Gardens of Spain and Diaghilev toyed with the idea of turning this work into a ballet.10 Newspaper reports in El Defensor de Granada stated that Diaghilev and Falla were thinking of collaborating on a ballet." The first Spanish-themed ballet produced by Diaghilev was Las Meninas (1916), inspired by the Velazquez painting and featuring costumes by the Catalan artist José-Maria Sert (1874-1945) and music by Fauré.12 The premiere was given in San Sebastian on 21 August 1916 with members of the Spanish royal family in attendance.

Diaghilev wanted a Spanish work for a performance in Rome in January 1917 but Falla was busy working on the music for the pantomime El corregidor y la molinera, a collaboration with the librettist Gregorio Martinez Sierra (1881-1947) based on Pedro Alarcôn's (1833-1891) novel El sombrero de tres picos (The Three-Cornered Hat, 1874).13 After the premiere of El corregidor y la molinera in Madrid, Falla, Martinez Sierra and Massine began work on the development of a new ballet based on s The smaller populations of Madrid and Barcelona could not sustain the longer ballet seasons of London, Paris or the big American cities, and the longest season in the larger Spanish cities was two weeks, forcing the company to travel in search of new audiences. A more extended tour of provincial theatres was undertaken in 1918. See John K. Walsh, `Espana y los Ballets Russes de Serge Diaghilev. Contexto hist6rico: Espana durante la Primera Guerra Mundial,' in Los Ballets Russes de Diaghilev y Espana, ed. Yvan Nommick and Antonio Alvarez Canibano (Granada: Archivo Manuel de Falla, Centro de Documentaciön de Mûsica y Danza, 2000), 27. 9 Christoforidis, `The Three-Cornered Hat,' 87 fn 2. 10 Ibid. 11 Walsh, 'Espana y los Ballets Russes de Serge Diaghilev,' 28. 12 Las Meninas was first performed in London for the visit of King Alfonso XIII on 2 July 1928. 13 A number of the works attributed to Gregorio Martinez Sierra, including El corregidor y la molinera have been found to have been largely written by his wife Maria Lejârraga. See Hess, Sacred Passions, 74-75.

184 the work.14 In 1917 Falla, Diaghilev and Massine travelled through Spain collecting ideas and inspiration for extending and transforming the work and Falla's score was expanded to include more flamenco elements and full-scale dance numbers which enabled the exploration of the dance styles Massine had observed during his time in Spain.15 The result of this collaboration was the ballet The Three-Cornered Hat.

The English critical reception of The Three-Cornered Hat Falla arrived in London a month before the premiere of The Three-Cornered Hat to help supervise rehearsals. As for his previous trip to London, the French music critic Jean-Aubry helped to organise the composer's journey and accommodation.16 Falla was not fluent in English and was aided by several Spaniards resident in London, including the writer Salvador de Madariaga (1886-1978) and the poet and composer Pedro Morales, who represented the Sociedad de Autores Espafioles (Society of Spanish Authors) in London and as such acted as Falla's agent in Britain.17

Just a few hours before the London premiere of The Three-Cornered Hat on 22 July 1919, Falla had to return to Spain, missing the performance. News had reached him of his mother's serious illness and she died on the same day, although Falla was unaware of her death until he reached Spain a few days later.

Two things emerge very strongly in the press reception for The Three-Cornered Hat: the enthusiasm and excitement that greeted each new work by the Ballets Russes and the great sense of anticipation for a major Spanish orchestral work. The story was summarized as follows by the theatre critic of The Stage:

There is little, if any, originality about this tale set in eighteenth-century Spain. It is the familiar story of the husband, the wife, and the lover, the characters in this instance being a miller and his spouse and an amorous and elderly Corregidor—in other words, the governor of the province—the said corregidor being sadly fooled at the finish... [in]

14 Andrew Budwig, `The Evolution of Manuel de Falla's The Three-Cornered Hat (1916-1920),' Journal of Musicological Research 5 (1984): 191-212. 15 Garafola, Diaghilev's Ballets Russes, 85-86. 16 Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 33-48. Jean-Aubry's influence as a critic and promoter of Spanish music will be discussed later in this chapter. 17 Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 34.

185 an invigorating mix-up finale... [which] takes the form of a lively Jota.18

The excitement of the first performance is described in this excerpt from The Sporting Times,

Another great night at the Russian ballet! I have never seen the Alhambra (theatre) looking more brilliant, or filled with a more enthusiastic audience than at the premiere of `The Three-Cornered Hat' on Tuesday. The uniform scheme of Peace decorations...enhanced the nobility of one of the finest auditoriums in Europe. As for the enthusiasm—it defies description. It was tremendous. There is no other word.19

The popular press made jokes on Falla's name and singled out the "jota" for particular attention. In the espagnolades which had been staged in London's music halls over the previous century, the "jota" was seen as the quintessential Spanish dance 20

To-night there will be much excitement among the ultra-artistic set and lovers of the Russian ballet generally. For a new ballet will be produced by the wonderful Massine...This is `The Three-Cornered Hat,' with music by Manuel de Falla, the Spanish composer (who is a very clever falla indeed)21

This was the end of the Ballets Russes' first post-war season and comparisons were being made between the new school of Spanish music and the revival of English music, echoing closer ties between the two countries. An anonymous writer in The Daily Mail observed,

There seem to be several analogies between the present state of Spanish music and of English music. Both schools produced noble and distinguished work in Renaissance music. Both were in rather low water in the greater part of the 18th and 19th centuries. Both countries now seem on the verge of a great musical revival.22

18 Stage, 24 July 1919. 19 `See Them Dance the Jota,' Sporting Times, 26 July 1919. "For example the headline `Alhambra Dance Sensation: Spectators Electrified by the Jota. The Super Romp,' Daily Express, 23 July 1919. 21 `Mr Gossip: Echoes of the Town,' Daily Sketch, 22 July 1919, 5. 22 `Music Notes,' Daily Mail, 19 July 1919, 2. Quoted in Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 33.

186 Due to political ties that were forged during World War I composers from Latin and Slavic countries were promoted with a new-found zea1,23 and the beginnings of this phenomenon can be seen in the reaction to Granados' death, as discussed in Chapter 6. The musical public had been prepared for Falla's music by performances of works by Granados, Albéniz and Turina, as well as those of Stravinsky and other contemporary composers.

Falla's harmonic language separated his music from Albéniz and Granados. His orchestration was more sophisticated and his use of folk sources less literal.24 The critic Dent who was to become a close friend and supporter of Falla during his next visit to London in 1921,25 highlighted the difference between Falla and his Spanish predecessors,

Albéniz and Granados were both largely under German influences, like most nineteenth-century composers, and their German idiom, while on the one hand it serves to make their ideas clearer to musicians who have never crossed the Pyrenees, relegates them on the other hand so completely to the past that modern audiences are inclined to 26 find them somewhat tediously conventional.

This quotation shows Dent distancing Falla from his precursors in order to underline the innovations of the new work. In an interview given to the Daily Mail in the lead up to the first performance of The Three-Cornered Hat, Falla distanced himself from the German classical tradition, claiming, "Most nineteenth-century music is to be mistrusted, and as regards the classical symphonies and sonatas, the teacher's one duty is to utter warnings against them."27 His music was often compared with the music of Stravinsky and a critic in The Russian underlined the connection,

Falla's music is that of a composer altogether new to London...The value of the most modem harmonic devices is also perfectly understood by him, and he has something of

23 Christoforidis, `The Three-Cornered Hat,' 88. 24 Ibid., 90. Zs Collins, 'Falla in Britain,' 36. 26 Dent, 'Spanish Ballet,' 691. 27 'To the Young Composer: Senor Manuel de Falla and German Formalism,' Daily Mail, 18 July 1919.

187 Stravinsky's complexity of texture...however, this must on no account be mistaken for weakness. The fine way in which he occasionally suggests local colour is enough to prove it. But, of course, there is also a good deal of castanet noises which seems to be inseparable from Spanish music 28

The impact of The Three-Cornered Hat extended beyond the ballet theatre and concert hall to encourage a new interest in Spain:

With its music by Manuel de Falla, choreography by Massine and designs by Picasso, the ballet was a sensation. Once again London became entranced by all things Spanish. Soon there were Spanish dancing schools, a wave of enthusiasm for , history, music and architecture, and an exodus of tourists to Spain to see the bullfights and the art of Madrid and Barcelona.29

In spite of the ballet's success and the amount of press coverage it received, some specialist critics believed English audiences were not capable of appreciating authentic Spanish music. Writing in 1920, Morales noted the recent increase in interest, and emphasized the lack of insight shown by many writers,

More newspaper articles on the subject of Spanish music and folk-lore have appeared during the last five years in all Europe, than during the previous fifty or sixty years together. Yet the general public is still very far from being enlightened on this subject, as the value of the said writings...is not always in keeping with their profusion.3o

The Three-Cornered Hat proved to be a turning point in Falla's career and remained his most performed work in Britain. It helped him to gain the support of influential critics in England and made his name familiar to the concert-going public. The ballet continued to be performed throughout the next decades and in some respects replaced Carmen as the touchstone for Spanishness on the London stage. As a consequence Falla became known as the premier Spanish composer of his time and secured a lucrative contract with London publisher Chester, a deal facilitated by his friendship with Jean-Aubry.

28 `The Russian Ballet's New Triumph,' Russian, 31 July 1919, 12. 29 Jessica Douglas-Home, Violet: The Lives and Loves of Violet Gordon Woodhouse (London: Harvil Press, 1996), 181. 30 Morales, preface to Music of Spain by Van Vechten, xi-xii.

188 The Ballets Suédois and Cuadro Flamenco Encouraged by the success of The Three-Cornered Hat, other ballet groups introduced Spanish-themed ballets to London, most notably the Ballets Suédois with two productions that portrayed both traditional and modern visions of Spain and dance. The Ballets Russes also continued their representations of Spanish music and dance with Cuadro Flamenco (1921), a relatively unmediated flamenco performance presented in a ballet theatre.

Formed in 1920 as an alternative to the Ballets Russes, the Ballets Suédois or Swedish Ballet aspired to the ideals of artistic collaboration and innovation.31 Based in Paris, they performed ballets to music by composers such as Debussy, Ravel, Satie and . Among the pioneering modern works created and produced by the Ballet Suédois in Paris were Les mariés de la tour Eiffel (1921), La creation du monde (1923), Within the Quota (1923) and Relâche (1924). The choreographer Jean Börlin (1883-1930) and the director Rolf de Maré (1888-1964) were the artistic team behind the Ballets Suédois which gave its first English performances in November 1920. One of the pieces they programmed for this season was entitled El Greco, based on paintings by the Spanish Renaissance artist Doménikos Theotokôpoulos (1541-1614), better known as El Greco. Set in a market place in. Toledo, it was not a conventional ballet but a series of gestures and poses derived from El Greco's paintings, set to music written by the French composer Désiré-Emile Inghelbrecht (1880-1965), a former student of Debussy.32 Börlin described the ballet as "mimed scenes,"33 and like The Three-Cornered Hat, El Greco had a strong focus on visual design and modernism.

El Greco was a major influence on twentieth century modernist painters who rediscovered his work in the 1910s.34 The London National Gallery exhibited a newly purchased El Greco painting in 1919 and in the following year the noted art

31 Bengt Hager, Ballets Suédois (The Swedish Ballet) (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1990), 7. 32 The correspondence between Debussy and Inghelbrecht is reproduced in Debussy's Letters to Inghelbrecht: The Story of a Musical Friendship, annotated by Margaret G. Cobb (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2005). 33 Hager, Ballets Suédois, 18. 34 See Beat Wismer and Michael Scholz-Hansel, eds., El Greco and Modernism (Ostfildern: Hatje Canz Verlag, 2012).

189 critic Roger Fry wrote that the Director of the National Gallery had "given the British public an electric shock. People gather in crowds in front of it, they argue and discuss and lose their tempers.s35 In reference to the painters who came to see the El Greco painting Fry wrote, "That the artists are excited—never more so—is no wonder, for here is an old master who is not merely modern, but actually appears a good many steps ahead of us, turning back to show us the way."36 Börlin's modern approach to the choreography of this ballet tapped into the public fascination with El Greco's work, and according to a writer in The Manchester Guardian, "It is a most extraordinary reconstruction of the art of the apocalyptic genius whose works have become the passion of the day."37

Some writers complained that El Greco was not a ballet at a11,38 but more damning was the implication that dancing did not come naturally to the Swedes. Ernest Newman reported, "The Swedish Ballet has been a disappointment to most of us...we had to admit reluctantly that the Swedish Ballet has no claim to be judged by the same standards as the Russians".39 Two years later The Observer's critic concurred, remarking that, "Ballet dancing seems particularly to be a gift to the Russians and the Spaniards."4°

On their return to London in 1922, the Ballets Suédois included in their programme a more explicitly Spanish ballet, Iberia, set to the music of Albéniz. The music was arranged by Inghelbrecht who provided ornate orchestrations of the following movements from Albéniz's piano suite Iberia: "El Puerto", "El Albaicin" and "El Corpus Christi en Sevilla".41 Given the revival of interest in Spanish composers such as Albéniz and Granados and the recent success of The Three-Cornered Hat, the Swedish company might have expected success with a ballet based on the music of Albéniz, but responses to the work were largely negative. There are clear reasons

35 Roger Fry, Vision and Design (London: Chatto and Windus, 1920), 134. 36 Ibid., 134. 37 `The Swedish Ballet,' Manchester Guardian, 9 Dec. 1920. 38 "They repeat the performance of `El Greco,' which is not a ballet at all, but a series of poses or living pictures." `The Swedish Ballet,' Observer, 29 Oct. 1922. 9 Ernest Newman, `The Week in Music,' Manchester Guardian, 16 Dec. 1920. 40 'The Swedish Ballet,' Observer, 29 Oct. 1922. 41 At the premiere in Paris on 25 October 1920 the orchestra played two movements from Debussy's Iberia in between the two acts of the ballet. Hager, Ballets Suédois, 78.

190 why audiences and critics did not connect with the ballet.42 Börlin did not include any traditional Spanish dances or references to flamenco in his choreography. In his book on the Swedish Ballet, Bengt Hager described Börlin's intentions in Iberia,

With Iberia, Börlin aimed at a synthesis of Spanish daily life and the atmosphere of Spain in a festive mood. The choreography, rather than comprising well known popular dances, or flamenco, was based on Spaniards' natural movements, reflecting a human behaviour and body language that is characteristically Iberian.43

The costumes and sets by the artist Théophile Steinlen (1870-1923) drew on images understood as traditionally Spanish but were realised with the aesthetic awareness of modern art and colour 44 The interpretation of Spanish dance in Iberia was esoteric and unconnected to familiar tropes of Spanish dance, furthermore, inadequate rehearsal and the difficulty of the orchestral writing compounded the problems of the production.45 As with El Greco, there was a perception that only the Russians and Spaniards knew how to convey the essence of Spanish music and dance, and audiences who had been won over by the modern, but still picturesque, image of Spain projected in The Three-Cornered Hat, did not fully appreciate the more abstract interpretations of Spanishness offered by the Ballets Suédois.

In between El Greco and Iberia, another ballet company brought a Spanish-themed work to London. The Danish Ballet, formed in 1771, was one of the oldest in Europe and its most influential choreographer was August Bournonville (1805-1879) who led the company for over half a century from 1828 until 1879. A number of the works he created in this period have stayed in the repertoire of the Danish Ballet until the early twenty first century. When the Danish Ballet made their London debut in 1921, they chose to perform one of Bournonville's ballets with a Spanish theme, a one-act work called La Ventana (The Window), which was originally created in 1854. In his autobiography My Theatre Life, Bournonville indicated that in La Ventana he aimed

42 Ibid., 15. 43 Ibid. 44 See Ibid., 76-87, for reproductions of drawings of the costumes and sets by Steinlen. 45 A critic in The Times wrote of the performance of Inghelbrecht's Albéniz orchestrations "the players only half knew it, and the audience in the stalls did their best to drown it with conversation." `Swedish Ballet,' Times, 7 Nov. 1922, 10.

