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The Case of the Rasail Ikhwan Al-Safa

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The Case of the Rasail Ikhwan Al-Safa 64 Universality in Islamic Thought other parts of Central Asia. His brilliant chapter "The Spread of Maturidism," in his Religious Schools and Sects in Medieval Islam 4 (London: Variorum Reprints, 1985) provides an important background to all research on the intellectual history of Humanism in Isma'ili Thought: The Case of the Transoxanian Hanafism. 69 'Ala' al-Din Mul).ammad ibn Al).mad al-Samarqandi was a Rasa'il Ikhwan al-$afa' (The Epistles of the prominent representative of the Samarqandi school in theology Sincere Brethren and Faithful Friends) as well as in law. He was a student of Abii 1-l:lasan Al-Bazdawi (d. 1089 in Samarqand) and of the famous theologian and jurist Abu Ismail K. Poonawala * 1-Mu'in al-Nasafi (d. 1114). His shari;! is an influential commen­ tary on Maturidi's Ta'wilat. 'Ala' al-Din al-Samarqandi migrated from Samarqand to Syria, where he died in 1144. 70 Kasaru, Badti'i' al-~ana'i', vol. 2, pp. 88-9. 71 Ibid., p. 88. 72 Ibid., line 29. Cultural historians are divided as to whether the term "human­ ism," a product of the Graeco-Roman humanitas ideal, can be applied to the world of medieval Islam. In his chapter entitled "al­ Na~a al-insaniyya fi'l-fikr al-'arabi" (The Humanist Trend in Arab Thought), 'Abd al-Ral:rman Badawi, reflecting on humanism in Arab thought, states that Greek culture was not unique in creating a humanist ideal. Every high culture, he asserts, produces this phenomenon in its own way. 1 A number of other scholars, such as Louis Gardet,2 and Mohammed Arkoun3 have discussed and elaborated on humanism as a feature of Arab-Islamic civilization. In The Rise of Humanism in Classical Islam and the Christian West, George Makdisi has covered all aspects of Islamic learning and rendered the Arabic term adab as humanism. He states: In classical Islam, each of the two movements [i.e. humanism and scholasticism] has its raison d'~tre, distinct from the other; yet both sprang from concern for a common source: the Sacred Scripture. The history of their develop­ ments is one of interaction in which there was conflict, but never a clean break. The day of humanism dawned some time before Islam's first century came to an end. The movement arose because of deep concern for the purity of the classical Arabic of the Koran as the living language, as well as the liturgical language, of Islam. Scholasticism owed 65 66 Universality in Islamic Thought Humanism in Ismacili Thought 67 its rise to the struggle between opposing religious forces, the Historians of late antiquity could now agree that, from A. D. conflict coming to a head in the third/ninth century 200 to at least 700, the Mediterranean itself, a dearly defined inquisition (mibna), over a century after the dawn of landscape, encrusted with millennia of experience of human humanism.4 habitation and sharply distinguished from its northern and southern neighbors by a unique ecology and lifestyle, The issue of humanism in Islam is further pursued by Joel provided a center to western Europe which was notably Kraemer. In an excellent article, "Humanism in the Renaissance of more palpable than was the somewhat disembodied notion of a spiritual unity realized by the Catholic church. 10 Islam: A Preliminary Study," he has addressed the theoretical issues raised by cultural historians. Subsequently in his book Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam: The Cultural Revival In his The Rise of Humanism in Classical Islam, George Makdisi during the Buyid Age, Kraemer has revisited the debate and has clearly demonstrated that not only did a common spirit reiterated that both terms, "Renaissance" and "Humanism," encapsulate the entire Mediterranean world during the Middle belong to Islam as a complex civilization.5 Ages but scholasticism and humanism, two major intellectual It should be further noted that cultural historians and movements in medieval intellectual history, also carry the Islamicists are also at odds over another question that is closely signatures of classical Islam which is clearly legible in their 11 intertwined with the first. It regards whether Islamic civilization essential constituent elements. It should be noted here that in belonged to the Kulturkreis (cultural sphere) ofWestern Europe­ his article "Dominant Ideas in the Formation of Islamic Culture" sharing a common heritage of classical antiquity- or if it belonged Georgia Levi Della Vida also has maintained that Islamic to another cultural orbit.6 Those who support the former thesis civilization was an outgrowth of Hellenism, just as Islam itself 12 maintain that Islamic civilization was part of the cultural sphere of was an offshoot of the Judaeo-Christian religion. These the Mediterranean, which in turn was the underpinning of the thorough accounts, I