How to Be an Anti-Capitalist for the 21St Century
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Governing the Egalitarian Core of the Internet
International Journal of Communications Law & Policy Special Issue Global Flow of Information, Autumn 2005 GOVERNING THE EGALITARIAN CORE OF THE INTERNET ∗ By Christoph Engel ∗∗ ABSTRACT Few would claim that regulators, or academics working on regulatory policy, have neglected the Internet. However, most of their work is attracted by the global character of the Internet. Admit- tedly, this is a serious challenge to regulation, but it is not the only, and probably not even the most disquieting one. In the regulatory discourse, short shrift is given to the fact that the Internet originated in the egalitarian culture of American university computer labs. Its architecture was shaped during that period. Up to the present day, many key functions for Internet management are held by people coming from that culture. This paper argues that the egalitarian challenge to Internet governance has been largely over- looked. The challenge is serious, but not unmanageable. Nevertheless, regulators must use appro- priate concepts to understand the challenge. A subfield of sociology, cultural theory, is particularly instrumental for that purpose. In order to address the challenge, regulators must use a set of gov- ernance tools that deviates considerably from standard regulatory responses. INTRODUCTION The Problem Regulators are not good at multi-tasking. Admittedly, no one would claim that regulators have neglected the Internet. After all, there is a flurry of regulatory activity all over the world, 1 and an almost intractable amount of academic work on Internet-related subjects. 2 Most of this work is driven by the global character of the Internet. Admittedly, this poses a serious challenge to regulation,3 but it is not the only one, and probably not even the most disquieting one. -
Department of Economics
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS Working Paper State Debate Post Chris O’Kane Working Paper 2019-01 State Debate Post Introduction We live in turbulent times. The long decade following the 2007 crisis has been marked by a series of movements. They can be roughly summarized as follows: The Arab Spring, Occupy, and the UK student movement arose in the immediate aftermath of 2007 in opposition to the government bailouts, austerity and persistent economic misery. So did the Tea Party, the Five Star Movement, UKIP, Austria etc. Whilst the former tried to address their grievances outside of representative government, the latter experienced increasing electoral success culminating in the election of figures such as Trump Austria etc. These successes have been met by the ascent of social democratic theory, policy pronouncements, and strategizing in an array of disciplines in tandem with an increased membership in social democratic organizations and some notable electoral victories. The Social Democratic turn Social democracy is certainly better than Trump, Orban, Macron, and May. I would also welcome some of the proposals. However, I contend that these social democratic theories, policies and strategies, much like the other radical theories and practices of the first wave of reaction to the crisis, have not fully considered the question of the state. Whilst the former did not consider the obstacle of the state, today it seems that the state is not considered to be an obstacle. The format of this intervention certainly prevents me from demonstrating this at length. So let me indicate how a few notable theories, public policies proposals, and strategies share a ‘traditional theoretical’ and ‘constructive criticism’ of capitalist political economy that assumes the state is a neutral instrument. -
How to Sustain Technology and Make It Profitable While Avoiding IP Conflicts
How to sustain technology and make it profitable while avoiding IP conflicts Harvard Biotechnology Journal Club meeting, Feb 22nd 2017 Julian Daich, fellow at the Wound Healing and Tissue Engineering Lab, BWH, supervised by Dennis Orgill Patents First established in Venice in 1450, patents are a set of exclusive rights granted by a sovereign state to an inventor or assignee for a limited period of time in exchange for detailed public disclosure of an invention Source: Wikipedia A patent – grants a monopoly over a technological niche – does not guarantee freedom to operate – standard formal structure ● State of the art ● Full description of the invention with examples ● Claims- sentences that define the scope to be enforced a patent application has to show novelty and non obviousness – Empowerment. Patents are a legal basis for priority access to a technological niche – Freedom. Patents are a legal stamp that guarantees protection from other patents Defensive vs offensive ● Big corps dealing with ● Big corps pursuing to many technologies and monopolize a niche parties ● Newcomers attempting ● Newcomers attempting to capture a niche to access to an existing ● Non practitioners niche ● Patent trolls ● Technological standards and frameworks ● Can either accelerate or stop innovation ● Do not harm innovation Patent SWOT ● Strengths ● Weakness – Empower to develop – Discourage making new technology developments or – Encourage to share improvements to already knowledge patented technology ● Opportunities ● Threats – Create new technological – Ambigous patents can niches and markets be used to block technology development or to obtain economical benefits at expenses of authentic innovation Patentleft ● Person A has a patent, and licenses it under a patentleft license. -
Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and The
Historical Materialism 19.4 (2011) 129–168 brill.nl/hima Social-Property Relations, Class-Conflict and the Origins of the US Civil War: Towards a New Social Interpretation* Charles Post City University of New York [email protected] Abstract The origins of the US Civil War have long been a central topic of debate among historians, both Marxist and non-Marxist. John Ashworth’s Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic is a major Marxian contribution to a social interpretation of the US Civil War. However, Ashworth’s claim that the War was the result of sharpening political and ideological – but not social and economic – contradictions and conflicts between slavery and capitalism rests on problematic claims about the rôle of slave-resistance in the dynamics of plantation-slavery, the attitude of Northern manufacturers, artisans, professionals and farmers toward wage-labour, and economic restructuring in the 1840s and 1850s. An alternative social explanation of the US Civil War, rooted in an analysis of the specific path to capitalist social-property relations in the US, locates the War in the growing contradiction between the social requirements of the expanded reproduction of slavery and capitalism in the two decades before the War. Keywords origins of capitalism, US Civil War, bourgeois revolutions, plantation-slavery, agrarian petty- commodity production, independent-household production, merchant-capital, industrial capital The Civil War in the United States has been a major topic of historical debate for almost over 150 years. Three factors have fuelled scholarly fascination with the causes and consequences of the War. First, the Civil War ‘cuts a bloody gash across the whole record’ of ‘the American . -
13 Conclusion
13 Conclusion Overall patterns of globalization and development In this volume I have depicted a narrowing followed by a widening of the ideological spectrum, capitalist triumph and tribulations, the decline of inter- state wars and their replacement by either peace or civil wars, the intensifi- cation of national citizenship, and the replacement of all empires save one by nation-states. All this was happening on an increasingly global scale – a series of globalizations, which sometimes reinforced, sometimes undercut, and always differed from each other. As a result, the world is more interconnected, though it is not harmonious, and it is nowhere near being a single global sys- tem. It is a process of universal but polymorphous globalization. My second volume identified capitalism and nation-states as the two main power organizations of the long nineteenth century in the advanced countries. In Volume 3 and here I have expanded my horizons to the globe and added empires. The entwined dynam- ics of capitalism, nation-states, and empires brought disastrous world wars and revolutions in the first half of the twentieth century. This was followed by a fairly sharp break after 1945 as power relations subsided into a short “golden age” of democratic capitalism, in which occurred the collapse of all but two empires, a degree of class compromise within capitalism, the institutionaliza- tion of both capitalism and state socialism, the emergence of mass social citi- zenship, and global economic and population growth. The principal military confrontation eased into a merely cold war, which eased further as the Soviet Union stagnated. This plus the advent of nuclear weapons brought a decline in usable military power and a rapid decline in interstate wars across the world . -
Privatisation Education and Commodity Forms
CHAPTER 25 Privatisation Education and Commodity Forms Glenn Rikowski Introduction Privatisation in education is not essentially about education. It is about the development of capitalism and the deepening of the rule of capital in par- ticular institutions (schools, colleges, universities etc.) in contemporary soci- ety. Of course, this is not how the situation appears in the relevant academic literature. Privatisation in and of education is typically framed within a dis- course regarding whether it ‘works,’ or not; or whether aspects of education— standards, equity and efficiency in particular—are enhanced or threatened by privatisation in educational institutions. Focus on the marketisation of edu- cation is particularly to the fore in writing and research on educational priva- tisation. Finally, and politically significant, is that privatisation is posited as a threat to public, state-financed education. The very ‘publicness’ of education is at issue (Miron, 2008). What remains largely uncovered in these standard academic approaches is the nature of the commodity forms that are worked on, developed and expanded in processes of educational privatisation. This article starts out from these commodity forms in order to set a path for a critique of the privatisation of education that delves deeper than mainstream academic accounts. Starting from commodity forms opens a shaft on the insidious and grubby underworld of capital’s mingling with education: capitalisation, the ‘becoming of capital’ in educational institutions, is uncovered. Current theoretical work on the privatisation of education is inadequate as a starting point for understanding what is at stake in the critique of educational privatisation as capitalist development. As Francine Menashy (2013) indicates, three of the most ‘commonly adopted approaches’ for analysing educational privatisation are the neoclassical-neoliberal, social primary goods, and rights- based approaches (p. -
