'The Language of Violence' by Malcolm X
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The Limits of “Diversity” Where Affirmative Action Was About Compensatory Justice, Diversity Is Meant to Be a Shared Benefit
The Limits of “Diversity” Where affirmative action was about compensatory justice, diversity is meant to be a shared benefit. But does the rationale carry weight? By Kelefa Sanneh, THE NEW YORKER, October 9, 2017 This summer, the Times reported that, under President Trump, the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice had acquired a new focus. The division, which was founded in 1957, during the fight over school integration, would now be going after colleges for discriminating against white applicants. The article cited an internal memo soliciting staff lawyers for “investigations and possible litigation related to intentional race-based discrimination in college and university admissions.” But the memo did not explicitly mention white students, and a spokesperson for the Justice Department charged that the story was inaccurate. She said that the request for lawyers related specifically to a complaint from 2015, when a number of groups charged that Harvard was discriminating against Asian-American students. In one sense, Asian-Americans were overrepresented at Harvard: in 2013, they made up eighteen per cent of undergraduates, despite being only about five per cent of the country’s population. But at the California Institute of Technology, which does not employ racial preferences, Asian- Americans made up forty-three per cent of undergraduates—a figure that had increased by more than half over the previous two decades, while Harvard’s percentage had remained relatively flat. The plaintiffs used SAT scores and other data to argue that administrators had made it “far more difficult for Asian-Americans than for any other racial and ethnic group of students to gain admission to Harvard.” They claimed that Harvard, in its pursuit of racial parity, was not only rewarding black and Latino students but also penalizing Asian-American students—who were, after all, minorities, too. -
Untimely Meditations: Reflections on the Black Audio Film Collective
8QWLPHO\0HGLWDWLRQV5HIOHFWLRQVRQWKH%ODFN$XGLR )LOP&ROOHFWLYH .RGZR(VKXQ Nka: Journal of Contemporary African Art, Number 19, Summer 2004, pp. 38-45 (Article) 3XEOLVKHGE\'XNH8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/nka/summary/v019/19.eshun.html Access provided by Birkbeck College-University of London (14 Mar 2015 12:24 GMT) t is no exaggeration to say that the installation of In its totality, the work of John Akomfrah, Reece Auguiste, Handsworth Songs (1985) at Documentall introduced a Edward George, Lina Gopaul, Avril Johnson, David Lawson, and new audience and a new generation to the work of the Trevor Mathison remains terra infirma. There are good reasons Black Audio Film Collective. An artworld audience internal and external to the group why this is so, and any sus• weaned on Fischli and Weiss emerged from the black tained exploration of the Collective's work should begin by iden• cube with a dramatically expanded sense of the historical, poet• tifying the reasons for that occlusion. Such an analysis in turn ic, and aesthetic project of the legendary British group. sets up the discursive parameters for a close hearing and viewing The critical acclaim that subsequently greeted Handsworth of the visionary project of the Black Audio Film Collective. Songs only underlines its reputation as the most important and We can locate the moment when the YBA narrative achieved influential art film to emerge from England in the last twenty cultural liftoff in 1996 with Douglas Gordon's Turner Prize vic• years. It is perhaps inevitable that Handsworth Songs has tended tory. -
Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Talk It out 17
Writing for Understanding ACTIVITY Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X Talk It Out 17 Overview Materials This Writing for Understanding activity allows students to learn about and write • Transparency 17A a fictional dialogue reflecting the differing viewpoints of Martin Luther King Jr. • Student Handouts and Malcolm X on the methods African Americans should use to achieve equal 17 A –17C rights. Students study written information about either Martin Luther King Jr. • Information Master or Malcolm X and then compare the backgrounds and views of the two men. 17A Students then use what they have learned to assume the roles of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X and debate methods for achieving African American equality. Afterward, students write a dialogue between the two men to reveal their differing viewpoints. Procedures at a Glance • Before class, decide how you will divide students into mixed-ability pairs. Use the diagram at right to determine where they should sit. • In class, tell students that they will write a dialogue reflecting the differing viewpoints of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X on the methods African Americans should use to achieve equal rights. • Divide the class into two groups—one representing each man. Explain that pairs will become “experts” on either Martin Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X. Direct students to move into their correct places. • Give pairs a copy of the appropriate Student Handout 17A. Have them read the information and discuss the “stop and discuss” questions. • Next, place each pair from the King group with a pair from the Malcolm X group. -