believe, absolve me from any additional Graeco-Roman civilization.7 In the preface to The Jewish Discovery obligation to address theoretical issues. of Islam, Martin Kramer stresses this very point and states: Both Mohammed Arkoun and Joel Kraemer have devoted substantial parts of their studies concerning Islamic humanism to The thread that runs through the contribution of Jewish the writings of Abu I:Iayyan al-Tawbidi (d. 414/1023), an erudite scholars of Islam is the denial of a dichotomy between East litterateur who had considerable influence in literary and and West. The Jewish discovery of Islam was not distinct philosophical circles in the latter part of the tenth century. It is from Europe's; it was an inseparable part of it. But it was overwhelming based against "Orientalism" as an ideology of a strange coincidence that this study deals with the celebrated difference and supremacy.8 encyclopedia, Rasa'il Ikhwan al-~afii' wa-khulliin al-wafa', whose authors were accused by Abu I:Iayyan al-Tawbidi of harboring In his article "Narrative and Community in Islamic Late heretical beliefs. This is not the time or the place to discuss Antiquity," Thomas Sizgorich has indicated that there are many extensively the latter's story about the authorship of the Rasii'il strands of cultural affinities between the early Islamic community since I have dealt with it in greater detail in a separate, but yet and the other communities of Late Antiquity.9 While discussing unpublished study. 13 It should be noted that there is a long Henri Pirennes's Mohammed and Charlemagne and Fernand established tradition among the Mustacli-Tayyibis of Yemen going Braudel's The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the back to the diic l Ibrahim al-I:Iamidi (d. 557/1162) which claims Age of Philip II, Peter Brown states: that the Rasii'il were composed by the second hidden imam 68 Universality in Islamic Thought Humanism in Isma'ili Thought 69 Al)mad b. cAbd Allah b. Mul)ammad b. lsmacil. This in turn believing that solutions to human social and cultural problems implies that the dating of the Rasii'il goes back to the middle or cannot be parochial. In addition to the above aspects the other the second half of the third/ninth century. Abbas Hamdani has primary features of humanism described in various dictionaries defended this position by arguing that the Rasii'il were composed and encyclopedias are: (i) that it is committed to the pursuit of prior to the establishment of the Fa timid dynasty in North Africa. knowledge, the adoption of both religious and non-religious The Ismacili character of the Rasa'il, in its broader sense, is no sciences as an educational and cultural ideal in the formation of longer in dispute. What is still disputed is the precise identity of its the human mind and character; (ii) it is also committed to authors within the lsmacili community. Although the exact cosmopolitan values of tolerance and understanding between identity of the authors is beyond recovery this issue is closely tied different races and religions based on a conception of common to the dating of the Rasii'il. kinship and the unity of mankind.15 Coming back to our subject of inquiry, I would like to state that, Keeping in mind the aforementioned definition, I have besides the question of their authorship, modern scholarship collected and organized the Ikhwan's views, which are scattered concerning the Rasa'il has been preoccupied with analyzing the throughout the 51 epistles in four volumes plus two summary contents of various epistles and indicating their ur (original) volumes (al-Risiila al-jiimica), under the following headings: 16 sources, such as the legacy of Greece, that is, Pythagoreanism, Platonism, Aristotelianism, Neoplatonism, as well as the Judea­ 1. Mankind's origin, his place in the universe and his Christian, Persian, Indian, Buddhist and Zoroastrian legends. destiny. Other authors have focused on the different aspects of the 2. Rationalism and its limits. Ikhwan's thought: for example, cosmological doctrines, the theory 3. Religious tolerance and the spirit of inclusiveness. of the imamate, ethics, educational terms and political thought. 4. The Ikhwan's goal of providing a well-rounded educa­ As far as I am able to ascertain, the theme of humanism in the tion. Rasa'il has not been previously explored. The following pages are, 5. The Ikhwan's bold intellectual attempt to debate not therefore, a modest effort to present some of the most prominent only the inherent tension generated by the anthropo­ universal human characteristics espoused by the Ikhwan. centric view projected in heading number one (man­ Webster's Third New International Dictionary defines humanism kind's origin) and the ethical issues it raises, but also to as a doctrine, a set of attitudes, or a way of life centered upon offer a provisional resolution to this dilemma.
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