Democratic Capitalism
Democratic Capitalism Why Political and Economic Freedom Need Each Other IAIN MURRAY The Competitive Enterprise Institute promotes the institutions of liberty and works to remove government-created barriers to economic freedom, innovation, and prosperity through timely analysis, effective advocacy, inclusive coalition- building, and strategic litigation. COMPETITIVE ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE 1310 L Street NW, 7th Floor Washington, DC 20005 202-331-1010 cei.org PROFILES IN CAPITALISM OCTOBER 2019 | NO. 4 Democratic Capitalism Why Political and Economic Freedom Need Each Other Iain Murray Competitive Enterprise Institute 2019 Murray: Democratic Capitalism 2 Murray: Democratic Capitalism EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Is capitalism destroying democracy? It is an old question that political thinkers have long wrestled with. Yet, it gained recent prominence with the publication of Duke University historian Nancy MacLean’s widely discussed book, Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America, which unleashed heated debate over its claim that libertarian economists, funded by capitalist billionaires, have worked to subvert American democracy over the past four decades. Critics of the free market contend that democracy, as they conceive it, should not be constrained. Yet, it turns out that American democracy is already enchained—by design. We have explicitly rejected the idea of “unfettered democracy.” We accept limitations on the democratic will of the majority in all sorts of areas. We do not allow a democratic majority to use its power to ban any form of political speech, to segregate their communities on the basis of race, or to impose religious views or obligations on others. These constraints on government are the political expression of rights. -
Information Systems Foundations: the Role of Design Science
Information Systems Foundations: THEORY BUILDING IN INFORMATION SYSTEMS Information Systems Foundations: THEORY BUILDING IN INFORMATION SYSTEMS Dennis N. Hart and Shirley D. Gregor (Editors) Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Information Systems Foundations (‘Theory Building in Information Systems’) Workshop (2010 : Canberra, A.C.T.) Title: Information systems foundations : Theory Building in Information Systems/ edited by Dennis N. Hart and Shirley D. Gregor. ISBN: 9781921862939 (pbk.) 9781921862946 (ebook) Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Management information systems--Congresses. Information resources management--Congresses. Other Authors/Contributors: Gregor, Shirley Diane. Hart, Dennis Neil. Dewey Number: 658.4038 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by ANU E Press Cover illustration by Michael Gregor Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2012 ANU E Press Contents Contributors . vii Preface . ix The Papers . xi Part One: Fundamental Issues 1 . Theory Building in the Information Systems Discipline: Some critical reflections . 1 Ron Weber Monash University 2 . Obstacles to Building Effective Theory about Attitudes and Behaviours Towards Technology . 21 Mary Tate Victoria University of Wellington Joerg Evermann Memorial University of Newfoundland 3 . Untangling Causality in Design Science Theorising . 55 Dirk S. Hovorka Bond University Shirley Gregor The Australian National University Part Two: Theories and Theorising in Practice 4 . -
The Commune Movement During the 1960S and the 1970S in Britain, Denmark and The
The Commune Movement during the 1960s and the 1970s in Britain, Denmark and the United States Sangdon Lee Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of History September 2016 i The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement ⓒ 2016 The University of Leeds and Sangdon Lee The right of Sangdon Lee to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 ii Abstract The communal revival that began in the mid-1960s developed into a new mode of activism, ‘communal activism’ or the ‘commune movement’, forming its own politics, lifestyle and ideology. Communal activism spread and flourished until the mid-1970s in many parts of the world. To analyse this global phenomenon, this thesis explores the similarities and differences between the commune movements of Denmark, UK and the US. By examining the motivations for the communal revival, links with 1960s radicalism, communes’ praxis and outward-facing activities, and the crisis within the commune movement and responses to it, this thesis places communal activism within the context of wider social movements for social change. Challenging existing interpretations which have understood the communal revival as an alternative living experiment to the nuclear family, or as a smaller part of the counter-culture, this thesis argues that the commune participants created varied and new experiments for a total revolution against the prevailing social order and its dominant values and institutions, including the patriarchal family and capitalism. -
The Way to the Socialist Planned Economy