The NAACP and the Black Freedom Struggle in Baltimore, 1935-1975 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillm
“A Mean City”: The NAACP and the Black Freedom Struggle in Baltimore, 1935-1975 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By: Thomas Anthony Gass, M.A. Department of History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Advisor Dr. Kevin Boyle Dr. Curtis Austin 1 Copyright by Thomas Anthony Gass 2014 2 Abstract “A Mean City”: The NAACP and the Black Freedom Struggle in Baltimore, 1935-1975” traces the history and activities of the Baltimore branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) from its revitalization during the Great Depression to the end of the Black Power Movement. The dissertation examines the NAACP’s efforts to eliminate racial discrimination and segregation in a city and state that was “neither North nor South” while carrying out the national directives of the parent body. In doing so, its ideas, tactics, strategies, and methods influenced the growth of the national civil rights movement. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to the Jackson, Mitchell, and Murphy families and the countless number of African Americans and their white allies throughout Baltimore and Maryland that strove to make “The Free State” live up to its moniker. It is also dedicated to family members who have passed on but left their mark on this work and myself. They are my grandparents, Lucious and Mattie Gass, Barbara Johns Powell, William “Billy” Spencer, and Cynthia L. “Bunny” Jones. This victory is theirs as well. iii Acknowledgements This dissertation has certainly been a long time coming. -
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class
The Unknown Origins of the March on Washington: Civil Rights Politics and the Black Working Class William P. Jones The very decade which has witnessed the decline of legal Jim Crow has also seen the rise of de facto segregation in our most fundamental socioeconomic institutions,” vet- eran civil rights activist Bayard Rustin wrote in 1965, pointing out that black work- ers were more likely to be unemployed, earn low wages, work in “jobs vulnerable to automation,” and live in impoverished ghettos than when the U.S. Supreme Court banned legal segregation in 1954. Historians have attributed that divergence to a nar- rowing of African American political objectives during the 1950s and early 1960s, away from demands for employment and economic reform that had dominated the agendas of civil rights organizations in the 1940s and later regained urgency in the late 1960s. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall and other scholars emphasize the negative effects of the Cold War, arguing that the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and other civil rights organizations responded to domestic anticom- munism by distancing themselves from organized labor and the Left and by focusing on racial rather than economic forms of inequality. Manfred Berg and Adam Fair- clough offer the more positive assessment that focusing on racial equality allowed civil rights activists to appropriate the democratic rhetoric of anticommunism and solidify alliances with white liberals during the Cold War, although they agree that “anti- communist hysteria retarded the struggle for racial justice and narrowed the political Research for this article was supported by a National Endowment for the Humanities/Newhouse Fellowship at the New York Public Library’s Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. -
OBJECTS Compiled in Partnership with Wiley College
Black History Month – Impromptu Prompts OBJECTS Compiled in partnership with Wiley College Carbon Filament Inventor and engineer Lewis Latimer was born in Chelsea, Massachusetts, on September 4, 1848. He collaborated with science greats Hiram Maxim and Thomas Edison. One of Latimer’s greatest inventions was the carbon filament, a vital component of the light bulb. His inventions didn’t stop there. Working with Alexander Graham Bell, Latimer helped draft the patent for Bell’s design of the telephone. This genius also designed an improved railroad car bathroom and an early air conditioning unit. So the next time you’re escaping a hot day inside your cool house, don’t forget to thank Lewis Latimer! https://thinkgrowth.org/14-black-inventors-you-probably-didnt-know-about-3c0702cc63d2 National Speech & Debate Association © 2018 | 1 Super Soaker Did you ever enjoy water gun fights as a kid? Well, meet Lonnie Johnson, the man that gave us the most famous water gun—the Super Soaker. Lonnie wasn’t a toymaker; he actually was an aerospace engineer for NASA with a resume boasting a stint with the U.S. Air Force, work on the Galileo Jupiter probe and Mars Observer project, and more than 40 patents. https://thinkgrowth.org/14-black-inventors-you-probably-didnt-know-about-3c0702cc63d2 Bloodmobile Charles Drew was a physician, surgeon, and medical researcher who worked with a team at Red Cross on groundbreaking discoveries around blood transfusions. In World War II, he played a major role in developing the first large-scale blood banks and blood plasma programs. He also invented the first bloodmobile—refrigerated trucks that, to this day, safely transport stored blood to the location where it is needed most. -