191 46 to combine the grace and charm of classical dance with subtle Spanish influences. The story is inspired by the characteristic Romantic scene of a man with a guitar serenading a young lady at her window. Needless to say, what passed for Spanish local colour in the Romantic ballet tradition of 1854 was vastly different to what was expected by London audiences nearly sixty years later. This archaic style would have been familiar to 1850s Londoners through the profusion of the Bolero school and Spanish items included in the Romantic ballet, but for 1920s audiences the costumes evoking the majos and majas of early nineteenth-century Spain, and the Romantic ballet's stylized postures of love, lacked any hint of passion and failed to attract the interest of the new London balletomanes. In The Observer the Danish dancers were criticised for not capturing, "the Spanish gravity and fire, wildness and spite, that made such a marvel of `The Three-Cornered Hat'.s47 These observations also point to the fact that at this time English audiences were being increasingly exposed to flamenco dance troupes and flamenco-inspired music, which became the new benchmarks of Spanishness. These styles contrasted sharply with the Romantic ballet depictions of Spain based on the so-called escuela bolera or what had passed as a Spanish turn in the pre-war music halls.

In 1921 the Ballets Russes presented Cuadro Flamenco, a bold attempt to feature authentic Spanish music and dance in the theatre. The stage was set for a flamenco performance and this "ballet" was vastly different to any other production presented by the Ballets Russes. Writing in the Manchester Guardian, Ernest Newman set the scene:

The one novelty so far produced—"Cuadro Flamenco"—is not a ballet but a reproduction of a scene of Andalusian song and dance of the popular sort by twelve Spaniards, two of whom are guitarists. The performance is given on a raised platform on the stage, the artists sitting in a loop and stepping forward one by one or two by two as their turn comes. The performances are ethnologically interesting, and one or two of the dances have charm: but I doubt whether this part of the show will keep its attraction very long...Evidently the performances are very true to Spanish popular life; and for this reason...no one should miss them.48

46 August Bournonville, My Theatre Life (1847; London: A. and C. Black, 1979). 47 Observer, 15 May 1921, 9. 48 Ernest Newman, `Cuadro Flamenco,' Manchester Guardian, 2 June 1921.

192 The atmosphere was informal and relaxed and most critics enjoyed the exotic snapshot of Spanish folk music it provided. The Times reviewer wrote:

For all the notice they appear to take of the audience, as they sit tuning and strumming upon their guitars, smoothing their skirts or exchanging jests from side to side, they might be shut up in the four walls of a country inn-room...you get the novel zest of seeming to peep through a window at an unacted scene of folk-life 70 years old.49

While the exotic nature of Cuadro Flamenco was appreciated, critics were undecided about the merits of basing an entire ballet production around the art of flamenco. Were audiences more interested in authentic folk music and dance or the mediated and modernized forms pioneered by the Ballets Russes in earlier productions? One of the telling reviews was entitled, "The Ideal and the `Real' Thing", and presented a comparison of back-to-back performances of The Three-Cornered Hat and Cuadro Flamenco.50 The critic acknowledged the value of hearing folk music of the sort that inspired Falla, however, preferred its presentation through the prism of modernist dance, orchestral music, costumes and :

It is the "real-thing" undoubtably—but who cares, at the Russian Ballet of all places, for the "real thing"—for its own sake! In Spain...the dances could be counted "racy of the soil," the very apotheosis of "local colour,"...But at the Princes Theatre they did not fit. The Russian Ballet, after all, gets our money on the pretext of being the last, most exquisite flower of an effete civilisation.5'

In the following year extensive reporting of the Conte Jondo Competition in Granada provided the English public with further insights into flamenco. This flamenco festival, organised by Falla, aimed to uncover the "pure, unadulterated" origins of the style. Several writers emphasised the progression from The Three-Cornered Hat to Cuadro Flamenco and then the authentic musical source of these works, capte jondo.

49 `The Russian Ballet: Andalusian Dances,' Times, 1 June 1921, 8. 50 ` The Ideal and the 'Real Thing",' Observer, 5 June 1921. 51 Ibid.

193 Falla and images of flamenco The Concurso de Cante Jondo (Cante Jondo Competition) was held in Granada on 13 and 14 June 1922. This event played a crucial role, both within Spain and abroad, in drawing attention to traditional Andalusian music or capte jondo. Along with Federico Garcia Lorca (1898-1936) and Lorca's friend Miguel Cer6n Rubio, Falla helped to organize the competition. Falla laid out his aims in an essay printed in the local paper El Defensor de Granada on 21 March 1922 where he protested against the corruption of the traditional melodic, harmonic and rhythmic aspects of capte jondo.52 The competition also marked the point in time when Spanish intellectuals and artists such as Falla, Lorca, Santiago Rusiflol, Fernando de los Rios and Juan Ramon Jiménez declared their support for this music. The involvement of international critics and musicians increased the prominence of the competition and ensured that the events were reported widely. The desire for greater authenticity in the performance of Spanish music, at home and abroad, made this event the ultimate experience of Andalusian music, in the ideal setting. Some of those involved, including Falla, were reportedly unhappy with the outcomes of the competition,53 however, in terms of perceptions of Spanish music in Britain and the responses of key critics, this event led to the increased awareness of both modern and traditional Spanish music.

By the 1920s Granada seemed the logical choice for a festival of capte jondo or traditional flamenco music. Ever since he first visited the city in 1915, Falla wanted to spend more time in Granada and finally moved there with the help of Angel Barrios in 1920. Barrios was a native "Granadino" whose father El Polinario was a well known flamenco performer. As discussed in Chapter 1, early nineteenth-century Romantic writers such as Irving, Borrow and Ford celebrated the Moorish legacy of Southern Spain and the Alhambra in particular. French authors, namely François René Chateaubriand, Victor Hugo and Théophile Gaultier also depicted Granada as the last bastion of Arab culture in Europe and the large gypsy population of Granada were

52 Manuel de Falla, `La proposiciôn del Cante Jondo,' El Defensor de Granada, 21 Mar. 1922, cited in Manuel de Falla, Manuel de Falla y la Alhambra (Granada: Archivo Manuel de Falla, 2005), 78. 53 Falla was upset about the ensuing arguments regarding the money earned from the competition. See Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca, 115. Falla was also tired of the administrative work and the apathy of many Spaniards towards conte jondo. See Hess, Sacred Passions, 131.

194 thought of as living inheritors to this Arab history.54 Granada was promoted for its Moorish history and the exotic cave-dwelling gypsies of the Sacromonte and rose to prominence as a centre for flamenco history and culture. The fascination with gypsies and Granada was aligned to notions of Primitivism that were prominent in Parisian arts discourse, especially among artists associated with the Ballets Russes.

To open the competition an event was organized at the Alhambra Palace Hotel on 7 June 1922.55 Lorca read from his Poema del Cante Jondo at this event and the classical guitarist Andrés Segovia (1893-1987) reportedly played some guitar pieces in a flamenco style.56 Segovia's international career was just beginning and he was yet to fully distance himself from traditional flamenco guitar music.

Trend wrote a lengthy and well-informed article on the Concurso, simply labelled `From a Correspondent'. Although the author is not mentioned there is no mistaking Trend's insights and turn of phrase and the writing is indicative of his desire not only to report the events but to elucidate the nature of authentic Spanish music. Trend begins by describing Granada as a "place of pilgrimage for musicians from all the world."57 He clearly identified Falla as the lynchpin for the competition: "Falla has always been an earnest student of Southern Spanish folk-song, and his use of its forms, rhythms, and harmonic effects as a basis for cultivated music will be remembered by everyone who witnessed the ballet of The Three-Cornered Hat. s58

Trend also pointed to Falla's move to Granada as the catalyst for his increased interest in authentic Andalusian song or the "real thing." Trend was at pains to differentiate between authentic capte jondo and the more recently popularized forms of , characterizing capte jondo as the style of "traditional purity" and cante

34 See Michael Christoforidis, `Manuel de Falla, Flamenco and Spanish Identity,' in Western Music and Race, ed. Julie Brown (Cambridge: CUP, 2007), 231-232. On Falla's fascination with Spain Christoforidis writes: "He (Falla) began to read the seminal French texts by François René Chateaubriand, Victor Hugo and Théophile Gautier which disseminated the nostalgic vision of the Andalusian town of Granada, and by extension Spain, as the last European refuge of Arab culture and presented its gypsy dwellers as their progeny or exotic substitutes." Ibid., 231. S Built in the first decade of the twentieth century, the Alhambra Palace Hotel was situated alongside the Alhambra with magnificent views overlooking the town of Granada and the surrounding plains, just a short walk from Falla's carmen. It provided luxury accommodation and boasted an ornate Moorish style theatre. See Hess, Sacred Passions, 130. 56 Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca, 115. 57 [J. B. Trend], 'Spanish Folk-Song: A Musical Festival at Granada,' Times, 24 June 1922, 12. ss Ibid.

195 flamenco as tainted by "an affectation of gipsy manners."59 These thoughts are clearly aligned with Falla's vision:

We would not have gone to the trouble of organizing this competition for the sake of flamenco songs now in vogue... What we propose is to bring about a renaissance of an admirable Andalusian folk art that was about to disappear for ever, victim of the couplet and modern flamenco songs, which are about as Andalusian as I am Chinese.60

In the Concurso only the singers with links to the traditional, "pure" style would be rewarded, however, in an ironic twist, professional gypsy singers such as Nina de los Peines acted as judges.

The purity and authenticity Falla and his circle of friends and admirers were searching for was mirrored by the desire of British audiences to discover and experience authentic Spanish music and dance. Trend was preaching to a public used to discussions of what was and was not authentically Spanish when he wrote,

The object of the competition which has just been held at Granada was to attract all those singers who could sing the real, primitive melodies, so that they should be heard before all memory of them was lost under the additions and distortions of the 61 flamenco manner—to show, in fact, native Andalusian song in its classical purity.

In his account of the Concurso, Trend made reference to the connection with Cuadro Flamenco recently presented in London by the Ballets Russes: "The singing was, superficially at any rate, of the same kind as that with which London audiences became acquainted in the Quadro [sic] flamenco imported by M. Diaghilef but how different it sounded!"62 Trend insisted that the singers at the competition were on another level and the experience was enriched by the location. He wrote, "Several of the voices would have been considered good anywhere; here one had the traditional native singing in its own surroundings, with every accessory which Nature and Art

59 Ibid. 6o Christoforidis, `Manuel de Falla,' 236. 61 [Trend], `Spanish Folk-Song: A Musical Festival at Granada,' Times, 24 June 1922, 12. 62 Ibid.

196 could provide."63 He ended his report by declaring the competition contained moments that were "the complete and perfect expression of the place and its tradition."64

During Falla's stay in London for the preparation and premiere of The Three- Cornered Hat, he met several of the English critics who became friends and advocates for his work, among them Leigh Henry (1889-1958).65 Henry attended the cante jondo competition and brought with him the English soprano Ursula Greville (1894-1991). Editor of the magazine The , Greville was married to the conductor and writer on music Kurt Schindler who was also present in Granada.66 In recognition of a shared musical vision, a concert of English music performed by Greville was organized at the Alhambra Palace Hotel shortly after the Concurso. Leigh Henry introduced the concert with a talk on folksong use by English composers and the list of composers represented on the program contains few names familiar to twenty-first century audiences: Martin Shaw, Maurice Besly, Edgar Bainton and Leigh Henry.67 Greville was accompanied by Kurt Schindler for the most part, although Falla fulfilled this role in folk song arrangements by Maurice Jacobson.68 Henry, Greville and Schindler each contributed a short article on the competition for the local paper El Noticiero Granadino.69

The aims of the Concurso included the desire to gain both local and international exposure for traditional Andalusian song forms. The attendance and participation of international dignitaries was important to Falla and visitors such as Henry and Greville were treated as honoured guests.70 This event helped pave the way for the

63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 65 As Chris Collins points out in his article 'Falla in Britain,' Henry was a useful contact for Falla. Henry was very impressed by Falla's music for the The Three-Cornered Hat and wrote favourably of the work in an article in two parts for The Musical Times titled "The New Direction in Spanish Music", published in August and September 1919. Their relationship led to Henry commissioning Falla to write a piece for the first edition of a magazine he was publishing. Falla's Fanfare pour une fete was published in the first issue of the new Fanfare magazine in October 1921 and was conducted for the first time by Eugene Goosens shortly thereafter. See Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 36-7. 66 Hess, Sacred Passions, 130. 67 Collins, 'Falla in Britain,' 38. 68 Ibid. 69 Jorge de Persia et al., 1 Concurs° de capte jondo:: ed. Conmemorativa 1922-1992: una reflexion critica. (Granada: Archivo Manuel de Falla, 1992), 61, fn 43. 70 Collins, `Falla in Britain,' 38. Falla also wanted to invite Stravinsky and Ravel. See Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca, 114.

197 recognition of Spanish nationalist music in England, and informed the English reception of Falla's neoclassical works.

Critics writing on Spain: Georges Jean-Aubry and J.B. Trend Specialist critics promoted a new vision of modern Spanish music in the post-war era. The French writer Jean-Aubry was an influential presence in the London music scene and as a critic promoted closer ties between modern French, Spanish and English music. English writers began to endorse contemporary ideas about Spanish music and none more successfully than Trend.

Jean-Aubry first visited London around 1909 and maintained a strong presence in the English musical scene,71 cultivating friendships with important French, Spanish and English composers.72 His most influential book was La musique française d'aujourd'hui (French Music of Today), published in 1915 with a foreword by Fauré. It was translated into English by Evans and published in London in 1919, while the Spanish translation contained a preface written by Falla.

