Sin Chew Daily and the Malaysian 13 General
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CHINESE PRESS AND MALAYSIAN POLITICS: SIN CHEW DAILY AND THE MALAYSIAN 13TH GENERAL ELECTION 1NG MIEW LUAN, 2LEE YUEN BENG 1,2Faculty of Communication and Creative Design, SEGi University Malaysia, School of Communication, Universiti Sains Malaysia E-mail: [email protected], [email protected] Abstract- Scholars studying Malaysian politics often state that the democratic transition of the nation began between the 12th and 13th Malaysian general elections. It was during this period that the dominance of the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government led by the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) was heavily challenged by the (now defunct) opposition coalition Pakatan Rakyat (PR). As a result, the BN lost their much coveted two-thirds control of Parliament. In response, the BN mobilized their state-owned and/or linked media apparatuses to preserve power in the upcoming the 13th General Elections (GE13). As such, newspapers such as Utusan Malaysia championed the UMNO-Malay agenda and heightened racial issues within multi-ethnic Malaysia while providing space mainly for BN politicians. In contrast, Sin Chew Daily, the largest circulated Chinese ethnic press in Malaysia responded in a different manner by providing space for the political discourses of both the BN and PR. This paper examines how Sin Chew Daily as an ethnic press in Malaysia, responded to State power during the democratic transition period before the Malaysian 13th general election through a quantitative study of news reports from Sin Chew Daily from May 1, 2012 to April 30, 2013, exactly one year before the 13th general elections. The findings show that Sin Chew Daily gave similar quantity of news coverage to both Barisan Nasional (BN) and its leaders and Pakatan Rakyat (PR) and its leaders a year before GE13. Most of these news were published in a neutral tone besides majority of the news were published in the rest of the news sections and majority of the picture used were color pictures. Keywords- democratic transition, Malaysia, 13th General Elections, minority ethnic media, Sin Chew Daily, Chinese press I. INTRODUCTION preferences. Such forms of voting behavior and patterns are however nothing new as the Malaysian In 2008, the 12th general elections (GE12) had society, often labeled as multi-ethnic, has been changed the political discourse in Malaysia. This was structured and formed along ethnic lines even before the first time that the incumbent ruling coalition, the the country gained its independence. This is because Barisan Nasional (BN) failed to secure its much even before the independence of the nation, ethnic coveted two-thirds majority whilst losing power in five based political parties have been the main feature that states. The GE12 in 2008 also had a significant impact determines the electoral politics while many on the 13th general election (GE13) held in 2013. In governmental decisions and policies have been GE13, the UMNO-led BN government was not only formulated along ethnic lines (Lee & Mahyuddin challenged by the new voting trend of many young 2015). voters who aligned with the opposition coalition (Chin Malaysia is a multi-ethnic society that consists of & Wong, 2009), but was also challenged by the 68.6 per cent Malays and indigenous communities in demands of the voters and civil society who called for Sabah and Sarawak, 23.4 per cent of Chinese, 7.0 per a two-party system since GE12 (Khoo, 2013). In fact, cent of Indian and 1.0 per cent of other ethnics. 1 The the hegemony of the ruling elite was challenged since uniqueness of the cultural and language diversity of the 2008 general election, when a higher number of Malaysia is also reflected in the growth of the different Malaysians started to actively discuss alternative ideas ethnic presses in Malaysia, particularly the and views through online news portals, social media development of the different language newspapers websites and blogs (Lee & Mahyuddin 2015). It was such as the English, Malay, Chinese and Tamil also a difficult task for the United Malays National language newspapers. Today, the newspapers that Organisation (UMNO)-led BN to win back the enjoy the biggest market share in terms of circulation non-Malay voters, especially the Chinese voters. This among the various mediums of language in Malaysia was because the majority of Chinese voters had include the English language newspaper The Star aligned themselves with the opposition coalition since GE12, despite the rise and the challenge of internet 1 media that is believed to provide “a free flow of For further information, see Department of Statistics information that plays a key role in strengthening the Malaysia, Official portal at democratic opposition” (Chin & Wong 2009, p.84). https://www.dosm.gov.my/v1/index.php?r=column/ctheme ByCat&cat=155&bul_id=OWlxdEVoYlJCS0hUZzJyRUcv This form of voting preference would cause Malaysian ZEYxZz09&menu_id=L0pheU43NWJwRWVSZklWdzQ4 voters to once again vote based on racial lines and TlhUUT09. Proceedings of Researchfora International Conference, Lagos, Nigeria, 15th-16th December 2017 1 th Chinese Press and Malaysian Politics: Sin Chew Daily and The Malaysian 13 General Election (248,559), the Chinese language newspaper Sin Chew political parties such as the United Malays National Daily (328, 930) and the Malay language newspaper Organization (UMNO), the Malaysia Chinese Utusan Malaysia (144, 438). 