Martin Luther King's Position in the Black Power Movement from 1955 to 1968 Carol Breit
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Honors Theses Student Research 1972 Martin Luther King's position in the Black Power movement from 1955 to 1968 Carol Breit Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/honors-theses Recommended Citation Breit, Carol, "Martin Luther King's position in the Black Power movement from 1955 to 1968" (1972). Honors Theses. Paper 415. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "ilill1iiiflll1if H1llfilll1ii' 3 3082 01028 5095 MARTIN LUTHER KING'S POSITION: IN THE BLACK POWER MOVEMENT 'FROM 1955 to 1968 Honors Thesis For Dr. F. W, Gregory ~IniPartial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Bachelor of Arts University of Richmond Carol Breit 1972 ''For if a rnan has not discovered something that he will die for, he isn't fit to live •••• Man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is right. A man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is true. So we are going to stand up right here ••• letting the world know .. we are determined to be free~•1 From events in 1955 in Montgomery, Alabama, a citadel of Southern segregation practices and American rascist attitudes, the Negro Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. was to be pivoted to a pedestal of national prom~nence and of international fame. By 1958 King had become the symbol of the new black revolt locally, nationally, and internationally. -
The Black Power Movement
A Guide to the Microfilm Edition of BLACK STUDIES RESEARCH SOURCES Microfilms from Major Archival and Manuscript Collections General Editors: John H. Bracey, Jr. and Sharon Harley The Black Power Movement Part 1: Amiri Baraka from Black Arts to Black Radicalism Editorial Adviser Komozi Woodard Project Coordinator Randolph H. Boehm Guide compiled by Daniel Lewis A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA An Imprint of CIS 4520 East-West Highway • Bethesda, MD 20814-3389 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Black power movement. Part 1, Amiri Baraka from Black arts to Black radicalism [microform] / editorial adviser, Komozi Woodard; project coordinator, Randolph H. Boehm. p. cm.—(Black studies research sources) Accompanied by a printed guide, compiled by Daniel Lewis, entitled: A guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. ISBN 1-55655-834-1 1. Afro-Americans—Civil rights—History—20th century—Sources. 2. Black power—United States—History—Sources. 3. Black nationalism—United States— History—20th century—Sources. 4. Baraka, Imamu Amiri, 1934– —Archives. I. Woodard, Komozi. II. Boehm, Randolph. III. Lewis, Daniel, 1972– . Guide to the microfilm edition of the Black power movement. IV. Title: Amiri Baraka from black arts to Black radicalism. V. Series. E185.615 323.1'196073'09045—dc21 00-068556 CIP Copyright © 2001 by University Publications of America. All rights reserved. ISBN 1-55655-834-1. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................................ -
African-Americans, American Jews, and the Church-State Relationship
Catholic University Law Review Volume 43 Issue 1 Fall 1993 Article 4 1993 Ironic Encounter: African-Americans, American Jews, and the Church-State Relationship Dena S. Davis Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Dena S. Davis, Ironic Encounter: African-Americans, American Jews, and the Church-State Relationship, 43 Cath. U. L. Rev. 109 (1994). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol43/iss1/4 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. IRONIC ENCOUNTER: AFRICAN-AMERICANS, AMERICAN JEWS, AND THE CHURCH- STATE RELATIONSHIP Dena S. Davis* I. INTRODUCTION This Essay examines a paradox in contemporary American society. Jewish voters are overwhelmingly liberal and much more likely than non- Jewish white voters to support an African-American candidate., Jewish voters also staunchly support the greatest possible separation of church * Assistant Professor, Cleveland-Marshall College of Law. For critical readings of earlier drafts of this Essay, the author is indebted to Erwin Chemerinsky, Stephen W. Gard, Roger D. Hatch, Stephan Landsman, and Peter Paris. For assistance with resources, the author obtained invaluable help from Michelle Ainish at the Blaustein Library of the American Jewish Committee, Joyce Baugh, Steven Cohen, Roger D. Hatch, and especially her research assistant, Christopher Janezic. This work was supported by a grant from the Cleveland-Marshall Fund. 1. In the 1982 California gubernatorial election, Jewish voters gave the African- American candidate, Tom Bradley, 75% of their vote; Jews were second only to African- Americans in their support for Bradley, exceeding even Hispanics, while the majority of the white vote went for the white Republican candidate, George Deukmejian. -