One of Jean-Aubry's stated aims was to situate French music at the centre of European musical development. He fought against German influence in music and promoted the French principles of moderation, restraint and concision. In opposition to the German trend for ever-larger musical forces Jean-Aubry was an advocate for smaller orchestras. In The Musical Times article titled "A Plea for the Small Orchestra", he noted, "It is high time we came back to saner ideas, and returned to traditions of moderation and proportion from which the German mind has departed."73

71 In an article for The Musical Quarterly, Jean-Aubry wrote, "about 10 years ago when I first came to England I attempted to form an opinion of the musical resources of this country." Georges Jean-Aubry, 'British Music Through French Eyes,' The Musical Quarterly 5, no. 2 (Apr. 1919): 192-212. 72 Jean-Aubry was a close friend and supporter of Debussy. In his activities to promote French music in London, and through his contacts with the German-born pianist Franz Leibich and Edwin Evans, he organized and facilitated concerts of Debussy's music. In 1908 he helped to bring Debussy to England and was trying to organize another visit when Debussy died. Jean-Aubry wrote in 1918, "The last time I went to see Debussy we spoke at great length of his coming to England." Quote taken from Georges Jean-Aubry, 'Some Recollections of Debussy,' Musical Times 59 (1 May 1918): 203-209 73 Georges Jean-Aubry, 'A Plea for the Small Orchestra,' Musical Times 59 (1 Sept. 1918): 421-422

198 In April 1918 The Musical Times printed an article about Jean-Aubry, authored by an English acquaintance named Robert Mouren.74 Written before the end of the war, this piece espouses the anti-German sentiment so common at this time and Mouren makes special mention of Jean-Aubry's work to promote Spanish composers, stating,

Thus while fighting in behalf of French art wherever he could, he undertook to defend Spanish music, whose riches and expectations he had learnt to appreciate. And here we must recall that it was due to his influence that the first concert wholly devoted to modern Spanish music ever given in any country—including Spain itself—took place at Havre in December 1910. His personal acquaintance with the most original among Spanish composers, Albéniz, Granados, Manuel de Falla, Turina, made him wish to pay homage to their merits.75

Sadly, Mouren was killed in France fighting against the Germans before the article was published, making the following words about Jean-Aubry especially poignant: "I-le had grown incensed to exasperation at finding that Germany was looked upon as the sole realm of music, and that, misled by this false notion, people should be indifferent to the glorious part played by France, Italy, Spain and Great Britain."76

Jean-Aubry met many Spanish musicians in Paris, including the aforementioned composers and the pianist Ricardo Vifies,77 and encouraged a closer relationship between French and Spanish music, although he saw French music as the more developed and well-established partner.78 The parallels between English and Spanish music in the early twentieth century were of interest to Jean-Aubry and he believed the nations were brought together through their opposition to the German musical hegemony of the nineteenth century.79 In an informative article written for the

74 Robert Mouren, 'Jean-Aubry,' Musical Times 59 (1 Apr. 1918): 153-154. 75 Ibid., 154. 76 Ibid. 77 Writing about Vicies and his repertoire Jean-Aubry commented: `One wondered how he even had time to read all the music he actually played from memory'. Quoted in Brody, Paris: The Musical Kaleidoscope, 169. 78 In highlighting the importance of Paris to the musical evolution of Spanish composers, Jean-Aubry wrote, "Following the example of his elders, Albéniz and Granados, de Falla had already looked towards France. He was one of the first to spread in Spain a curiosity and taste for modern French music, including in his concerts the latest French musical productions". Georges Jean-Aubry, `Manuel de Falla,' Musical Times 58 (1 Apr. 1917): 151. 79 Jean-Aubry made a comparison between the eccentric English composer , and one of the more established Spanish composers, Conrado del Campo, writing, "There is perhaps, at this

199 American journal Musical Quarterly in 1919, entitled `British Music Through French Eyes,'80 Jean-Aubry detailed his hope that England "may soon resume the magnificent place she formerly held in European music."81 In the same way that Spanish music had been lacking in a distinctive national school, he claimed that, "For more than a century and a half England has been devoid of genuinely national music."82

Jean-Aubry also referred to the crucial role played by critics in promoting an awareness of new music and made special mention of Dent and Newman as important advocates for English composers.83 Folksong was important to this rebirth in both England and Spain and amongst British composers, Jean-Aubry singled out Ralph Vaughan Williams (1872-1858) as "one of the first Englishmen to understand the real value of folk-song and the use to which it could be put...he has so far entered into the spirit as to do for English folk-song what masters like Chopin and Albéniz did for Poland and Spain."84

Jean-Aubry furthered the cause of new English and Spanish music in The Chesterian, a music periodical issued by the Chester publishing house in London between 1915 and 1961, which he edited between 1919 and 1923.85 The journal promoted a cosmopolitan, post-war vision of music with an impressive list of contributors, among them composers at the vanguard of new nationalist musical styles such as Turina and Falla.86

J.B. (John Brande) Trend was one of the first English critics to take up the challenge of writing about Spanish music, partly due to the influence of his mentor Dent. The moment (with the exception of M. Conrado del Campo in Spain) no young composer more prolific and more unequal." Jean-Aubry, `British Music Through French Eyes,' 202. 80 Ibid.,192-212. 81 Ibid., 192. 82 Ibid. 83 Jean-Aubry described both Dent and Newman as being "studious but venturesome and gifted with great breadth of vision and intellectual avidity." Ibid., 201. 84 Ibid., 203. 85 Llano, Whose Spain?, 20-21. 86 Joaquin Turina, `Manuel de Falla,' Chesterian (May 1920): 193-196; Manuel de Falla, `Letter to the editor,' Chesterian (July 1920): 49. Other contributors included Edwin Evans, `The Three-Cornered Hat,' Chesterian (May 1921): 453-456; and `Master Peter's Puppet Show,' Chesterian (Nov. 1924): 53-55. Jean-Aubry also wrote for Chesterian, see Georges Jean-Aubry, `The Glory of Manuel de Falla,' Chesterian (June 1928): 214-218.

200 two met in 1908 when Trend was a student at Christ's College Cambridge, where Dent had been elected a Fellow in 1902.87 According to the hispanist Edgard. M. Wilson, "Dent taught him the techniques of musical analysis and criticism and encouraged his enthusiasm."88 He lived in Spain for a year in 1919 while working as a correspondent for the Athenaeum. An intrepid traveller, Trend was not afraid to explore remote corners of the country and he had a great admiration for Ford and Borrow.89 He wrote of these pioneers, "It was precisely their difficulties which made their knowledge so complete.i90 In Trend's mind, any decent writer on Spain had to spend time in Spain, travel widely and experience life amongst the Spanish people. Becoming fluent in Spanish through his travels and studies, Trend wrote on politics, literature and art, but music was the aspect of Spanish culture he was most drawn to.

During his stint in Spain for the Athenaeum Trend met Falla and the two became close friends and cultural allies. In A Picture of Modern Spain: Men and Music, published in 1921, Trend provides the following account of his first meeting with Falla:

The first time I met Don Manuel de Falla was on a blustering September evening at the "Villa Carmona" on the Alhambra Hill. It was the first suggestion of autumn. The tops of the Duke of Wellington's elm trees swayed in a high wind, and the pomegranate under which we were dining dropped pips in luscious, sticky envelopes on to the tablecloth. Suddenly there was a burst of rain, and every man seized his bread, plate and glass and ran for the house; I never realized the possibilities of a romantic situation so thoroughly as when I trod on a rotten quince which was lying on the garden path. Sr. de Falla described the whole episode as a mixture of "La Soirée dans Grenade" and "Jardins sous la pluie"; but the setting was, he added, more thoroughly Spanish than Debussy could have known, for his acquaintance with Granada was derived from books and picture postcards of the Alhambra which Sr. de Falla had shown him.91

"Dent was Professor of Music from 1923-41 at Cambridge where Trend joined the staff as the first Professor of Spanish in 1933. Trend was the executor to Dent's will, and helped establish the Dent Archive at King's College, Cambridge. 88 Quoted in Buesa. `La recepcibn de la mûsica espafiola de The Criterion,' 155. 89 Trend was a strong advocate for Ford's book Gatherings from Spain, writing, "The excellence and reasonableness of Ford's `Gatherings' have been forgotten in the poetry and humour of Gautier's `Voyage' and the romantic nonsense of ." Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain, 54-55. 90 J.B. Trend, Alfonso the Sage and Other Spanish Essays (London: Constable, 1926). Quoted in Dennis, ed., Manuel de Falla-John B. Trend: Epistolario, 201. 91 Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain, 237-8.

201 When Trend was invited to give lectures at the Residencia de Estudiantes in Madrid, he extended his circle of Spanish contacts and met both established and younger artists. 92 A Spanish institution in the style of an English university hall of residence, the Residencia opened its doors in 1915 with the support of influential patrons.93 Music was well catered for at the Residencia with Falla, Ravel, Stravinsky, Milhaud and Segovia among the visiting musicians. Many first performances of Spanish works were given there, especially those by composers who would later form part of the so-called Generaciôn del 27.94

Trend was dedicated to explaining for an English readership the nature of "true" Spanish music and situating the music in the context of its native environment. Many of Falla's preoccupations and thoughts on Spanish music were endorsed by Trend and their close relationship infiltrated his writings. The state of early and modern music in both Spain and England preoccupied Trend and he wrote about the developing cultural relationship between the two countries. In relation to Spanish music, he was eager to dispel myths and misinformed stereotypes for his English readership. Many of Trend's his newspaper articles were reprinted and reworked in his books. He was a prolific writer and his work appeared in The Times, The Times Literary Supplement, The Morning Post, the Athenaeum, Music and Letters, and from 1924 until 1929 the literary magazine created by T.S. Eliot, the Criterion.95

A Picture of Modern Spain: Men and Music, written in the wake of World War I, was Trend's first book on Spain. In the first chapter, titled "Spain After the War" he commented on the relationship between Spain and England, with a focus on common national traits and characteristics.96 On self-expression he wrote, "Listening to Spaniards I have often felt that they are expressing a point of view which is very 'English'...In modern Spain it frequently happens that people say things and do

92 Ibid., 39-40. 93 The Residencia attracted a very distinguished list of guest lecturers including H.G. Wells, G.K. Chesterton, Albert Einstein and others. See Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca, 79-81. 9a The Generaci6n del 27 was an influential Spanish movement in the arts. Composers who were active in this group include , Gustavo Pittaluga, Julian Bautista and others. See Ibid., 82. 95 Trend wrote seven extended essays on Spanish music for the Criterion. See Buesa, `La recepcibn de la mûsica espanola de The Criterion,' 153-180. 96 Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain, 1-16.

202 things in a way which seems more ultimately English than you ever heard in any country but England itself."97 Trend pointed out differences in outlook between Spaniards and Englishmen following the War and felt that while England was weary after years of War, Spain, by remaining neutral, was revitalized and in a position to advance.98

According to Trend, hardly any Englishmen had understood or written well about Spain. Those he admired, such as Borrow, Ford and Ellis, lived there for a time and endeavoured to look beyond commonly-held clichés about Spain. As Trend explained,

The few reliable Englishmen who have written on Spanish things bring out one point very clearly. Travellers like Ford and Havelock Ellis, possessed el vivo afan de comprender, the real desire to find out the truth and understand it, and had no wish to construct a romantic, imaginary Spain for home consumption.99

Spanish literature occupied a special place in Trend's work and A Picture of Modern Spain features an extended chapter on Spanish writers.100 He drew attention to important modern Spanish novelists he believed should be better known in England: "Some Spaniards are inclined to be sceptical and incredulous when you tell them that people in England have become interested once more in Spanish things...they learn from you with astonishment that, except for Blasco , no really modern Spanish novelist has been translated into English.s101 The idea that foreigners had been seduced by a "literary fiction" about Spain concerned Trend and he extended this idea to the arts of painting and music.102 He apportioned the blame for these myths to nineteenth-century French writers and the power of the Carmen character, "nearly all modern ideas about Spain are secondary emotions. They are not ideas of Spain, but

97 Ibid., 1. 98 "While every man and woman in the rest of Europe has been involved in war, Spaniards have been catching up their more progressive neighbours, and making good the loss of time, money and individual happiness which came in the nineteenth century...It is a most striking thing about the Spaniards of to-day, of all classes, that they have more personality than many people in England. Here many of us have been left limp and thoughtless by five years of war." Ibid., 6. 99 Ibid., 3. loo Ibid., 45-79. 101 Ibid., 56. 102 Ibid., 54.

203 of the Spain invented by Gautier and Dumas and decorated by Prosper Mérimée; they are notions obtained at second hand. The fiction of `Carmen' dies hard."103

Persistent stereotypes derived from Carmen were a genuine annoyance to Trend and in spite of the success of works such as The Three-Cornered Hat, for many English readers and audiences, Carmen remained a strong marker of Spanishness. In his book Spain from the South (1928) he wrote, "It is impossible to understand or Spanish life, or even Spanish music and Spanish dancing, without clearing our heads of all this `Carmen business'."1o4 He advised readers to dispense with the myth altogether:

For the traveller in Spain, however, it is important to realize that the figure of Carmen herself is not an ordinary Spanish or Andalusian type, but a very extraordinary one; and it is a striking example of the thick-headedness of Europe in particular and the world in general that ever since the production of the opera in Paris in 1875, Carmen and all her surroundings have been accepted as literally true of normal Spanish life.'05

Cultural misunderstandings existed on both the English and Spanish sides and Trend urged his English readers to learn about the context of Spanish music, encouraging them to experience a broader range of Spanish popular and concert music better to understand the works of Falla and his contemporaries. One of the operas championed by Trend was EI Avapiés (1919) by Spanish composers Conrado del Campo (1878- 1953) and Angel Barrios, to which he gave special mention in A Picture of Modern Spain. The opera had recently been produced in Madrid during the 1919-20 season and, according to Trend, was an example of a Spanish opera an English audience might find appealing and valuable in contextualising the music of Falla.106 Trend observed:

Music like that of Del Campo and Barrios is not only delightful in itself, but serves the purpose of making other forms of Spanish musical thought intelligible. It is a step, though not a very long one, in the direction of De Falla, whose music London has approached from the wrong end. If we had had the chance of hearing "El Avapiés"

103 Ibid., 55. 104 J.B. Trend, Spain from the South (London: Methuen, 1928), 8. 105 Ibid., 7. 1°6 Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain, 179.

204 and then De Falla's opera "La Vida Breve," no one would have found the music to the "Three-Cornered Hat" cold or difficult to understand. Falla is the central figure in the group of modern Spanish composers, and anything that helps one to understand him is of value for that alone.107

Both Trend and Falla admired the guitarist, flamenco connoisseur and composer of El Avapiés Angel Barrios as is evident in a later chapter of A Picture of Spain. Barrios features in Trend's recollections of nights at the Alhambra in a chapter titled "Music in the Gardens of Granada," a depiction of the magical qualities of the Alhambra, the spiritual home of cante flamenco and soon to be home of Manuel de Falla.108 Making a connection to the piano piece by Debussy, Trend paints a picture of a musical "Soirée dans Grenade,"109 featuring a trio of guitar, laid and bandurria, in the mould of Barrios' Trio Iberia. The repertoire consisted of pieces by Albéniz, Debussy and Falla, alongside some original works for the group by Barrios. The plucked strings lent a clarity and transparency to the works and Trend described the musical effect as follows:

The great charm of a trio of "twangly" instruments is that it makes the music as clear and translucent as Scarlatti played on a harpsichord. It was immensely interesting to hear the little minuet of Debussy played as transparently as if it were held up against the light—almost X-rayed, as it were—so that its workmanship was revealed far more clearly than is possible on a pianoforte."°

In A Picture of Modern Spain Trend delved into the history of Spanish music from the Renaissance and Baroque periods, and highlighted parallels with the state of English music.111 As will be seen in Chapter 8, Trend's continued involvement with Spanish

107 Ibid. 108 Ibid., 237-245. 109 Falla greatly admired Debussy's La Soirée dans Grenade for piano and quoted the piece in the coda of his guitar piece Homenaje a Debussy (1920). Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain, 238. According to Falla, Debussy successfully captured the essence of Spain in his music. In Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music Trend observed, "Debussy (Falla concludes) wrote `Spanish' music, not by using authentic tunes, but by `feeling' them, by realizing the foundations on which they rest and conveying the essence of them in music which was all his own." Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music, 55. 110 Trend, A Picture of Modern Spain, 242. 111 For example, in a chapter titled `The Foundations of Spanish Theatre Music' Trend wrote, "A performance of an old Spanish play was, in fact, almost as much a musical event as the `Midsummer Night's Dream' with Purcell's music lately performed at Cambridge." Ibid., 182.

205 music in the 1920s anticipated the development of a neoclassical Spanish style of music and the associated rise of the classical guitar.