2 These newspapers serve Association (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian different target audiences who are formed from Congress (MIC) that is ethnically oriented, has different ethnic groups and proficient in different contributed to the practice of ethnic politics system in languages. For instance, the Chinese language Malaysia. 4 The other ten BN component parties are newspapers, or in the context of this paper, the also ethnic-based political parties spread in both West minority Chinese ethnic presses can only be reached and East Malaysia. 5 Each of these parties represent by the target audience who can read Chinese. the demands of their respecitve ethnic community as Generally, the Chinese press readers are the minority well as to fight for the communal rights of the ethnic Chinese ethnic community, with many who are group they represent especially during the general Chinese-educated. Amongst the thirteen minority elections. Chinese ethnic presses that are published on a daily A total of thirteen general elections have been basis in both East and West of Malaysia, Sin Chew conducted in Malaya and later Malaysia since Daily (SCD) is the largest circulated Chinese ethnic independence. UMNO that was established in 1946 to press in Malaysia. The ownership of SCD has changed protest the British proposal of the Malayan Union has from Aw Boon Haw and family in Singapore to the developed into a strong Malay party that not only leads Malaysian Lim Kheng Kim in 1982, and its current the Malays but also other ethnic groups in Malaysia owner is Tiong Hiew King, a Sarawak timber tycoon through the formation of the Alliance in 1955 and who took over in 1988.3 SCD is a “public instrument” later the Barisan Nasional (BN, the National Front) in to cater for the intellectual, psychological, political 1973. 6 For six decades, the BN has survived as the and moral needs of all groups within the Malaysia longest ruling coalition in Malaysia and worldwide. In Chinese community (Wong, 2001). Besides retaining order to secure its power, especially during the general their ‘traditional role’ as the spokespersons to elections, the UMNO-led BN not only manipulated represent the Chinese communal rights, SCD also the state apparatuses for its own benefit, but also plays the role in bridging the Chinese community with disseminated racial political discourses through the the government that is formed with a Malay majority. mainstream media in Malaysia. According to Nelson As such, the purpose of this paper is to examine the (2014, p.106), the BN coalition “held overwhelming representation of Malaysian Chinese minority ethnic majorities in the legislature and thoroughly penetrated press, SCD on the ruling and opposition parties one the bureaucracy, blurring the boundaries between state year before GE13. and party and the party-state also largely controlled the judiciary, the media, and state and local The Political Structure of Malaysia governments”. Despite conducting regular elections, Malaysia is a country that practices parliamentary Malaysia has been ruled by a single party or coalition, democracy with a constitutional monarchy. The in this context, the UMNO-led BN coalition that has parliament of Malaysia consists of two houses, the Dewan Negara (Upper house/ House of Senate) and Dewan Rakyat (Lower house/ House of 4 UMNO is the largest Malay ethnic party in Malaysia Representatives). The members or senators of the that established in 1946. Today, UMNO enjoys the Dewan Negara are appointed by the King or Yang dominant power in the ruling political coalition, namely the Dipertuan Agong on the advice of the Prime Minister. Barisan Nasional (it was known as Alliance before 1974) For the Dewan Rakyat, a general election is conducted that consists of thirteen component parties across the West every five years, to enable the citizens who are 21 and the East Malaysia, including the Chinese ruling political years old and above and registered as voters, to cast parties, the Malaysia Chinese Association (MCA) and the their votes to elect the representatives of the lower Malaysian People’s Movement Party (GERAKAN), as well house (Mardiana Nordin & Hasnah Hussiin, 2014). In as the Indian ruling political party, the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC). terms of politics, the formation of mono-ethnic 5 The thirteen component parties in Barisan Nasional including UMNO, MCA, MIC, PBB, SUPP, GERAKAN, 2 For further information, see Audit Bureau Circulations MYPP, LDP, PBRS, UPKO, PBS, SPDP and PRS. For (2016). Latest Audit Reports January- June 2016. further information, see Component Party Barisan Nasional (http://www.barisannasional.org.my/en/component-party).