The Way to the Socialist Planned Economy Marek Breit and Oskar Lange Translated by Jan Toporowski* Abstract: This is the first English translation of a 1934 article by Marek Breit and Oskar Lange on the economics of socialism. Breit and Lange advocate a form of market socialism based on self-managed workers’ cooperatives, with membership open to all who wish to join. 1 The Breakdown of the Capitalist Economy Otto Bauer said not very long ago that ‘the fall of the second workers’ government in England, the events of recent years, and especially in the current year in Germany, mark the end of an epoch and the start of a new one in the history of the international workers’ movement. We find ourselves at the start of a period of severe, protracted economic crises, broken only by short moments of respite; a period in which the proletariat will rather be convinced of how narrow are the boundaries with which the world capitalist economy limits the possibilities for liberation of the working class, and how these binding constraints may only be removed together with the whole capitalist system.’1 Essentially the world-wide economic crisis, the likes of which the capitalist economy has not experienced since its beginnings, shows the complete bankruptcy of the capitalist economic system. Nothing so demonstrates that complete bankruptcy, the total breakdown of the capitalist economy, as the co-existence of poverty with excess that is met at every step. When the masses of the people in the capitalist economies are oppressed by unprecedented poverty, stores are packed with goods for which there are no buyers; when millions are starving, grain and coffee are sunk at sea or burnt; when millions cannot clothe themselves, spinning and weaving plants stand idle. -
Agrarian Anarchism and Authoritarian Populism: Towards a More (State-)Critical ‘Critical Agrarian Studies’
The Journal of Peasant Studies ISSN: 0306-6150 (Print) 1743-9361 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fjps20 Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’ Antonio Roman-Alcalá To cite this article: Antonio Roman-Alcalá (2020): Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’, The Journal of Peasant Studies, DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 20 May 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 3209 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fjps20 THE JOURNAL OF PEASANT STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1755840 FORUM ON AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM AND THE RURAL WORLD Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical ‘critical agrarian studies’* Antonio Roman-Alcalá International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, Netherlands ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper applies an anarchist lens to agrarian politics, seeking to Anarchism; authoritarian expand and enhance inquiry in critical agrarian studies. populism; critical agrarian Anarchism’s relevance to agrarian processes is found in three studies; state theory; social general areas: (1) explicitly anarchist movements, both historical movements; populism; United States of America; and contemporary; (2) theories that emerge from and shape these moral economy movements; and (3) implicit anarchism found in values, ethics, everyday practices, and in forms of social organization – or ‘anarchistic’ elements of human social life. -
The Limits of Liberalism: Pragmatism, Democracy and Capitalism
Contemporary Pragmatism Editions Rodopi Vol. 5, No. 2 (December 2008), 81–108 © 2008 The Limits of Liberalism: Pragmatism, Democracy and Capitalism Mike O’Connor Liberalism sanctions both democracy and capitalism, but incorpor- ating the two into a coherent intellectual system presents difficulties. The anti-foundational pragmatism of Richard Rorty offers a way to describe and defend a meaningful democratic capitalism while avoiding the problems that come from the more traditional liberal justification. Additionally, Rorty’s rejection of the search for extra- human grounding of social and political arrangements suggests that democracy is entitled to a philosophical support that capitalism is not. A viable democratic capitalism therefore justifies its use of markets on the consent of the governed, rather than appeals to liberal notions of individualism, liberty, and property. 1. Introduction One of the perennial philosophical problems of liberalism is that of the appropriate relationship between democracy and capitalism. Both systems justify themselves intellectually by applications of core liberal principles – personal liberty, the primacy of the individual, and the preservation of property rights – to the political and economic realms, respectively. But the fact that democracy and capitalism might derive from the same theoretical basis does not necessarily render them compatible with each other. Politics and economics intersect and overlap at so many points that it is impossible to preserve political freedom without significantly impeding the liberty of trade, and vice versa. Additionally, markets themselves depend on a minimum level of security and law-enforcement for their very existence, which makes the existence of capitalism dependent upon prior non-market arrangements. Finally, a govern- ment that is unwilling to use its power in ways that could influence economic free agents in their choices is one that could not, for example, enact a tax code, raise an army, or provide infrastructure; it is, in short, one that does not govern.