Lord Berners and the Fantaisie Espagnole The English composer Lord Berners engaged with changing representations of Spanish music in his orchestral work Fantaisie Espagnole (1919). This work was informed by his studies of French and Russian musical representations of Spain, and his intimate knowledge of the Spanish works produced by the Ballets Russes. In contrast to the nineteenth century style of the "Spanish" music written by of Sullivan and Elgar, Berners' Fantaisie was influened by more current modes of European composition. Berners is remembered as an eccentric character, active as a painter, writer and composer at different stages of his life.112 Born Gerald Tyrwhitt-Wilson in 1883 he inherited the title of 14th Baron Berners in 1918. From 1911 until 1918 he worked as a diplomat at the British Embassy in Rome where he was part of a thriving artistic community. He befriended Diaghilev and Stravinsky and became close to members of the Ballets Russes. Diaghilev eventually commissioned Berners to write the music for The Triumph of Neptune for the Ballets Russes in 1926, one of only two English ballets he commissioned, the other being Constant Lambert's Romeo and Juliet (1924-5).113

Stravinsky regarded Berners highly as a composer and they shared an appreciation of Spanish music,1 4 and during their time in Rome together Berners gave Stravinsky recordings of Spanish music.115 In Rome Berners had aligned himself with the futurist movement in art, a progressive group that included representatives from the visual arts, music and literature. The Italian composer (1883-1947) was an advocate for the music of Berners and played his Trois petites marches funèbres for piano at the Academia Santa Cecilia in Rome on 30 March 1917, the first professional performance of his music.116 In a series of contemporary music concerts

112 See Mark Amory, Lord Berners: The Last Eccentric (London: Chatto and Windus, 1998). 113 Jones, The Music of Lord Berners, 82. 114 In his library Berners kept scores of Granados' Goyescas and Falla's El amor brujo [first edition with drawings by Gontcharova]. See Dickinson, Lord Berners: Composer, Writer, Painter, 178 for a list of scores in Berners' library. 115 Letter from Tyrwhitt to Stravinsky, 6 June 1917, translated in Stravinsky, Selected Correspondence, vol. II, ed. Robert Craft (London: Faber, 1984) 143. Ils Jones, The Music of Lord Berners, 15.

206 Casella regularly programmed works by Berners alongside those of Falla, Ravel and Stravinsky.l 17

Berners' music was published by Chester and according to Peter Dickinson, in the 1920s Berners "brought an international sophistication to British music to offset the obsession with folk music.s118 He enjoyed the support of influential critics like Jean- Aubry, whose poetry he set in Trois chansons (1920), and Edwin Evans, whose 1920 series on modern British composers in The Musical Times included a feature on his music.119 Evans recognised Berners as the most international of English composers: "He has a sense of humour which corresponds to a national trait, but the manner of expression is international. It is English fun with a Latin pungency."I20

The Fantaisie began life in a version for solo piano in late 1918 and, after completing the orchestral score in June 1919, Berners arranged the work for piano duet.121 The piece is in three movements, Prélude, Fandango and Pasodoble, played without a break. The Fantaisie was first performed at a Proms concert on 24 September 1919 and again at the Proms on 7 June 1921 in a program featuring the first of The Rite of Spring in England. Writing in 1920, Evans suggested that the Fantaisie was Berners' most important work to date, and noted the use of humour and the exaggeration of Spanish musical elements.122 In reviews of the Fantaisie, comparisons with Falla's ballet were made, for example a critic in The Observer wrote of the second Proms performance, "The Berners `Spanish Fantasy' was given a much more pointed and detailed performance than before, and came out brilliantly. It improved wonderfully at a second hearing (but in certain places Lord Berners is obviously merely talking through his three-cornered hat)."123 Even though The Three-Cornered Hat may not have been the chief model for the Fantaisie, it drew on similar influences such as Stravinsky's language and use of folk materials, Ravel's Rapsodie Espagnole and Rimsky-Korsakov's (1887).

117 Dickinson, Lord Berners, 144. 118 Dickinson, Lord Berners,23. 19 Edwin Evans, `Modern Spanish Composers: VII — Lord Berners,' Musical Times 61 (Jan. 1920): 9- 13. 120 Quoted in Dickinson, Lord Berners: Composer, Writer, Painter, 25-6. 121 Jones, The Music of Lord Berners, 52-3. 123 Edwin Evans, `Modern Spanish Composers: VII — Lord Berners, 9-13. 123 Observer, 26 June 1921.

207 The orchestration of the Fantaisie is expansive,124 demonstrating the extent to which Berners had studied Stravinsky, Rimsky-Korsakov's Capriccio and Chabrier's Espana.125 Berners employed triple and quadruple woodwinds, a substantial brass section, five percussion instruments, two harps and a celeste. Ravel's Rapsodie is a key model and the movements of this work, `Prélude à la nuit', `Malaguena', `Habanera', and `Feria', mirror the structure of Berners' work.126 The strong balletic overtones of Berners' Fantaisie show that he was aware of The Three-Cornered Hat and other Spanish-inspired works such as Las Meninas performed by Ballets Russes.

There are a number of ways Berners combined Spanish melodies and rhythms with contemporary influences. passages are prominent throughout the work and at times offset by dense chromatic passages in other parts. The influence of Stravinsky, is prominent throughout the work and, as the correspondence between the composers demonstrates, Berners was familiar with Stravinsky's recent music.127 The sophisticated use of layering and abrupt rhythmic shifts in Stravinsky's works such as the pour pianola, later orchestrated and renamed Madrid and included as the 128 fourth movement of the Quatre Études (1928), made an impression on Berners. Characteristic Spanish rhythms and repetitive devices form the basis of the second and third movements. Distinctively Spanish melodic phrases and ornamentation are prevalent in the Fantaisie and Berners was evidently proud of its melodic profile, claiming to have identified at least seventy melodies in the work.129_The Fantaisie begins with a delicate Prélude marked Moderato tranquillo assai. The subtlety of the orchestration points to the influence of the first movement of Ravel's Rapsodie Espagnole, "Prélude à la nuit." Example 7a shows sustained D and

124 Lord Berners, Fantaisie Espagnole (London: Chester, 1920). '25 Amory, Lord Berners: The Last Eccentric, 64. '26 Jones, The Music of Lord Berners, 54. 127 See the correspondence between Tyrwhitt and Stravinsky, in Stravinsky, Selected Correspondence, 135-159. Jones notes that the ending of the final Pasodoble movement of the Fantaisie is the "most clear-cut allusion to Stravinsky in all Berners' music." Jones, The Music of Lord Berners, 60. 128 Letter from Tyrwhitt to Stravinsky, 8 Jan. 1918, Ibid., 149. For a discussion of Madrid and the influence of Picasso and the plastic arts on Stravinsky see Michael Christoforidis, `Madrid de Igor Stravinsky, Pablo Picasso y la vanguardia de las artes plâsticas,' in Campos Interdisciplinares de la Musicologia: V Congreso de la Sociedad Espanola de Musicologia, (Barcelona: Sociedad Espafola de Musicologia. 2002), 1303-1309. 129 Amory, Lord Berners: The Last Eccentric, 65.

208 A pedal notes in the double basses which are accompanied by ostinati in the , harp, violins, violas and 'celli, with a plaintive melody introduced in the .

209 Example 7a. Lord Berners, "Prélude," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.l-6.130

2 it G. Francesco Malipiero. Fantaisie espagnole.

Prélude. Lord Berners. oderalo tranquillo aseai. A190. Piccolo. Flaute I. z•a — - — . _ ' .:-- Ftauti II e III. It.. i .-. _... S IFlaute III-Piccolo.) _...... -1.-. _ ._... m'eee??=a= • obolIc II. r _ -.:. _: O ~ IlikWi2tino _.. . z_ . - ---9--•- —_ =_: Corno Ingle+;o. e!' -- Clarinetto I in La. t-' {• .`•11....1 r,,,. inammi+`Te g• ata= f.,a _za_-- 3 ssdava-_.s,_t e zàFlsra â ad_ c`-ë3sa a+m.9-.r. . - .. '_ L Clarinetti II e III in La tit a : s_ . . - nip arenro iT o . !;;¢ — Clarinetto basso. _ I i. — Fagotti I. II. III. _ , - Contrafagotto. — IeII. ii Corni in Fa. '_... = . • .IIICIV. i. :: --_ -•-s=:•- - Trombe L III. 1, m. - — tl•A IIR# A - Tromboni I II III irari M t• 111111110111111011111114 __ . . f : . — . Xilofono. Campanelli. Tamburino basco. Tamburo militare. - Triangolo. tatti. ' ASS*. ric__:= ' .--r..} _ ~ - - .￿ Celesta. fs __' =R= r----". c_. _ -2` ":7-i.-.1:4-:-.i--7-- Arpe I e II. , ' r r r _ Ir +r .. a:— ._a= -_s.r_ = .â gs _ s ;__ r m X -.1= 4 divi.l •ordi or grr ar -:-} rsFt rlaFSrav Violini I. -c. :m -a a-rP rv'rr s:,r- e r= . .t.stt s i _t a : û# srntl' i a S raaic :, xms.-: aaa.r9 pF a9 F - ., '$ t ri°l • Violini II. + r,zc... E a s< •. l•a.I ? `LzF`.xC . ci .::C ><-srF?,. c • â" . ` ,-i.. Ît f D r Viola. 'i : . - ___ _• •---- .' . •♦Ni .or'itt __ "T ■ !for sir 1 ffi.ia j I; _._.. Violoncelli. --- pfi • F 7r g J — YiN I . .. .. Contrabdssi. , ±' V ,b: i Moderato tranquille assai. • Copyright 1020 by J. a VI. Ch . Ltd. J.W. C.90. Tai. dru«. r.'.arr++.

130 Lord Berners, Fantaisie Espagnole, 2

210 The melody played by the oboes in Example 7a evolves to take on a distinctly Hispanic character with the addition of a melodic ornament to complete the phrase, as in the bassoon line of Example 7b:

131 Example 7b. Berners, bassoon melody, "Prélude," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.20-21.

ritual

Bassoon

p mollo espress. 3

The energy and abandon of parts of the second and third movements recall the end of Rimsky-Korsakov's Capriccio and the final movement, `Feria' of Ravel's Rapsodie. The second movement is a fandango, marked Allegro Feroce and written in an insistent 6/8 with strong accents on every dotted crotchet beat. As shown in Example 8a, an F# Phrygian scale is featured in the woodwinds and violas, while rhythmic stabs in the contra bassoon, brass, percussion and strings, propel the music.

131 Lord Berners, Fantaisie Espagnole, 5.

211

Example 8a. Berners, "Fandango," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.1-5.132

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132 Lord Berners, Fantaisie Espagnole, 9.

212 The rhythmic intensity increases later in the movement when every quaver pulse is accented and the ferocity is realized. To subvert the regular rhythmic flow Berners used hemiola rhythms, changing phrase lengths and off-beat accents.

Another technique used to create tension is the insertion of moving chromatic parts into an otherwise harmonically static texture. In example 8b the , clarinet and first violins play repeated notes while the and horns insert sliding chromatic harmonies and 1 and violin 2 play a strident melody.

33 Example 8b. Berners, "Fandango," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.62-64.'

Flute I

. .Jef .■•■ M,Mir 10.111INI ...... Flute 2 ■

1 MOON,..... Clarinet in A

Bassoon I

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Horn in F 1 LLr

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Violin I

Violin II

sracc.

The large orchestral forces are fully utilized in the final Pasodoble which opens with characteristic Spanish phrases in the woodwind that suggest the Phrygian mode. Percussion instruments are skilfully employed in the final sections of the movement, as the piece builds intensity through a series of tempo changes. Distinctive Spanish

133 Lord Berners, Fantaisie Espagnole, 18.

213 musical tropes are exaggerated and embellished in the work and it may be said that Berners both pays homage to, and parodies, Spanish music in this piece. The beginning of the final `Feroce' section, highlighting the pasodoble rhythm and expansive orchestration is shown in Example 9:

214 Example 9. Berners, "Pasodoble," Fantaisie Espagnole, ms.140-148.134

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f ~ ;,. _. I — =OM Ä :

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134 Lord Berners, Fantaisie Espagnole, 44.

215 In the Fantaisie Berners exhibits the musical traits that set him apart from the emerging English nationalist school of composers. His musical excursion to Spain is a unique example of an English composer writing "Spanish" music informed by a broad range of contemporaneous compositional approaches. Writing in 1934, Constant Lambert remembered the impact of the Fantaisie:

It would hardly be an exaggeration to say that the Spanish National style was invented by a Russian, Glinka, and destroyed by an Englishman, Lord Berners; for after the latter's amazingly brilliant parody of Spanish mannerisms, it is impossible to hear most Spanish music without a certain satiric feeling breaking through.'35

The Three-Cornered Hat presented a modern style of Spanish music and dance to English audiences familiar with Spanish entertainments. There were imitators, most notably the Ballets Suédois who presented a new take on Spanish ballet, but without the success of the Ballets Russes. Amongst the musical imitators of a modern style of Spanish music, Berners was the most overstated with his Fantaisie that paralleled aspects of The Three-Cornered Hat. In the 1920s Spanish composers, most notably Falla, engaged with early music, folk sources and flamenco, matching developments in English music where folk music and early music were seen as suitable sources for indigenous composers cultivating a national style. This similarity of thought extended to a closer musical relationship between England and Spain, fostered by anti-German sentiment of the post-war period. Falla continued to chart the course for Spanish composers in the 1920s as will be discussed in Chapter 8.

135 Constant Lambert, Music Ho! (London: Faber and Faber, 1934) 152.

216 Chapter 8 Spanish Musical Nationalism, Neoclassicism and the guitar

Spanish nationalist composers entered a new period of achievement and recognition after World War I. By the 1920s Falla's contemporaries Oscar Esplâ (1886-1976), Conrado del Campo, Joaquin Turina and the Cuban-born composer and pianist Joaquin Nin (1879-1949), had established themselves as leading composers of Spanish music. Internationally, however, Falla remained the most conspicuous Spanish voice, and in this chapter I will examine the reception of his music in England in the 1920s, with a focus on two neoclassical works, El retablo de maese Pedro (1919-1923) (Master Peter's Puppet Show) and the Concerto (1923-1926). In these compositions Falla moved away from the Andalusian influence of his earlier scores, towards a more universal Castilian musical language.' He created his own, distinctly Spanish style of neoclassicism through a combination of early Spanish music, folksong and stylistic elements drawn from the works of Stravinsky. His neoclassical works were a major inspiration to the next generation of Spanish composers, especially those associated with the "Generation of 1927" (Generaci6n del 27) and known as the "Group of Eight" (Grupo de Ocho). 2

Led by specialist critics Trend and Jean-Aubry, the English press promoted and endorsed Falla's stylistic transformation in El retablo and the Concerto. Falla's earlier works such as Noches en los jardines de Espara (1916) and the Siete canciones populares (1914) were performed repeatedly in London in the 1920s, reinforcing the view of Falla as a composer grounded in Spanish folksong and music from the south of Spain. In the same decade El retablo and the Concerto garnered

Harper divides Falla's output into five categories: Youthful Period (1896-1904), Period of Consolidation of Musical Language (1905-1914), Andalusian Period (1915-1919), Period Beyond Nationalism (1920-1926) and Period of Research for a Universal Synthesis (1927-1946). Harper, Manuel de Falla, 329-413. 2 Composers who formed part of the Group of Eight include Salvador Bacarisse (1898-1963), Rosa Garcia Ascot (1902-2002), Julian Bautista (1901-1961), (1905-1989), (1900-1987), Gustavo Pittaluga (1906-1975), Fernando Remacha (1898-1984), Juan José Mantecbn (1895-1964) and Jests Bal y Gay (The Generation of 1927 refers to a movement originally associated with figures in Spanish literature, but extended to include artists, filmmakers and musicians. For a study of composers affiliated with the Generation of 1927 see Emilio Casares Rodicio, La mûsica en la Generaci6n del 27 (Madrid: Ministerio de Cultura, 1987).

217 critical acclaim and earned him the admiration of his peers. In the process Falla achieved a level of popularity uncommon for a composer of modern music.

As England recovered from the devastation of World War I, a select group of English musicologists espoused the view that English composers needed to look beyond their own borders and develop new musical affiliations. They promoted the music of continental composers through their writings and publications, and encouraged the formation of music societies to advance their aims. Two of the key protagonists who promoted links with their continental colleagues, were Eaglefield-Hull and Dent. Both men sat on the editorial board of the progressive A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians (1924), which generously covered the burgeoning European schools of composition. Spanish composers and performers were well represented in the Dictionary through articles written by the London-based Spaniard Morales. Other English critics endorsed the neoclassical bias of new Spanish music. In the 1920s Trend published a monograph on Falla, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music (1929) and two books exploring Spanish early music, Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas (1925) and The Music of Spanish History to 1600 (1926).3 In this Chapter I will consider the role of cosmopolitan English critics in encouraging a greater knowledge and appreciation of Spanish music in 1920s London.

Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the guitar remained a significant Spanish presence in London. The instrument underwent profound changes in construction and appearance,4 and proved to be an adaptable instrument, moving between highbrow and popular music contexts with relative ease. In the 1920s the Spanish guitar entered a new phase of popularity, around which coalesced some of the main themes pertaining to Spanish music in London: early music, flamenco and modern neoclassical composition. Spanish guitarists Emilio Pujol and Miguel Llobet had enjoyed some measure of success in London prior to World War I but the focal point for the Spanish guitar revival in the 1920s was the Andalusian guitarist Andrés Segovia. The neoclassical orientation of the new classical guitar owed much to ideas

3 Trend, Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas ; Trend, The Music of Spanish History to 1600. 4 The Spanish guitar maker Antonio Torres (1817-1892) revolutionized the way guitars were made. His system of fan-bracing was widely copied and his instruments were played by Arcas, Térraga and Llobet. For an examination of Torres guitars from a makers point of view see José L. Romanillos, Antonio de Torres, Guitar Maker: His Life and Work (Longmead: Element Books, 1987).

218 promoted by Pedrell and Falla, and representations of the instrument in modern art.5 After his triumphant London debut in 1926, the English capital remained an important city for Segovia's career and in the subsequent history of the classical guitar. In the last section of this chapter I will examine press responses to Segovia's London concerts of the 1920s, with a focus on his playing of Bach and commissioning of new works. The critical reception of these concerts demonstrates how perceptions of Spanish music in London had changed since the 1870s. Spanish music was now a partner in the European hierarchy of musical nations and acknowledged as a country with a flourishing cohort of contemporary composers.

Falla and Spanish Neoclassicism in 1920s England In performances of Falla's El retablo de maese Pedro and the Concerto, a new vision of Spain evolved that separated it even further from the colourful folklorism of flamenco and regional dance. These pieces embodied a modernist neoclassicism that drew on historic sources of Spanish music, clothed in a musical style indebted to Stravinsky's neoclassical works of the 1920s. In both El retablo and the Concerto, Falla further distanced Spanish nationalist music from the exotic stereotypes of Spain that were created and perpetuated in Romantic scores.

El retablo de maese Pedro is a chamber opera in one-act based on an episode from by Miguel de Cervantes. The story centres on a puppet show conducted by the puppeteer Master Peter and observed by Don Quixote and his companion Sancho Panza. The work was written for performance in the drawing room of the wealthy Parisian socialite and musical patron the Princesse de Polignac (1865-1943). Born Winaretta Singer, the Princesse de Polignac had a penchant for commissioning and supporting leaders in all fields of modern art.6

With El retablo Falla moved away from the influence of folk-song towards a variety of historical sources, due, in part, to his desire to create a type of Spanish music with universal appeal. Even before the work was performed in England, reviews and articles appeared in the English press, most notably those written by Trend and Jean- s Piquer Sanclemente and Christoforidis, 'Cubism, Neoclasicismo,' 6-10. 6 Other musical works commisioned by the Princesse include Stravinsky's Renard, Milhaud's Le Malheurs d'Orphée and Tailleferre's Piano Concerto. See Hess, Sacred Passions, 125. Michael Christoforidis, `Aspects of the Creative Process,' 39.

219 Aubry. As the leading exponent of neoclassicism in music, Igor Stravinsky approved of Falla's musical transformation, writing "In my opinion these two works [El retablo and the Concerto] give proof of incontestable progress in the development of his great talent. He has, in them, deliberately emancipated himself from the folklorist influence under which he was in danger of stultifying himself."8

In November 1921 a short article appeared in The Times, written by a Madrid correspondent previewing the new musical work El retablo: "De Falla appears in a new light in this work, the music of which is purely Castilian in character, based in part on popular airs from Castile and on the music of the Castilian classics."9 The repeated references to Castilian music indicated Falla's shift away from Andalusian folkloric sources towards a more universal type of hispanicism.

Composers writing in a neoclassical style used musical forms, titles, structures and elements of phrasing and ornamentation modelled on music from earlier eras, most commonly the Renaissance and Baroque periods. In the years before the war Debussy and Ravel used works by Rameau and Couperin as models.10 In the composition of both El retablo and the Concerto Falla looked to early Spanish music from the medieval period such as the Cantigas of Alfonso X and guitar music by Spanish Baroque guitarist . Falla had a deep interest in the modal aspect of early music, echoing his fascination with modal elements of capte jondo. His study and incorporation of elements of Spanish medieval, Renaissance and gave his version of neoclassicism a uniquely Spanish flavour.11

El retablo was first performed in a concert version on 23 March 1923 at the Teatro San Fernando (Seville) conducted by Falla and played by members of the Orquesta Bética da Câmara (Chamber Orchestra of Andalusia). Falla was involved in the

8 Igor Stravinsky, An Autobiography (London: Calder and Boyars, 1975), 133. 9 `Don Quixote in Music,' Times, 3 Nov. 1921, 8. This piece possibly drew on an article by Adolfo Salazar published in El Sol, `Manuel de Falla, En Granada: El Retablo de Maese Pedro,' 25 Oct. 1921. 10 Examples include Debussy's Hommage à Rameau from the second book of Images (1905) and Ravel's suite in six movements for piano, (1914-1917). For a detailed discussion of neoclassicism in France 1870-1914 see Scott Messing, Neoclassicism in Music: From the Genesis of the Concept through the Schoenberg/Stravinsky Polemic (Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Research Press, 1988), 1-59. 11 Carol Hess writes, "his use of modality marked a suggestive new path for neoclassicism while subtly asserting Spanish identity, even in this presumably `universalist' context." Hess, Sacred Passions, 138.

220 creation of this ensemble in 1922 with the cellist Segismundo Romero and Eduardo Torres, chapel master of the Seville cathedral. The premiere performance of El retablo was a significant occasion for Falla's admirers who travelled to Seville for the concert, with Trend amongst the attendees. Trend reviewed the premiere in The Times and detected that the new work was not what audiences familiar with the sound of The Three-Cornered Hat or El amor brujo would be expecting:

The music itself, when it is heard in London, will seem, perhaps, very little Spanish in feeling. This is because there is nothing superficially "Spanish" about it; yet it is not only profoundly Spanish, but intensely individual—no other composer but Falla could have written it. If the Three Cornered Hat is Andaluz in spirit the Retablo de Maese Pedro is Castilian.'2

The first fully staged version of El retablo was given at the Hotel Singer-Polignac in Paris on 25 June 1923. Falla was the scenic director and Wladimir Golschmann conducted the ensemble. Jean-Aubry described the Polignac salon performance of El retablo as taking place "before an invited audience of 200 persons, consisting of composers, writer's society people, all delighted with his [Falla's] work, who gave the composer a true ovation."13 Further performances of El retablo followed in Paris, New York, Zurich, Venice and Amsterdam, and the work was widely praised by international critics.14

Performances in 1920s London of earlier Falla compositions such as the Siete canciones populares, maintained his reputation as a composer with strong ties to Spanish folksong. In concert reviews, the Southern Spanish and even Moorish foundations of these songs were often commented upon:

Manuel de Falla's treatment of these songs is masterly: he enhances their warmth of colour and piquancy of flavour, and the irony of the words is subtly reflected in this music...The songs are particularly interesting because of their strong Oriental seasoning, which shows that the Moorish invasion left not only architectural, but other

12 Trend, `A New Opera by de Falla,' Times, 3 Apr. 1923, 8. "Georges Jean-Aubry, `De Falla Talks of his New Work Based on a Don Quixote Theme,' Christian Science Monitor, 1 Sept. 1923, 17. 14 Hess, Manuel de Falla, 201.

221 artistic monuments in Southern Spain. It is fortunate that they have found a restorer in an Andalusian composer whose musical gifts, learning, and sense of tradition unite in making him by far the greatest contemporary figure in Spanish music.15

The Three-Cornered Hat, familiar to London audiences in both the ballet and concert versions, was the first major orchestral work by a Spanish composer to be performed repeatedly by British orchestras. Another major Spanish work to receive multiple performances in London in the 1920s was Falla's Noches en los jardines de Espana (1916). The work evoked the Alhambra, the adjacent gardens of the Generalife and images of Spain's Moorish past. A 1925 review of a performance of Noches en los jardines de Espana given by piano virtuoso ,16 drew attention to the strong connection with Southern Spain:

For an almost visibly pictorial suggestion of Southern Spain, where Moorish elements are still as clearly traceable in folk-song as they are in architecture, this music would be hard to surpass. De Falla does not resort to the methods of the tourist bureau to attract us to his country; he never exhibits the familiar views by means of which so many musical travelling agents have long made us weary of Iberian superficialities. His achievement is to bring home the lure of Spain by an unfamiliar presentation which we vaguely feel to be based on profound truth.17

The first taste English audiences had of Falla's neoclassical compositional style was at a festival of short operas in Bristol in 1924 where El retablo received its English premiere. The week-long event was the brain-child of Philip Napier-Miles, a wealthy local philanthropist and amateur composer with a strong interest in opera. Alongside three works by Napier-Miles the festival programmed English operas by Vaughan Williams and Purcell, making El retablo the only foreign work on the program. Falla's short opera was performed next to Purcell's Dido and Aeneas and The Times critic (probably Trend) drew a parallel between the two, noting that Falla's music was "direct and simple, even as is Purcell's."18 The performance was given in English

15 'Mr. John Goss's Recital,' Manchester Guardian, 12 Apr. 1924, 12. 16 Falla's Fantasia Bética (1919) for solo piano was written for Arthur Rubinstein who premiered the work on 20 February 1920 in New York. The piece did not stay in his repertoire and does not seem to have been performed in England until the 1940s. 17 `Queen's Hall Symphony Concert,' Manchester Guardian, 9 Feb. 1925, 16. 18 `Opera at Clifton,' Times, 16 Oct. 1924, 12. Falla had been introduced to Purcell's music by Trend.

222 with a libretto prepared by Trend who drew on Thomas Shelton's early English translation of Don Quixote in preparation for his version.19 El retablo was performed a total of six times in Bristol with conductors and Malcolm Sargent.20

In the first performance given in the Polignac salon, all the characters were puppets. The producer of the Bristol performances adopted an alternative suggestion noted in the score that, "the puppets representing real persons may be replaced by living actors; but in that case they should wear masks."21 According to Trend, this arrangement made the work more intelligible 22 Reviews of the Bristol production of El retablo were uniformly favourable and The Times critic praised Trend's English translation of the text and applauded the sets and use of puppets.23 Falla's work was singled out as the highlight of the week-long opera festival and The Times wrote, "the special note of distinction is that which comes from Spain."24 Such was the success of the work that the Bristol organisers programmed El retablo again in 1926.

Amongst the musical aims of neoclassical composers were the values of simplicity, objectivity and clarity.25 This encompassed the use of smaller instrumental forces as epitomized by Stravinsky in his Histoire du soldat (1918), scored for an instrumental septet and three actors.26 Falla's emerging neoclassical aesthetic was propagated through the activities of the chamber orchestra he co-founded, the Orquesta Bética. The ensemble programmed modern compositions alongside music from pre- nineteenth century traditions, and Falla made arrangements of works by other composers for the group, including Rossini's overture to The Barber of Seville,

19 Shelton made the first translation of Don Quixote into English and completed his version of both parts of the novel in 1620. Trend compared the naturalness of Falla's word setting, in particular the use of declamation, with Purcell's setting of English in operas such as Dido and Aeneas, King Arthur and The Fairy Queen. Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music, 117. 2° Ibid., 138. 21 Ibid., 137. 22 Ibid. 23 "Among all the people concerned in this admirable production two seem equally to deserve the first congratulations; Mr. J.B. Trend who has given the opera an English text (based on Shelton)...and Miss Rachel Russell, whose scene and whose puppets present the most transporting combination of realism and fantasy." `The Operas at Clifton,' Times, 18 Oct. 1924, 10. 24 Ibid. Zs Messing, Neoclassicism, 111. 26 Numerous French composers advocated a simplification of musical style and means before World War I. See Ibid., 59. The term neoclassicism was redefined through its association with Stravinsky in the 1920s. For a detailed discussion of Stravinsky and neoclassicism see Ibid., 87-149.

223 Debussy's modern classic Prélude à l'après-midi d'un faune and the opening movement of Adolfo Salazar's (1890-1958) Preludios.27

In July 1925 the Orquesta Bética travelled to London for several concerts, the first of which was organised by the Marchioness of Carisbrooke at the Ritz Hotel. Her husband Lord Carisbrooke was Queen Victoria's grandson and the brother of the Spanish Queen Victoria Eugenie. The Guardian critic noted that good reports had reached England of the orchestra's activities in Spain, but he was somewhat disappointed by the large number of English players employed to bolster the numbers of the touring ensemble.28 Many of these players came from 's London Chamber Players, a small orchestra formed with similar aims to the Orquesta Bética. Falla's suite from El amor brujo was well received and was described as "racial and colourful."29 Halffter's conducting was praised but The Guardian reviewer was scathing about another work on the program, Adolfo Salazar's string quartet Rubaiyat (1924), describing it as "a shapeless and endless ebullition which nowhere betrays the least sign of any artistic urge or creative facility.i30 Salazar, a music critic who was also a composer, was a firm supporter of both Falla and the orchestra, and this connection was hinted at by a reviewer who expressed his disappointment at the inclusion of "one or two quite worthless elements which any impartial judge would have at once eliminated."31

A few days later the Orquesta Bética presented a program at the Wigmore Hall featuring music from El amor brujo, The Three-Cornered Hat and the finale of El retablo, the first time any part of the work was heard in London. The performance was under-rehearsed but there were still kind words for Falla's music.32 A writer in The Times commented on positive aspects of Falla's compositions, especially "the

27 Harper, Manuel de Falla, 104. 28 "The Orquesta Bética da Camera, of Seville, an enterprising and progressive organization, of whose activity in Spain some glowing accounts have reached England lately. It is a little difficult to judge these artists fairly since they were liberally supplemented by English players." 'A Spanish Chamber Orchestra,' Manchester Guardian, 8 July 1925, 6. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid. 32 A critic in The Times wrote of Falla's arrangement of Rossini's overture to The Barber of Seville, "The whole would doubtless sound well enough in a larger hall and with a better performance." The performance of El retablo was described as "somewhat scrappy and disjointed." 'A De Falla Concert,' Times, 14 July 1925, 19.

224 freshness of the thematic material... [and] Falla's fine feeling for rhythm."33 The same critic noted that much of Falla's music was originally intended for the theatre, not the concert hall and "without the dramatic action it was bound to lose a good deal in effect."34 In the brief excerpt presented at the concert, El retablo did not make a significant impression. It was not until 1927 that London audiences were able to fully appreciate Falla's stylistic transformation in a special concert devoted to his works.

Falla travelled to London to perform in this concert at the Aeolian Hall on 22 June 1927, featuring the first London performances of three of his pieces: El retablo, the Concerto and the Soneto a Cordoba (1927). El amor brujo was also on the program and Stravinsky was in London and attended the concert.35

The Aeolian Hall concert was a milestone event for those interested in Falla's new music and most of the critical attention focused on El retablo and the Concerto. Falla's reputation inspired The Observer's critic to write: "We have too much faith in the music we know of de Falla not to be sure that what we have still to make the acquaintance of will be worth the trouble."36 A few London critics noted Falla's musical transformation and marvelled at his uniquely Spanish form of neoclassicism. A commentator in The Guardian wrote, "although the music is wholly free from conventional Hispanicisms, it is as Spanish as the immortal work of Cervantes itself."37 One critic made a negative comparison with the Bristol performance of the previous year, "Those who saw the admirable stage presentation of it at Bristol last year could enjoy it with the aid of recollection. But the majority, who had not had that advantage, must have wondered what all the freakish noises were about. It didn't help that it was sung in Spanish."38 However, the Concerto was the piece that attracted the most mixed reviews.

