Letting in the Wolf: Lurking Challenge to Pluralism of the Chinese Media in ...........................................................by Chang Teck Peng HE THREAT to press freedom Malaysia and pluralism of public Topinion in Malaysia may be attributed mainly to repressive media laws and media ownership by corporations owned by or linked to the ruling parties. The fact that it has taken its toll is obvious in the English and Malay mainstream media, especially with regard to TV and newspapers. The same threat exists for the Chinese media, however, it experiences it to a lesser degree since the ruling parties have often paid less attention to it. Malaysia is a multi-ethnic society with three main ethnic groups, namely, Malay, Chinese, and Indian, and numerous other ethnic minorities. It has a total population of 25.58 million and the ethnic composition is: 15.70 million (65.7 percent) are Bumiputra (Malays and other indigenous groups), 6.07 million (25.4 percent) are Chinese, 1.80 million (7.6 percent) are Indian, and the rest are other ethnic minorities. Nowadays, the scenario of the Malaysian Chinese media industry is much different from the situation during and prior to the 1980s. Back then, most Chinese newspapers were run as family businesses and were faced with stiff competition and a limited market. The owner of Malaysia’s largest Chinese media group, Sin However, changes in the political Chew Media Corporation, Tiong Hiew King, has a stake in atmosphere and the booming economy in its traditional competitor, Nanyang Press Holdings. the 1990s, have contributed to the growth of Oriental Daily News (Malaysia) journalismasia2005 19 n Lurking Challenge to Pluralism of the Chinese Media in Malaysia Journalists from China Press protest the move of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) to take over Nanyang Press Holdings and Sin Chew Daily’s role in the deal. Oriental Daily News (Malaysia) the Chinese media industry. Today, the two of the ruling parties and government are largest Chinese newspaper companies are allowed to have their writings published, public companies listed on the Kuala though their writings may sometimes be Lumpur Stock Exchange—Nanyang Press edited or censored. Holdings and Sin Chew Media Corporation, The “relative freedom” could be deemed listed in 1989 and 2004, respectively. as an advantage to the Chinese media and As of end-2003, Sin Chew Media the pluralism of public opinion in the Corporation is the market leader with the Chinese community. Nevertheless, the daily circulation of its two dailies (Sin Chew “relative freedom” is not intentional but Daily and Guang Ming Daily) totaling more comes as a result of its perceived lesser than 474,000 copies while Nanyang Press influence on the ups and downs of the Malay Holdings boasts a daily circulation of elites, the regime of the Barisan Nasional and 358,000 copies for its two dailies (Nanyang its leading party, United Malays National Siang Pau and China Press). Organisation (UMNO). Therefore, the UMNO elites would not and need not take The Chinese media’s too seriously the news coverage and “relative freedom” editorials in the Chinese media. The Chinese media enjoys “relative However, this is not to say that this freedom” in comparison to the English and “relative freedom” has not been infringed Malay media. upon. Key political events have caused these More room is “given” to the Chinese ruling parties to keep a keener eye on the media in reporting political issues which Chinese media. may not be published in the English and The first one relates to the dismissal of Malay media. The commentary section is Anwar Ibrahim as the Deputy Prime also a prominent part in the Chinese Minister and the ensuing Reformasi newspapers where writers who are critical movement. Since Anwar was dismissed 20 journalismasia2005 Pluralism in the Newsroom n The opposition leader, Lim Kit Siang, had Home Ministry as the beginning of a nightmare for the Chinese media. Ong is described the Chinese-educated and this enables him to read, monitor, and control the Chinese appointment of Ong newspapers in more effective ways. Moreover, he is able to respond immediately Kar Ting into the Home when contents in the Chinese newspapers are unfavorable to him or his party’s Ministry as the policies. Ong has become more “powerful” and beginning of a “influential” to editors of the Chinese media nightmare for the when he was appointed a full minister to Chinese media. from his portfolio and expelled from UMNO in September 1998, the Malay supporters of UMNO had broken up into two main factions: one remained in strong support of UMNO and Mahathir Mohammad while the other turned to support the opposition. The Chinese votes, therefore, played a vital role in deciding who would win the election. The outcome of the 1999 general election had proven this trend even as the ruling Barisan Nasional had to take the necessary steps to maintain the support of the Chinese