The Rise of the Black Power Movement in SNCC by Bonnie Belshe Author of Lesson: Bonnie Belshe Monta Vista High School, Cupertino, CA Bonnie [email protected]
“You’ve Got to Work For Power”: The Rise of the Black Power Movement in SNCC By Bonnie Belshe Author of Lesson: Bonnie Belshe Monta Vista High School, Cupertino, CA [email protected] Group Concept: Voice Subject/Course: AP US History/ US History Lesson Plan Title: “You’ve Got to Work For Power”: The Rise of the Black Power Movement in SNCC Image: “Stokely Carmichael, chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, speaks to reporters in Atlanta in May 1966. That year, his use of the phrase "black power" at a rally in Mississippi grabbed the nation's attention.” Bettmann/Corbis Return to Materials and Media Master List “You’ve Got to Work For Power”: The Rise of the Black Power Movement in SNCC By Bonnie Belshe Brief narrative: The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was created, in part, because of the success of students sit-ins to desegregate lunch counters starting in Greensboro, North Carolina and Nashville, Tennessee. Following the advice of Ella Baker, SNCC was formed independent of other civil rights organizations, particularly that of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and Martin Luther King, Jr. Inspired by Baker and the Reverend James Lawson, SNCC was formed in 1960 to reflect the growth of students in the civil rights movement. SNCC was an integrated student-run organization. After a series of relative successes--most notably the Birmingham Movement led by Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, and the Childrens’ March--leaders within the Civil Rights Movement wanted to hold a March on Washington in support of the proposed Civil Rights Act that was stalled in Congress in 1963. -
American Resilience
American Resilience Riley Kovalcheck History Faculty Advisor: Dr. David Welky Editor’s Note: Ms. Kovalchek’s article originally appeared as a series of posts on a multi-media web blog. If you wish to view her complete project, please go to https://rileykovalcheck.wixsite.com/americanresilience To begin, I'll admit this project began as a mandatory assignment for one of my classes, Recent American History. My professor, Dr. Welky, started the semester off by asking each student to identify 1) the most important theme in American history since the 1960s or 2) the three most influential individuals in this period of American history. My initial thought was to focus on three of my biggest inspirations (and three badass men) - Martin Luther King Jr., John Lewis, and Barack Obama. To me, those three individuals personify unity, perseverance, and resilience. As I started brainstorming, a bigger picture came to mind... This theme of overwhelming resilience in the African- American community across the nation. There is no doubt that as a whole, this demographic has single-handedly been more suppressed than any other throughout the history of the United States, but yet even more resilient in the long run. So, for this project, I decided to focus on this overall theme of resilience CLA Journal 6 (2018) pp. 144-181 145 - solely among African-Americans - and in particular, the role of men in politics, women in their local communities, and the unification and organization in social movements like the Black Panthers and Black Lives Matter. To highlight how revolutionary these accomplishments were, I will also discuss white resistance that was overcome in the process. -
James Baldwin's Radicalism and the Evolution of His Thought on Israel
ESSAY “The Shape of the Wrath to Come”: James Baldwin’s Radicalism and the Evolution of His Thought on Israel Nadia Alahmed Dickinson College Abstract This article traces the evolution of James Baldwin’s discourse on the Arab–Israeli conflict as connected to his own evolution as a Black thinker, activist, and author. It creates a nuanced trajectory of the transformation of Baldwin’s thought on the Arab–Israeli conflict and Black and Jewish relations in the U.S. This trajectory is created through the lens of Baldwin’s relationship with some of the major radical Black movements and organizations of the twentieth century: Malcolm X, Elijah Muhammad and the Nation of Islam, and, finally, the Black Power movement, espe- cially the Black Panther Party. Using Baldwin as an example, the article displays the Arab–Israeli conflict as a terrain Black radicals used to articulate their visions of the nature of Black oppression in the U.S., strategies of resistance, the meaning of Black liberation, and articulations of Black identity. It argues that the study of Baldwin’s transformation from a supporter of the Zionist project of nation-building to an advocate of Palestinian rights and national aspirations reveals much about the ideological transformations of the larger Black liberation movement. Keywords: James Baldwin, Palestine, Israel, Black radicalism, Malcolm X, Elijah Muhammad, Nation of Islam, Black Power I think black people have always felt this about America, and Americans, and have always seen, spinning above the thoughtless American head, the shape of the wrath to come. James Baldwin, No Name in the Street1 As the state of Israel was established in 1948, James Baldwin felt the urge to flee America.