After finishing El retablo, Falla began to compose the Concerto for harpsichord, flute, oboe, clarinet, violin and cello (1923-1926). The Concerto grew out of his fascination with the harpsichord, an instrument Falla was introduced to through

33 Ibid. 34 Ibid. 35 Collins, Falla in Britain, 40. 36 'Manuel de Falla's Compositions,' Observer, 26 June 1927, 14. 37 'Music by Manuel de Falla,' Manchester Guardian, 23 June 1927, 15. 38 'Senor de Falla's Music,' Times, 23 June 1927, 12.

225 recitals given by his friend the Polish harpsichordist (1879- 1959),39 and he had already incorporated it into the score of El retablo. He embraced the harpsichord for its clarity, rhythmic precision and historical associations and the work builds on Falla's preoccupations with the music of Domenico Scarlatti and Spanish folksong.

Landowska wrote to her friend Lawrence Gilman, an American music critic, explaining the genesis of the Concerto:

Four years ago I spent some time with my friend de Falla in Granada...I was able to play for him a great deal during several days and we went deeply into the various possibilities of the instrument. He became more and more interested and little by little he reshaped entirely the keyboard part in his Retablo. His enthusiasm grew and he resolved to write a Concerto for the harpsichord.°

In the end Falla did not call the work a "", but a Concerto for harpsichord, flute, oboe, clarinet, violin and cello with the instruments interacting on equal terms. In her letter to Gilman, Landowska also described the stylistic transformation Falla had undergone which began with El retablo and continued with the Concerto:

You will hear in the Concerto that the regional influences play a lesser role than in his preceeding works. This new music is a composite of Hispano-Castillian elements rather than an echo of impressions of Andalusia or another Spanish province. It is extremely important to stress this point because naturally every concert-goer, and even a musician, expects and rejoices in advance at the thought of hearing in the new de Falla Concerto some languishing motifs of the Alhambra accompanied by imitating the guitar.41

At the Aeolian Hall in 1927 Falla played the Concerto on the piano at the beginning of the concert and on the harpsichord as the closing item. Overwhelmingly critics

39 Falla had heard Landowska perform a program that included works by Domenico Scarlatti in Paris on 10 May 1911. Carol Hess, Sacred Passions, 51. 40 Letter from Wanda Landowska to Lawrence Gilman, 24 Dec. 1924, AMF, reprinted in Christoforidis, `Aspects of the Creative Process,' 522. 41 Reprinted in Ibid.

226 deemed the harpsichord version to be the more successful, making the piano version seem redundant.42 As one critic observed,

It was difficult to care greatly for it at the first hearing, but when it was played a second time in its proper medium all its delicacy and wit and grace emerged clearly. It was as if a beautiful picture had at first been spoilt by bad lighting, and afterwards revealed in all its charm by being properly hung.43

Other reviewers felt the musical language of the Concerto was difficult to comprehend and The Observer commented on the unfamiliar language, complaining that, "we do not feel that we know the concerto though he played it twice (on the piano first and then the harpsichord), because it is, so to say, written in Spanish, and Englishmen cannot be expected to divine instinctively all that is `written between' the notes."44 The same writer recognised the influence of Scarlatti in Falla's score, particularly his use of pedal points.45

Even though Falla's Concerto was difficult to appreciate on first hearing for non- specialist critics, reviewers of the 1927 Aeolian Hall concert attempted to understand the work through their knowledge of early and modern Spanish music, and recognised that Falla's neoclassical works represented a significant development in Spanish musical nationalism.

El retablo finally received a staged London performance in June 1928 at the Court Theatre. The realization of Falla's original concept for the work met with a uniformly favourable response: "It is only at a performance of this little masterpiece as it was intended by the Spanish composer that the extraordinary aptness of his score makes

42 "If the idea was to convince us that the harpsichord sounds very much better than the piano in this combination of instruments, and in the particular way de Falla uses them, the demonstration was entirely successful; but it seemed an ill-judged method of introducing a new work of some importance... We would have preferred to have heard two performances with the harpsichord." `Senor de Falla's Music,' Times, 23 June 1927, 12. 43 `Music by Manuel de Falla,' Manchester Guardian, 23 June 1927, 15. 44 'Manuel de Falla's Compositions,' Observer, 26 June 1927, 14. 45 "The characteristic thing about this music seems to be the fondness for `pedal points'—long persistent figures or reiterated chords, which lend it strength...The finale reminds one here and there that Domenico Scarlatti was for a long time an important musical figure in Spain". Ibid. In preparation for the last movement of the Concerto Falla studied rhythmic effects in the keyboard sonatas of Scarlatti. See Christoforidis, `From Folksong to Plainchant,' 235.

227 itself wholly felt."46 The Guardian critic went on to describe the success of the performance and chose as highlights, "The character-drawing, the mixture of humour and humanity, the local colour and period feeling which this music blends into a wonderful synthesis of Hispanicism."47

At the end of the 1920s Falla enjoyed the support of influential critics and esteemed peers such as Stravinsky,48 taking his place among the elites of European music. Spanish music had journeyed a long way from the exotic clichés of the late nineteenth century and London had played an important role in this journey for Falla in particular and Spanish music in general. As Christoforidis has written of Falla's stylistic evolution in the 1920s:

The progressive integration and conflation of folk and preclassical sources in Falla's work of this period complemented his reinterpretation of Spanishness in terms of "Castilian" or "general Hispanic" values, through which he consciously sought to redefine Spain and its music, not as a manifestation of the exotic Other on the European periphery, but as a culture linked to the continent's historical and artistic traditions.49

Spain and English musical cosmopolitanism and the writings of Morales and Trend Anti-German sentiment in the post-war era led to the search for new political and cultural alliances. Jean-Aubry, through his editorship of The Chesterian, promoted new Spanish and French music to an English audience and Trend encouraged a greater awareness of "authentic" Spanish music in his books and articles. Periodicals and musical associations promoting new music also formed in other countries after the war. The French periodical La Revue Musicale,50 founded in 1920 by the

46 `Three Small Operas,' Manchester Guardian, 13 June 1928, 5. 47 Ibid. 48 In his writings Stravinsky highlighted similarities between elements of Russian and Spanish popular music: "The Andalusians have nothing Latin in their music. They owe their sense of rhythm to their eastern heritage." Quoted in Messing, Neoclassicism, 120. 49 Christoforidis, `From Folksong to Plainchant,' 236. 5o An issue of the Revue Musicale published in 1920 with the title Tombeau de Claude Debussy featured short compositions dedicated to the memory of Debussy by Falla Dukas, Malipiero, Roussel,

228 musicologist Henri Prunières, supported a new generation of composers and in the USA the New York League of Composers was established in 1923 and produced the journal Modern Music from 1924. In the words of Carol Oja, Modern Music "immediately became the single most important forum for American modernist composers."51

The ISCM (International Society for Contemporary Music) was founded in Salzburg in 1922 as a musical "League of Nations" of the post-war period. Dent, who later became chairman of the ISCM, was a key figure in the new society and Falla was the Spanish delegate for a period in the 1920s. The society had a central base in London and Falla's music was well represented at its annual festivals. He travelled to Siena for the fourth ISCM where El retablo and the Concerto were presented.52 In a letter to Falla, Dent explained that "some of the composer's `English friends' would foot the bill" for this journey.53 As an indication of Falla's international standing, he was elected honorary officer of the ISCM in 1931. The other honorary members at this time were Ravel, Sibelius, Strauss and Stravinsky.54

One of the stated aims of the Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians edited by Eaglefield-Hull and published in London in 1924, was to "supply the musician and the general music reader with a concise and practical survey of all modern musical activities."55 The Musical Times critic commented on the pluralistic nature of the dictionary: "The foreign side of such a dictionary, always important, is even more so to-day, when the lines of intercommunication between the British and Continental musical worlds, broken by the war, have not yet been fully repaired."56 An impressive range of writers and musicians contributed to this volume, including members of the editorial committee, which comprised Eaglefield-Hull, Granville Bantock, Henry Wood, Hugh Allen and Dent. Many of the contributors to the Dictionary were distinguished musicians themselves, for example the sub-committee

Loosens, Schmitt, Bartok, Stravinsky, Ravel and Satie. Falla's tribute, the influential guitar work Homenaje a Debussy (1920), was first published in this issue. 51 Carol J. Oja, Making Music Modern: New York in the 1920s (New York: OUP, 2000), 4. 52 Collins, `Falla in Europe,' 258. 53 Quoted in Hess, Sacred Passions, 165, fn. 99. 54 Collins, `Falla in Europe,' 267. 55 A Eaglefield-Hull, ed., preface to A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians (London: J.M. Dent, 1924), v. 56 H.G., `A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians,' Musical Times 65, (1 Oct. 1924): 919.

229 organized to discuss the topic of harmony, included contributions from Béla Bartok, Arnold Box, Eugene Goossens, Vaughan Williams and . Experts were engaged to write on national music styles and the task of writing the entries on Spanish music was handed to Morales.

The sweep of the Dictionary is borne out by the list of 52 Spanish musicians, including many lesser known names, with dedicated entries.57 This breadth was not to the satisfaction of all critics and a reviewer of the Dictionary in Music and Letters complained that the "Spanish and perhaps the Scotch and Belgian articles are a little overlong".58 The Spanish composers who have the most substantial entries are Granados, Albéniz and Falla. Devoting his longest entry to Albéniz, Morales wrote, "He revealed to the world the artistic significance of Spanish music, and awoke musical Spain to the reality of a modern sensibility."59

The Dictionary promoted a cosmopolitan view of music, and a number of musical societies and organizations created in the post-war era provided a forum for the performance of music from allied nations. The Anglo-Spanish Chamber Music Society was formed in 1927 with the aim of promoting links between English and Spanish music and musicians. The Society presented Spanish pianist José Cubiles in a concert on 3 November 1927, performing well-known Spanish music by Albéniz, Granados, Falla and Turina. According to The Guardian, he played, "with a dexterity and conviction that would have persuaded us of the value of Isaac Albéniz, Granados, Manuel de Falla, and Turina even if their work had been less familiar to us than it is."60 Other Spaniards represented on the program were Ernesto Halffter, and the eighteenth-century composers and Mateo Albéniz, while the British content was provided by the singer Miss Grainger Kerr who sang "groups of old and modern English songs.s61

The following year the Aguilar Quartet, an ensemble of Spanish , of the type

" For the full list see A. Eaglefield-Hull, A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians (London: J.M. Dent, 1924), 471-2. 58 `A Dictionary of Music and Musicians,' Music and Letters (Oct. 1924): 374. S9 Morales, `Albeniz,' l0. 60 `Spanish Piano Music,' Manchester Guardian, 3 Nov. 1927, 4. 61 Ibid.

230 brought to London by Angel Barrios and the Trio Iberia before the war, was presented by the Anglo-Spanish Chamber Music Society. Their program ranged from arrangements of harpsichord pieces by little-known English composers Croft and Clarke to dances by Albéniz and pieces from The Three-Cornered Hat.62 The clarity of texture obtained by the plucked strings came to the fore in arrangements of Spanish music from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. This sonority attracted one reviewer who considered it, "so beautiful and so evocative of a musical culture of which one knows next to nothing that one would gladly have listened to more.s63 The only modem composition on the program was Turina's La oraciôn del torero, originally written for the quartet of lutes. A writer in The Guardian criticised Turina's work for a lacking originality: "his mannerisms crop up everywhere with a familiarity that is by turns agreeable and distressing, and there remains just the little picturesque talent for which one has known him before this."64

Another music society actively promoting a cosmopolitan selection of repertoire in the 1920s was the New English Music Society founded by the conductor of the Anthony Bernard. Bernard championed the music of young British composers and this organisation promoted new works alongside pre- nineteenth-century works in line with the values of neoclassicism. The inaugural concert of this group was held at the Park Lane Hotel on 31 March 1928 with a program of works that ranged from Purcell to Vaughan Williams, Debussy, Casella and Falla. The Manchester Guardian described the Society as devoted to "the performance of old and modem music written for the small orchestral combinations that were in use at the royal, electoral, and ducal Courts of Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and are now once more cultivated by composers."65 The aims of this English society were in sympathy with those of the Orquesta Bética, and promoted the rise of the new nationalist school of Spanish composition alongside new English works.

As I have discussed, specialist critics through their publications and engagement with organizations such as the ISCM drew attention to Spanish music as part of a broader

62 ` and Guitar Hybrid,' Manchester Guardian, 11 Apr. 1928, 11. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 65 ` New English Music Society,' Manchester Guardian, 31 Mar. 1928, 18.

231 engagement with modern European music. Central to the new Spanish nationalism was the rediscovery of Spanish music from golden age of the Renaissance and Baroque periods.66 This was mirrored by trends in England where the recognition of music from the Renaissance period was key to a new awakening of nationalist styles in music 67 Trend explored these common themes in his writings on Spanish music in the 1920s.

Early Spanish music occupied Trend in the mid 1920s. The Musical Times reviewed Trend's book on the vihuelistas alongside new publications on and early Tudor composers. The reviewer remarked upon the simultaneous revival of English lute music and its Spanish counterpart: "Just as we English are discovering our lutenist composers, so there is a revival of interest in their Spanish equivalents, the vihuelistas."68 Through his writings Trend fostered this revival in Spanish early music at the same time as guitarists, notably Emilio Pujol, were transcribing and publishing new editions of Spanish and music for the classical guitar. As we shall see, this music became an integral part of the new classical guitar repertory of Spanish guitarists such as Segovia and Regino Sâinz de la Maza (1896- 1981).

First published in 1929, Trend's book Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music was the first volume in English devoted to Falla and his music.69 It contains in-depth analysis of Falla's music up to and including the Concerto. In this monograph Trend referred to English performances and premieres of Falla's pieces and articulated his belief that Spanish music needed to be heard in the context of a broader knowledge of Iberian music and culture.

The preoccupation with folksong was a common feature of both the English and Spanish nationalist schools of composition and Trend drew the reader's attention to these similarities:

66 The Golden Age, or Siglo de Oro in Spanish history refers to the period from the late fifteenth century through to the end of the seventeenth century. See Henry Kamen, Spain 1469-1714: A Society of Conflict (London: Longman, 2005). 67 Meirion Hughes and Robert Stradling, The English Musical Renaissance, 1840-1940 (London: Routledge, 1993). 68 C.W., `Luis Milan and the Vihuelistas by J. B. Trend,' Musical Times 66 (1 July 1925): 618-619. 69 Trend, Manuel de Falla and Spanish Music.

232 Yet there is one accidental point of likeness between folk-song in Spain and in Great Britain. The kind of Spanish music, cultivated or popular, which is best known outside the Peninsula, the only kind which many people and many musicians immediately recognize as Spanish is the kind which comes from Andalucia; while foreign musicians are generally convinced that the only folk-music in the British Isles is that which belongs to the "Celtic fringe." The "England" of the Spanish peninsula is Castile; and Castilian folk-music, like English folk-music, has lately been coming into its own.70

Trend compared the efforts of Vaughan Williams and Cecil Sharp in collecting folksong with the work done by Spanish collectors of folk music such as Federico Olmeda, Juan de Ledesma, Eduardo Martinez Torner and Felipe Pedre11.71

An illuminating chapter of Trend's book on Falla is titled "The Spanish Idiom" where he discussed the nature of music accepted abroad as Spanish. He argued that the template for Spanishness in music had not changed for fifty years and he revisited his frustration with the Carmen stereotype:

Carmen has become, for the non-Spanish world, the mirror of the Spanish soul, the pattern of Spanish music. Yet Carmen herself is by no means a normal Spanish type, or even an abnormal Spanish type which is specifically Spanish, and the few genuinely Spanish touches in the music are not derived directly from folk-song.72

Trend mentions Lalo's Capriccio and piano duets by Moszkowski as other examples of music widely regarded as "Spanish" but written by non-Spaniards.73 He drew attention to the acceptance of an internationally recognisable "Spanish" style, which he believed was, "largely a creation of the eighteenth century."74 In his writings, particularly those on Falla, Trend strove to overturn misconceptions about Spanish music, and to help audiences appreciate and discover modern Spanish music firmly based on tradition, folksong and the music of the past.