community. The four Chinese dailies controlled by two media groups On the other hand, they were trying hard had joined hands to prevent Oriental Daily News from having to bar the influence of the Reformasi from access to the traditional distribution networks. spreading to the Chinese community, by Oriental Daily News (Malaysia) scrutinizing the large volume of news, the Ministry of Housing and Local views, and pictures about Reformasi that had Government in 1999 and later on elected as been published in the Chinese newspapers. the President of MCA in 2003. With his rise Hence, the influential Chinese newspapers to power, the interaction between the have come under strict monitoring by the Chinese media and Ong has become much government. closer and the Chinese media became more The second one concerns the rise of the careful in dealing with the issues that might present Malaysian Chinese Association be considered as unfavorable to MCA and (MCA) President, Ong Kar Ting, and his close Ong himself. linkage with Sin Chew Media Corporation. The MCA has strengthened its influence The tightened control over the Chinese on the Chinese media when one of its other media pratically began when Ong was members, Donald Lim, was appointed the appointed to the office of the Home Deputy Minister to the Ministry of Ministry, which is empowered by the 1984 Information in 2003. The Ministry runs the Printing Presses and Publications Act to state-owned broadcasting station, RTM. supervise the print media. Ong was Since his appointment, Lim has not only appointed as Parliamentary Secretary to the tried to oversee the running of the Chinese Home Ministry in 1991 and subsequently section of RTM, particularly the Mandarin promoted to be the Deputy Minister to the News section, but has also taken initiative same Ministry from 1995 until 1999. to establish a cross-media committee to The opposition leader, Lim Kit Siang, had standardize the use of Chinese terms in the described the appointment of Ong into the media. journalismasia2005 21 n Lurking Challenge to Pluralism of the Chinese Media in Malaysia The third event has to do with MCA’s acquisition of the largest Chinese media The politically-motivated company, Nanyang Press Holdings, in 2001 and the birth of a new Chinese daily, the acquisition of the MCA Oriental Daily News in 2003. was supported by then Nanyang Press Holdings is in control of at least 17 publications, including the second Prime Minister and third largest Chinese dailies, China Press and Nanyang Siang Pau. The politically- Mahathir Mohammad. motivated acquisition was supported by the then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohammad, in September 2002. But the newly born who had publicly condemned the 80-year- newspaper lived for only one day. It was old newspaper for its “pro-opposition” banned by the Home Ministry on the second stance that contributed to the defeat of the day of its publication. It had, however, Barisan Nasional in the state assembly managed to resume publication in January elections in 2000. 2003. MCA’s takeover of Nanyang Press On the other hand, the two largest Holdings was met with protests from the Chinese media groups had joined hands to Chinese community and “anti-takeover prevent Oriental Daily News from having movements” were launched by concerned access to the traditional distribution parties. networks, thus resulting in the paralysis of Columnists and regular contributors to the circulation of Oriental Daily News to the major Chinese newspapers played vital reach consumers. In turn, the Oriental Daily roles in these movements by launching what News had repeatedly revealed the tactics of they called the “Stop Writing Campaign”, sabotage taken by its rivals—including i.e. they agreed not to contribute their intimidating newspaper vendors who were articles to the four Chinese newspapers selling Oriental Daily News. Meanwhile, involved in the deal, namely Nanyang Siang features and articles criticizing the motives Pau, China Press, Sin Chew Daily, and Guang and the foreseeable harms of Tiong’s Ming Daily. The campaign also had led to intended domination of the Chinese media the establishment of the Writers’ Alliance as well as his ways of achieving it had been for Media Independence (WAMI). published from time to time. The campaign did not limit itself to Sin Chew Daily had its publishing permit targeting the take over, but also sought to revoked by the Home Ministry during a call the attention of the largest Chinese political crackdown in 1987. It had made newspaper, Sin Chew Daily, for its use of the experience to build up its unwillingness to publish statements and corporate image with the motto of “Integrity reports in protest against MCA’s proposed Above All” since the early 1990s. But now deal. it found itself the target of criticisms that The owner of Sin Chew Daily, Tiong Hiew were seen as damaging to its hard-earned King, was said to have been involved in the corporate image.