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With Labor governments in four states and in Canberra, one of the more distinctive features to emerge so far has been the difference in style and direction between the various state and federal policies and governments. While any definitive assessment is not possible, sufficient time has passed for some critical review of Labor's responses to government and the economic crisis. In the following four articles, the characteristics of the governments in Canberra, Victoria and Western Australia are examined in an initial assessment of Labor's performance so far. pro-US performances of an Australian Labor Prime Minister, somewhat offset by Bill Hayden's cautious determin­ ation to carve out an independent Australian position w ith in the American alliance. This difference of emphasis and policy between Hawke and Hayden on international affairs could well become a significant issue within the government. While Hayden is cautious, even conservative, on many foreign-policy issues (and along with Hawke is willing to sell out East Timor in the name of not angering Indonesia), he is genuinely committed to Australia having an independent role in foreign affairs within the framework of accepting the American alliance. Hawke, on the other hand, clearly wants Australia to accept virtually every US action and point of view in world affairs, either through agreement with US policy or because he does not want to provoke the US • The government's shabby and into destabilising his government. unprincipled treatment of David Combe was a major disappointment. Either way, his pronouncements on international issues are hardly distinguishable from Fraser's and, so In one sense, this formula is itself a far, he has only been kept in check by policy, though Hawke has so far given Hayden, the caucus and Labor's it remarkably little substance and policies. content other than the watering down and overturning of official Labor On some important issues, the policy. It should be noted that, unlike government has delivered on its most Labor leaders, and much of the promises, notably over the Franklin left, Hawke recognises the power and dam, the setting up of Medicare, appeal of a general concept, if it taps raising the dole (slightly), appointing some need and feeling among people. an ambassador for disarmament (though the government's stand on ■ ■ nlike the Whitlam government, Although the Hawke victory did not this issue is timid, and somewhat M t the Hawke government did not generate the same heady hopes and undermined by its uranium decision), come to power on the crest of a high expectations as the Whitlam victory, Hawke's performance has moving for some electoral reforms, wave of hope and desire for change and a bill of rights, introducing anti- backed and influenced by significant disillusioned and dismayed many ALP members and supporters in a discrimination legislation (even if independent mass movements such as watered down in certain respects), and the movement against the Viet Nam remarkably short time. Hawke's granting Aboriginal land rights at war and the then young and growing personal standing in the wider Uluru, covering Ayers Rock. women's and environmental community is still very high, but in the movements. Nor did it offer a vision of ALP branches and the organised m II of these moves show the value far-reaching reforms in the grand style labour movement, there is ^ ■ o f Labor governments com- of Whitlam, though many of the ALP’s considerable antipathy to Hawke w u pared with Liberal/National 1983 policies are better thought-out personally, and disappointment with ones, as well as providing new space than in 1972. the line taken so far by the majority in and levers for progressive social In only one key policy area, Cabinet and caucus. movements which wish to campaign unemployment, did Hawke offer a rontrunners in the disappoint­ for more radical policies. A different vision of a clear alternative, and that ment stakes are the government's example of the value of Labor issue is, and will remain, a key test of F shabby and unprincipled governments over Liberal ones was the his government's performance. treatment of David Combe (and its government's release of the report, However, Hawke did offer a vision of amazingly naive handling of ASIO suppressed by Fraser for 18 months, a different style and approach to during the whole affair), the recent which showed that foliage from Laos discussing and determining policies: caucus decision over uranium mining, claimed to have been affected by his "national reconciliation and and the abandoning of Labor's policy Soviet-supplied "yellow rain" was, in consensus" formula which, it must be on East Timor in the name of not fact, a fake. said, probably had a lot of attraction for offending Indonesia. Yet, while the government will be many voters, including the swinging In foreign policy generally, Hawke judged by many according to its voters of the middle ground. has put in one of the most slavishly performance on various particular 18 A u s t r a l i a n L e f t R e v ie w 86 •Hawke confronted by anti-uranium demonstrators in Sydney recently. The federal Labor government's uranium stance has been another disappointment. issues, the manner and timing of its have, but otherwise Hawke and wider labour movement. coming to power inevitably make its Keating showed very little Hawke and Keating reportedly handling of the economy the central independence from the standard argued that Labor first had to establish issue for most. Treasury line. (In response to a its "responsible" credentials with It is here that the government's question from former Treasurer business before getting on with greatest failing shows bright and clear: Howard the day after the Budget, Labor's more far-reaching reforms. its lack of any long-term strategy for a Keating proudly told Parliament that This argument was accepted by centre sustained economic recovery which he'd read and agreed with every line of forces such as Finance Minister provides jobs for all who want them, Budget Paper No. 2. This is traditional ly Dawkins and Industrial Relations and tackles the crippling economic where Treasury sets out its own views Minister Willis, who apparently wanted and social imbalances produced by the about economic prospects and a biggerdeficitand more expansionary current crisis. policies, and in several places there are policies, but agreed to go along with The only "strategy" — if such it can clear digs at, and disagreements with, the Hawke/Keating line for the time be called — of Hawke and Treasurer official Labor policy.) being — until the 1984 Budget. Keating is to manage the crisis with This Hawke/Keating "strategy", first fairly standard and even conservative ■ n fact, Hawke ana Keating nave expressed through their obsession economic techniques while hoping for ■ effectively changed Labor's about the Budget deficit, has virtually "something better to turn up" by way f economic policies, or at least the blinded them to vital issues such as of a US-led world economic recovery. government's priorities for real job creation, a coherent industry- Some reforms and mild redistribut­ implementing them. For the moment, development policy, and a strategy for ive measures have been thrown into they've got away with it, despite the handling the new wave of job- this mix, and Labor went for a bigger many useful opposition noises from displacing technology which will be Budget deficit than the Liberals would important sections of the ALP and the set in motion by any economic A L R S u m m e r 8 3 19 recovery. One can only conclude from around the financial institutions These are admittedly difficult and Hawke's mid-year scathing remarks looking for the most profitable complex issues and it would take time about the British Labour Party, that investment. to develop a coherent and workable such long-term issues are only Social control, it was argued, does policy, let alone carry it out. (And, let's considered by Utopians lying under not necessarily mean outright socialist face it, no one in the labor movement banyan trees. measures or nationalisations, which has yet developed detailed policy Ken Davidson, economics editor of are neither the ALP’s platform, nor its proposals.) T h e A g e , consistently and election mandate. It would mean, he problem is that the dominant persuasively argued against the however, government requirements forces in Cabinet do not seem at Hawke/Keating line on the Budget that certain portions of the funds held all concerned to even deficit, and put the case for a larger by financial institutions should be T investigate such issues, let alone deficit based on Keynesian ideas of invested in new job-creating develop more detailed policies. raising the demand for goods and industries, or at the very least be made services by an expansionary policy However, there are encouraging available at low interest rates for those signs that the left and some centre which would lift the purchasing power wishing to set up such industries. of those who really need it. forces within the government have recognised both the government's lack ome unions have, in the past, avidson pointed out that of a policy and their own lack of an raised the issue of how super­ whatever economic recovery is alternative to raise in caucus, the party annuation funds are used. taking place in the US results S and the wider labour movement. There D These funds are a form of saving by from Keynesian-type policies of tax is growing recognition of the need to workers, yet those workers have no say cuts, big defence spending and large work on an alternative economic in how the funds are used.

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