70 Ibid., 10. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid., 17-18. 73 Ibid., 15. 74 Ibid., 16.

233 According to Trend, two crucial elements of Spanish music were rhythm and the sonority of plucked strings. In his article "Falla in `Arabia' he discusses the primacy of rhythm in Spanish music and the importance of clarity of texture, the latter related to plucked string sounds.75 After describing the trio of laud, bandurria and guitar and the influence this texture had on Falla, Trend explained the importance of these elements to an understanding of Spanish music:

Experience with plucked instruments affects the rhythmic sense of a Spanish musician in another way...Pianists who are not Spaniards, when they play "Iberia" or the "Goyescas" or Falla's Four Spanish Pieces, generally forget that at the back of each composer's mind is a plucked instrument, the chords of which invariably give the effect of an appoggiatura and produce a vital throb in the rhythm.76

Trend continued to write on Spain and the Hispanic world for the rest of his life.77

Andrés Segovia and the new classical guitar As discussed in Chapter 4, the Estudiantinas of the 1880s and 1890s encouraged greater interest in the guitar in London, particularly due to the subsequent popularity of the Banjo, Mandolin and Guitar movement.78 Publications such as Phillips Bone's The Guitar and Mandolin (1914) and the London Banjo, Mandolin and Guitar magazine, first published in 1903, documented and encouraged the growth in guitar activity. In the post-war era the guitar had not yet attained the popularity seen in the 1930s, however, it began to be seen and heard in emerging trends in popular music

75 "The feeling for Southern Spanish music lies partly, of course, in a feeling for Southern Spanish rhythms. Albéniz, Granados, Turina, Pérez Casas, Conrado del Campo, Oscar Espla, and most of all Falla, have an intense feeling for rhythmic effects." Ibid., 46. 76 Ibid., 47. 77 Later books by J. B. Trend include: The Origins of Modern Spain (New York: Macmillan, 1934), Mexico: A New Spain with Old Friends (London: Macmillan, 1940), The Civilization of Spain (London: , 1944), Bolivar and the Independence of Spanish America (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1946), Lorca and the Spanish Poetic Tradition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1956). 78 Jeffrey Noonan discusses the rise in popularity of the guitar in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as part of the BMG movement in America. This movement in the United States had strong parallel movements in England, Australia and across the globe. Noonan, The Guitar in America: Victorian Era to Jazz Age, 3-20.

234 such as the crazes for tango and Hawaiian music, not to mention the expanded role of the instrument in American folk music.79

Falla's teacher Pedrell was a chief advocate of the union of popular and high art sources and the aesthetic of neoclassicism allowed for the incorporation of early music and modern styles, alongside popular elements.S° In 1917 Falla positioned the guitar at the centre of these concerns, as "an example of reconciliation between the popular and high art traditions united in a stylised revival of the past."81 The guitar featured prominently in cubist art and post-cubist classicism, as represented and deconstructed by Spanish and French cubist painters, most notably Pablo Picasso, Georges Braque and Juan Gris.82 The representation of the guitar in the visual arts added to the allure of the instrument in modern music.

The Spanish guitarist Andrés Segovia built a career as the most famous and celebrated classical guitarist of the twentieth century. He helped to define the guitar as a concert instrument and through his activities the modern classical guitar became an intrinsic marker of Spanish music for English and international audiences. London was an important city in Segovia's career, not just for the many concerts and recitals he gave there, but because he gave regular broadcasts for the BBC and it is where made his earliest recordings for the HMV label.83 From his first performance in London on 7 December 1926 Segovia found strong support and an enthusiastic public in the English capital where the audience had been prepared through exposure to Spanish music and performances of Spanish plucked string instruments, from the Spanish Estudiantinas to post-war recitals given by Angel Barrios, Miguel Llobet and Emilio Pujol.

79 For a summary of factors leading to the success of the guitar in the early twentieth century see Victor Coelho, `Picking Through Cultures: A Guitarist's ,' in The Cambridge Companion to the Guitar, ed. Victor Coelho (Cambridge: CUP, 2003), 3-12. Kevin Dawe and Andy Bennett's introduction to the book Guitar Cultures is a fascinating overview of the global reach of the guitar in the twentieth century. Kevin Dawe and Andy Bennett, `Introduction: Guitars, Cultures, People and Places,' in Guitar Cultures, eds. Kevin Dawe and Andy Bennett (Oxford: Berg, 2001), 1-10. 8° Harper, Manuel de Falla, 24, 28. 81 Piquer Sanclemente and Christoforidis, 'Cubismo, Neoclasicismo,' 10. 82 Ibid., 8. 88 Wade, and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 68-69.

235 Segovia was born in the Andalusian town of Linares in 1893 and grew up in Southern Spain. In his autobiography, Segovia refers to a performance in Granada towards the end of 1909 as his first recital.84 He began to perform regularly in Spain during the 1910s, developing his repertoire and performance style, both modelled on the school of Târrega. He met Llobet in 1915 and incorporated some of Llobet's arrangements into his concerts.85 Segovia's early programs consisted of music by nineteenth- century guitarist-composers, such as Sor, Spanish pieces by Albéniz and Granados (many of them modelled on arrangements made by Târrega and Llobet), transcriptions of Bach, his own compositions and transcriptions of Romantic composers such as Chopin and Mendelssohn.

Prior to his international success, Segovia was an influential member of the cultural elite in Granada. According to Ian Gibson, in 1918 he was contacted by Lorca's family for advice on an early manuscript by the young poet.86 He was known to frequent the regular discussions of the Rinconcillo in Granada with Barrios,87 and was also one of the guest artists invited to the Residencia de Estudiantes in Madrid during its early years.88 In 1922, through his close ties to Falla, Lorca and other organisers of the Cante Jondo competition, Segovia played a concert to open the proceedings and possibly acted as a judge.

In Eaglefield-Hull's Dictionary, the extent of the entries on the guitarists Segovia, Llobet and Pujol reflect their relative standing in London at that time. Pujol is granted two sentences only and there is only a little more information on Segovia who is identified as a "link between the Romantic school... and the modern style."89 By far the most extensive entry is given to Llobet who was recognised as the pre-eminent modern player, the "Casals" of the guitar.90 His friendships with influential French

84 Andrés Segovia, Segovia: An Autobiography of the Years 1893-1920, trans. W.F. O'Brien (London: Marion Boyars, 1976), 20. 85 Segovia learnt Llobet's arrangement of Catalan folksong El Mestre and Llobet's transcription of piano works by Granados by imitation from Llobet at this time. See Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 39. 86 Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca, 59-60. 87 Hess, Sacred Passions, 132 88 See Gibson, Federico Garcia Lorca, 82; Hess, Sacred Passions, 90. 89 Pedro Garcia Morales, 'Emilio Pujol,' A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians, ed. A. Eaglefield-Hull (London: Dent, 1924), 400. 90 Pedro Garcia Morales, 'Miguel Llobet,' A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians, ed. A. Eaglefield-Hull (London: Dent, 1924), 302.

236 and Spanish composers were recognised and his status as the most notable Spanish guitarist of the post-War era was confirmed by the dedication to him of Falla's only solo guitar piece, the Homenaje a Debussy (1920). However, in just a couple of years, Segovia's fame would eclipse that of Llobet and all other Spanish guitarists.

Pujol uncovered much Spanish vihuela and guitar music from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and published numerous editions of these works for the modern guitar.91 Pujol performed in London in 1912 and there were conflicting reviews of his performance of a Gavotte and Fugue by J.S. Bach. According to The Observer, Pujol's performance of the Bach "shed a flood of lights on their contents" whereas The Guardian thought it was "hopeless to attempt to arrange Bach and Schubert for the guitar."92 Pujol's guitar playing was praised at both this recital and a repeat visit to London in 1914. There was a noticeable difference in the critical response to Segovia's appearances of 1926 and 1927 when he played programmes with a similar range of repertoire. The revival of interest in Bach was tied closely to Stravinsky's neoclassicism of the early to mid 1920s and formed one of the bases of anti- Romanticism between the wars. Segovia capitalized on the interest in Bach on the guitar and through his commissioning of composers such as (1882- 1948) and Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco (1895-1968) gave the modern guitar repertoire a strong neoclassical bias.93

Segovia toured extensively in South America and Spain in the early 1920s before his breakthrough Paris debut on 7 April 1924.94 Many important figures of Spanish and French music were in attendance, among them Paul Dukas (1865-1935), (1869-1937), Falla and Joaquin Nin.95 The excitement generated by Segovia's continental performances guaranteed a healthy audience at his London

91 Segovia included a number of Pujol's arrangements in his repertoire. 92 `A Guitar Recital,' Observer, 15 Dec. 1912, 17; `A Guitar Recital in London,' Manchester Guardian, 16 Dec. 1912, 4. 93 Works written for Segovia in the 1920s include the following pieces by Ponce: Sonata Mexicana (1925), Thème varié et Finale (1926), Sonata 111(1927), Sonata cl6sica (1928), Sonata romc ntica (1929), Suite en la Mineur (1929), written in the style of a Baroque lute suite by S. L. Weiss, and Variations and Fugue on La (1929). Castelnuovo Tedesco began writing for Segovia in the 1930s and his works for guitar include the Sonata Hommage à Boccherini, op. 77 (1935) and the Guitar Concerto No. 1 in D major, op. 99 (1939). 94 For a thorough discussion of Segovia's concerts in Spain and overseas from 1920-1924 see Lopez Poveda, Andrés Segovia: Vida y Obra, 146-183. 95 Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 51.

237 debut at the Aeolian Hall on 7 December 1926. Ernest Newman wrote in The Times, "we went to Aeolian Hall on Tuesday afternoon expecting we did not quite know what, but hoping, since Senor Andrés Segovia's reputation had preceded him...that we should satisfy our curiosity about an instrument that has romantic associations".96

In reviews of his London debut, newspaper critics registered their surprise at the musicality of his playing and amazement that a guitar could present such a broad range of repertoire convincingly. The guitar was also linked to the burgeoning early music scene, particularly the harpsichord, which it evoked in clarity of texture and rhythm. The issue of limited concert repertoire for the guitar led naturally to a discussion of new works. The Observer review of 12 December 1926 summed up the enthusiasm of many English reviews of Segovia's London debut, "This Spanish guitarist has given one of the most stimulating concerts of the season. There can be no question that he is a very fine player with great command over his instrument and much skill in managing the devices of its technique."97 Segovia's technical facility was noted, as was his ability to vary the tone colour by movements of the right hand,

It was a revelation to hear what could be called forth from this instrument by an expert, the variety of tone which could be obtained when the plucking hand was moved gradually nearer the bridge: there was also a piercing quality in the upper register and a rich tone in the lower strings which, in a succession of slow octaves, gave out a sound that we feel is personal to the guitar alone.98

In response to Segovia's London debut a writer in The Times described the features of the guitar that impressed the most: "This directness of touch makes possible subtleties which even the violin cannot approach, still less the harpsichord, which is its nearest relation in the matter of ."99 Segovia's performance of Bach works was singled out for praise by the critic of The Observer who was less enthusiastic about the modern repertoire for the guitar:

96 'A Guitar Recital,' Times, 9 Dec. 1926, 14. 97 Observer, 12 Dec. 1926. 98 Ibid. 99 'A Guitar Recital,' Times, 9 Dec. 1926, 14.

238 The Bach Suite was played with fine phrasing. But the actual music of the modern section was disappointing. It is true that guitarists have to rely to some extent on arrangements. But there is de Falla's "Homenaje a Debussy," and there are the compositions of Angel Barrios which we hope Don Andrés Segovia will one day let us hear. The Turina that he played last week was interesting, the Albéniz (which we suspect to have been a transcription) rather less so, the Torroba definitely dull. One of the largest feats of performance was the Haydn Minuet, one of the most delightful 1°° pieces of interpretation the Granados Dance.

After the success of his London debut in December 1926, Segovia was invited back for concerts in January of the following year.1°1 His performances of Bach and the historical resonances of the guitar (both real and imagined) conjured up images of Elizabethan lute music, and made at least one writer speculate whether this could be a source of guitar repertoire:

The making of a programme for his instrument must present difficulties, and we venture to call Mr. Segovia's attention...to the music of our English lutenists, which would be admirably suited to his purpose. To have it revived by such a musician, and on an instrument so closely akin to that for which it was written, would be of great interest and also a great pleasure.102

Segovia, however, did not explore or play English lute works. It was left for the next generation of performers, in particular , to uncover this vast treasury of lute music.103 Segovia often featured brackets of works by Bach in his programs of the 1920s and 1930s and at the Wigmore Hall in November 1927 he opened with ten pieces by Bach.104 The London magazine Keynotes published Segovia's transcription of Bach's Gavotte (from Suite BWV 1006a) in September 1929,105 and his

loo Observer, 12 Dec. 1926. 10t Lopez Poveda, Andrés Segovia: Vida y Obra, 210. 102 `Weekend Concerts,' Times, 31 Jan. 1927, 17. 103 Julian Bream pioneered the performance and recording of Elizabethan lute music in the 1950s and 1960s. See Button, Julian Bream. 1°4 'Concerts,' Times, 1 Nov. 1927, 12. 105 Keynotes was connected to a shop that sold and guitars. The magazine was later taken over by the B.M.G. magazine. These periodicals served amateur players of the banjo, mandolin and guitar and they tell the story of the growing popularity of the guitar which eventually outstripped the banjo and mandolin. See Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 67.

239 transcription of the Bach Chaconne confirmed Segovia's reputation as an interpreter of Bach in the 1930s.106

The program from Segovia's recital of 29 January 1927 reprinted in figure 13 shows an eclectic mixture of music from the Baroque and the nineteenth century alongside new twentieth-century works in various styles that made up his repertoire at this point in his career. This breadth of repertoire would not have been possible without the numerous transcriptions for the guitar made by Târrega, Llobet and Segovia himself.

Figure 13. Program for Andres Segovia's concert at the Wigmore Hall, 29 January 1927.107

Composer Title Repertoire Category Part I F. Sor Andante and Rondo Nineteenth century guitarist/composer F. Moreno Torroba Danza Twentieth century composition C. Pedrell Improvisation Twentieth century composition E. Granados Romantic Spanish transcription

Part II G. F. Handel Sarabande Baroque transcription J.S. Bach Gavotte et Musette — Loure Baroque transcription F. Mendelssohn Canzonetta Romantic transcription

Part III M. Ponce Theme varie et Finale Twentieth century composition G. Samazeuilh Serenata Twentieth century composition I. Albéniz Granada — Cadiz Romantic Spanish transcription

New compositions made up a substantial portion of Segovia's early programs. Through his commissioning of new works Segovia reinforced the neoclassical orientation of the modem classical guitar, although a number of established composers who wrote works for Segovia found he did not play their works. Pieces by

106 Segovia published his transcription of the Bach Chaconne in 1934. Ibid., 89. 107 Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 65.

240 Roussel (Segovia), Frank Martin (1890-1974) (Quatre Pièces Brèves) and three English composers fall into this category. The English composers in question are Eugene Goossens (1893-1962), Lennox Berkeley (1903-1989) and Cyril Scott (1879- 1970) who all wrote pieces for Segovia that did not enter his repertoire. The Goossens work has been lost but recent research has brought the Scott and Berkeley works to light.'08

In the 1920s Cyril Scott was an established composer with a growing performance profile in Europe.109 He counted amongst his friends Ravel and Debussy who both organized performances of his works in Paris. Scott probably met Segovia through their mutual friend Morales,10 and wrote a three-movement Sonatina for Segovia, who only played the opening movement, under the title Reverie." In July 1927 Segovia wrote to Ponce that he was working on the Sonatina by Scott "without great enthusiasm."112 The only London performance of Scott's guitar work took place at Wigmore Hall on 11 May 1928. In a review in The Times, Scott's work was compared unfavourably with Falla's Homenaje for guitar:

A "Reverie" by Cyril Scott, dedicated to the recitalist, was given its first performance, but even Mr. Segovia could not make it together as a continuous piece of musical thinking. De Falla's "Hommage a Debussy" provided a strong contrast to this piece. It is rhapsodic in manner, and makes clever allusions, without any very definite quotation, to various works by Debussy, and yet there is no feeling of patchiness.113

108 The publisher Berben, in conjunction with the Andres Segovia archive in Linares, Spain, has ?ublished a number of previously unpublished scores from Segovia's library. 09 See A. Eaglefield-Hull, `Cyril Meir Scott,' A Dictionary of Modern Music and Musicians (London: J.M. Dent, 1924), 449. Eaglefield-Hull also penned a monograph on Scott. See A. Eaglefield-Hull, Cyril Scott, Composer, Poet, Philosopher (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1918). 110 In a letter to Manuel Ponce, Segovia described the stature of Morales in London, "I want to give you the address of a friend of mine in London, editor of several German and English journals, composer and one of the most faithful people you can imagine...he is Pedro Morales. In London he is considered an authoritative critic, and moreover, since he is a man of English high society, there is not an event in which he is not involved." Miguel Alcazar, ed., The Segovia-Ponce Letters, trans. Peter Segal (Columbus: Editions Orphée, 1989), 17. 111 The movement Segovia played is probably the first which is the most reflective of the three movements. In the published score there is no subtitle, just the direction `Adagio quasi introduzione'. Cyril Scott, Sonatina, ed. Angelo Gilardino and Luigi Biscaldi (Ancona: Berben, 2002). 112 Alcazar, Segovia-Ponce Letters, 12-13. 113 Times, 14 May 1928, 21.

241 Although Segovia later played Scott's piece in , it is fair to assume that Segovia did not like the work and he and Scott did not keep in touch. Scott made no mention of Segovia in his autobiography.114

The English composer Lennox Berkeley studied with Nadia Boulanger in Paris between 1927 and 1932 and his Quatre pièces pour la guitar, dedicated to Segovia, were probably written during this time.115 The four pieces were discovered in the Segovia Archive in Linares by Angelo Gilardino in 2001, and exhibit an understanding of guitar texture that Berkeley carried over to his later works written for Bream and Angelo Gilardino.116 In a short review of a 1931 Segovia performance in Paris Berkeley showed his admiration for Segovia's talent:

Another recital that roused great enthusiasm was Segovia's concert at the Opéra. I think it is superfluous to praise Segovia's guitar playing—it will suffice to say that he was at the top of his form and amply justified his choice of the Opéra to perform in...the fact that one heard perfectly every sound bears witness not only to Segovia's power of tone production but also to the acoustic properties of the Opéra.117

While Berkeley's Quatre pièces have only recently entered the guitar repertoire, Berkeley's other guitar works, particularly the Sonatina (1957) have been played and recorded many times in recent decades.

A key factor in Segovia's international success in the 1920s and 1930s was his embrace of the medium of recording. Many of his early recordings were made in

London and reviewed in Gramophone magazine, from as early as August 1927.118

The guitar reached a new height of popularity in England as a result of Segovia's success and on 13 October 1931 the Philharmonia Society of Guitarists honoured him with a dinner, following similar occasions for guitarists Pujol and Mathilde

114 Allan Clive Jones, foreword to Cyril Scott Sonatina, 5. 115 Peter Dickinson, The Music of Lennox Berkeley (Rochester: Boydell Press, 2003), 185. 116 Berkeley wrote Sonatina, Songs of the Half Light and Guitar Concerto (op. 88) for Julian Bream. The Theme and Variations (op. 77) of 1970 was written for Angelo Gilardino. 117 Dickinson, Lennox Berkeley, 185. 118 Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 68.

242 Cuervas.119 Segovia's membership of the Society and the health of society membership was noted in the monthly B.M.G. magazine:

The Society will shortly celebrate its fourth anniversary and it is satisfactory to note that the membership has increased by forty per cent. High society has also shown a keen interest in the movement. H.H. Princess Galitzine, the Earl of Dries, Baron von Haeften, and many other well-known people having become members. During the past year, the celebrated guitarist, A. Segovia, became a member and practically all the world's most famous players have now joined.120

The foundations for the ongoing popularity of the classical guitar in England were laid during the inter-war period. In the 1930s Len Williams, father of the Anglo- Australian guitarist John Williams (1941-), heard Segovia for the first time in London. Both John Williams and his English contemporary Bream (1933-) would gain prominence among the next generation of classical guitar virtuosi.

Spanish musicians continued to influence the trajectory of the classical guitar as the twentieth century progressed. Segovia maintained a busy international touring schedule until his death in 1989 while Spanish guitarists such as (1927-1997) mapped a distinctly Spanish path for the instrument through the commissioning of new works and creation of new transcriptions in addition to fresh technical approaches to the instrument.121 Spanish composer Joaquin Rodrigo's (1901-1999) Concierto de Aranjuez (1939) was the most performed concerto for the guitar in the twentieth century and recorded by most of the leading guitarists of the generations after Segovia.

London remained an important centre for the classical guitar throughout the twentieth century, with the Wigmore Hall one of the world's most prestigious venues for guitar recitals. A healthy number of London publishers and critics ensured that the Spanish classical guitar continued to thrive in the English capital.

19 Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 75. 120 B.M.G, 39 (Feb., 1932): 99. Quoted in Wade and Garno, New Look at Segovia, 75. 121 Bacarrise wrote his Concertino for Guitar and Orchestra in A minor, Op. 72 (1952) for Yepes. Yepes pioneered the use of the ten-string guitar and used it for his transcriptions of lute music and also modern works.

243 Through an examination of the English reception of Falla's neoclassical works and the issues surrounding them in the 1920s, I have shown how Spanish music was accepted as a genuine force in European music. In El retablo and the Concerto Falla created a new type of Spanish music, distanced from nineteenth-century Romantic stereotypes, with a conscious move towards a Castilian-shaped Hispanicism. In Falla's construction of Spanish neoclassicism, he employed elements of Spanish early music and drew on the example of Stravinsky who in turn endorsed Falla's stylistic transformation. English-based critics such as Trend made vital contributions to the dissemination of Spanish music in London in the 1920s. The continued performances of Falla's earlier works in 1920s London ensured that he remained the most prominent Spanish composer of the decade.

Falla's dual interests in Spanish early music and neoclassicism were united in the repertoire of the classical guitar. The guitar was able to suggested ancient lutes and , while retaining its image as the quintessentially Spanish instrument. Both the classical guitar and emerging flamenco guitar styles would come to define Spanish music for an international audience during the years of Franco's rule and beyond.122

122 (1892-1975) ruled Spain from 1936 until his death.

244 Conclusion

In response to a 1931 performance of Noches en los jardines de Espana in London, a writer compared Falla's achievements with those of the new English school of composition,

His music is full of the shimmer of guitars and stamping dance-rhythms. But here is no Spanish Rhapsody, or pot-pourri of folk-tunes. The native material has been absorbed, as Vaughan Williams has absorbed it in England, and out of it a personal style has been created.'

In this thesis I have focused on specific protagonists and events that contributed to the English reception of Spanish music between 1878 and 1930. In that time the landscape for Spanish music in London evolved from Romantic perspectives based on exotic stereotypes to reflect some of the concerns of post-war musical modernism and nationalism in a new cosmopolitan context. The recognition of Spanish music in 1920s London was due to the confluence of many factors and the culmination of decades of English engagement with Spanish music.

The opera Carmen defined Spanish music for many during this period and was a potent symbol of Spanishness in the English public imagination. In the 1920s the enduring nature of stereotypes derived from the opera came to be seen as a hindrance to the development of a sophisticated appreciation of Spanish music in England.

The strength and hybridity of popular entertainment in London's music halls and the theatre meant that Spanish music was easily incorporated into popular entertainments. This crossover between "low art" or popular music contexts and elevated ballet, opera and concert settings ensured a broad dissemination of Spanish music and fostered a diverse range of Spanish entertainments in the English capital.

Questions of what constituted "real" or "true" Spanish music comprised an important element of the English engagement with Spain. Even the most prominent Spanish

'"The Musicians Gramophone", Times, 21 Jan. 1931, 12.

245 musicians were occasionally seen to be lacking the key ingredients of Spanishness when compared to Bizet's music or tropes derived from Carmen. "Spanish" music written by non-Spaniards could also be considered authentic and contributed to the ongoing appreciation of Spain. What was deemed to be a "true" representation of Spanish music was constantly changing and at various times all of the following were considered authentically Spanish: nineteenth-century dancers trained in the art of the Bolero school, visiting Spanish guitarists, the opera Carmen, estudiantinas, flamenco, cante jondo, The Three-Cornered Hat, Falla's neoclassical works and the Spanish classical guitar. Notions of authenticity and Spanish music continued to evolve as visiting Spanish artists responded to the demands and expectations of English audiences and critics, and as English audiences became more familiar with musical developments in Spain and France.

In the late nineteenth century the images portrayed by travel writers heavily influenced the English appreciation of Spanish music. In the Edwardian era and the years after World War I some English writers cultivated a more complex appreciation of Spanish music, becoming expert commentators and informing the English reception of Hispanic works. The stimulus provided by French writers and musicians to the modern appreciation of Spanish music was decisive in England. Without the guiding influence provided by the French promotion of Spanish music, the English perspective would not have been so richly nuanced.

In this thesis I have outlined different stages of appreciation of Spanish music in England, which at times were mediated by extra-musical events and international trends. Changing political relationships and international alliances also influenced the reception and acceptance of Spanish music in England. While some stereotypes associated with Spanish music persisted throughout the period under examination, it is clear that Spanish music came to be considered beyond the confines of a timeless and unchanging exotic "Other".

A number of topics explored in this thesis could be of interest for further research into how English perceptions of Spanish music continued to change in the twentieth century. In recent years scholars have begun to focus attention on the cosmopolitanism of the inter-War years and the relationship between English and

246 Spanish streams of modernism. A resource worth examining in this context is the Dent Archive at the library of King's College Cambridge which holds material relating to Dent's work with the International Society of Contemporary Music and correspondence between Dent and Trend.

It would be fascinating to consider the ongoing reception of The Three-Cornered Hat in England in tandem with the revival in English ballet. Of the works by Falla discussed in this thesis, The Three-Cornered Hat was the most frequently performed in the decades that followed. Massine's association with the ballet in England from the late 1940s underscored subtle transformations in the English reception of Spanish music and dance at a time when the modern English ballet tradition was being formed. He revived The Three-Cornered Hat for the Sadler's Wells Ballet,2 and continued to champion the work in England until the 1950s.3 This period also witnessed the proliferation of Spanish dance companies touring England, many of which were influenced by the choreography of the Ballets Russes. It could be argued that the continued popularity of The Three-Cornered Hat and Spanish ballet in England obscured the appreciation of Falla's neoclassical works and Spanish modernist music in the post-World-War-II era .4 It was not until the demise of General Franco in 1975 and the subsequent international fashion for Spain of the 1980s and 1990s that these works began to receive more performances and recordings.

Another area ripe for future investigation is the rise to prominence of the Spanish classical guitar in England from the late 1950s through the recordings and performances of Julian Bream and John Williams. The popularity of the classical guitar roughly coincided with Spain opening its borders to tourism through an extended campaign of mass marketing.5 The Franco regime's tourist campaign of the 1960s had an impact on projections of the Spanish guitar in England and the way the instrument was promoted internationally in the 1960s and beyond. Williams studied guitar with Segovia and his father Len established the Spanish Guitar Centre in

2 Leslie Norton, Léonide Massine and the 20th Century Ballet (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 2004), 274. 3 Vicente Garcia-Marquez, Massine: a Biography (New York: Knopf, 1995), 311-315. 4 Although there was some interest in the music of the post civil-war Spanish émigré composer Roberto Gerhard (1896-1970). S M. Barke and J. Towner, `Exploring the History of Leisure and ,' in Tourism In Spain: Critical Issues, eds. M. Barke, J. Towner and M.T. Newton (Wallingford: CAB International, 1996).

247 London in the 1950s. John Williams recorded prolifically in the 1960s, and amongst his best selling were those showcasing Spanish repertoire.6 By this time Julian Bream was already well established as a recording artist and a number of his recordings emphasised the Spanish orientation of the classical guitar. While cultivating new repertoires for the instrument, they both continued to endorse the image of the classical guitar as a Spanish instrument through recordings and television appearances in the late twentieth century.8

The international fascination with Spanish music continued in the last decades of the twentieth century. Spain joined the European Union in 1986 and international interest in the country reaching a high point in 1992 with Barcelona hosting the Olympic Games and the Universal Exposition held in Seville. This activity signalled a new wave of interest in Spanish music and culture.

In the midst of this continued interest in Spanish music and dance, Carmen continued to exercise its fascination on English audiences and act as a marker of Spanishness. The recent advertising of two Carmen productions in London illustrates how the quest for an authentic version of the work continues, while at the same time nineteenth- century Spanish stereotypes persist. A 2012 production directed by Spanish director Calixto Bieito at the English National Opera in London was promoted as an updated production, faithful to Bizet's original conception of the work, while still engaging with mythic Spanish elements in the opera:

In rejecting the opera's traditional touristic trappings and presenting it instead as a full-on battle of the sexes, fought out in the near-mythic arena of a symbolic Spanish bullring, Calixto Bieito's hugely popular production...is arguably truer to the spirit of

6 John Williams, A Spanish Guitar, Westminster, Wst14138, 1961; Two Guitar Concertos, Rodrigo and Castelnuovo-Tedesco, CBS 72439/6834, 1965; Two Guitar Concertos, Rodrigo and Dodgson, CBS 72661 /MS 7063, 1968; John Williams Plays Spanish Music, CBS 72728, 1970. See William Starling, Strings Attached: The Life and Music of John Williams (London: Robson Press, 2012). 7 Julian Bream, The Art of the Spanish Guitar, RCA, VCS 7057(2), 1970; Popular Classics for Spanish Guitar, RCA, SB6887, 1974. 8 Julian Bream filmed a series for television exploring the guitar music of Spain, first aired in 1984 and John Williams recorded a very successful album in the Royal Alcazar in Seville. John Williams, The Seville Concert, Sony 53359, 1993; Julian Bream, Guitarra! A Musical Journey Through Spain, first aired on BBC TV on 11 October, 1984.

248 Bizet's original conception than most more conventional stagings you'll ever see.9

By way of contrast, a recent Royal Opera House production of Carmen was advertised with language reminiscent of nineteenth-century travel writers: "Spanish heat and gypsy passion are brought to the stage in Francesca Zambello's vivid production of Bizet's opera."10 As these two quotations demonstrate, Carmen has retained its currency as a marker of Spanishness and many stereotypes about Spanish music drawn from the nineteenth century have endured and been repackaged for later generations. At the same time elusive notions of authenticity and what constitutes "true" Spanish music and culture continue to resonate in the early twenty-first century.

9 'English National Opera,' accessed 16 May 2013, www.eno.org/see-whats- on/productions/production-page.php?item id=2133. 10 `Royal Opera House, Carmen,' accessed 16 May, 2013, www.roh.org.uk/productions/carmen-by- francesca-zambello.

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274 .

Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne

Author/s: MURRAY, KEN

Title: Spanish music and its representations in London (1878-1930): from the exotic to the modern

Date: 2013

Persistent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/11343/57402

File Description: Spanish music and its representations in London (1878-1930): from the exotic to the modern