Democratic Backsliding in Europe: Theoretical and Empirical Approaches
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PSCI 5113 / EURR 5113 Democracy in the European Union Mondays, 11:35 A.M
Carleton University Fall 2019 Department of Political Science Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies PSCI 5113 / EURR 5113 Democracy in the European Union Mondays, 11:35 a.m. – 2:25 p.m. Please confirm location on Carleton Central Instructor: Professor Achim Hurrelmann Office: D687 Loeb Building Office Hours: Mondays, 3:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m., and by appointment Phone: (613) 520-2600 ext. 2294 Email: [email protected] Twitter: @achimhurrelmann Course description: Over the past seventy years, European integration has made significant contributions to peace, economic prosperity and cultural exchange in Europe. By contrast, the effects of integration on the democratic quality of government have been more ambiguous. The European Union (EU) possesses more mechanisms of democratic input than any other international organization, most importantly the directly elected European Parliament (EP). At the same time, the EU’s political processes are often described as insufficiently democratic, and European integration is said to have undermined the quality of national democracy in the member states. Concerns about a “democratic deficit” of the EU have not only been an important topic of scholarly debate about European integration, but have also constituted a major argument of populist and Euroskeptic political mobilization, for instance in the “Brexit” referendum. This course approaches democracy in the EU from three angles. First, it reviews the EU’s democratic institutions and associated practices of citizen participation: How -
Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna
Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 45 The End of the Third Wave and the Global Future of Democracy Larry Diamond 2 — Larry Diamond / The End of the Third Wave — I H S The End of the Third Wave and the Global Future of Democracy Larry Diamond Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 45 July 1997 Prof. Dr. Larry Diamond Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 USA e-mail: [email protected] and International Forum for Democratic Studies National Endowment for Democracy 1101 15th Street, NW, Suite 802 Washington, DC 20005 USA T 001/202/293-0300 F 001/202/293-0258 Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna 4 — Larry Diamond / The End of the Third Wave — I H S The Political Science Series is published by the Department of Political Science of the Austrian Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS) in Vienna. The series is meant to share work in progress in a timely way before formal publication. It includes papers by the Department’s teaching and research staff, visiting professors, students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions. All rights are reserved. Abstract The “Third Wave” of global democratization, which began in 1974, now appears to be drawing to a close. While the number of “electoral democracies” has tripled since 1974, the rate of increase has slowed every year since 1991 (when the number jumped by almost 20 percent) and is now near zero. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
1 European Demoicracy and Its Crisis1 KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS
In Journal of Common Market Studies, March 2013, Vol. 51, no. 2, pp. 000-000. European Demoicracy and Its Crisis1 KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS Abstract This article offers an overview and reconsideration of the idea of European demoicracy in the context of the current crisis. It defines demoicracy as ‘a Union of peoples, understood both as states and as citizens, who govern together but not as one,’ and argues that the concept is best understood as a third way, distinct from both national and supranational versions of single demos polities. The concept of demoicracy can serve both as an analytical lens for the EU-as-is and as a normative benchmark, but one which cannot simply be inferred from its praxis. Instead, the article deploys a ‘normative-inductive’ approach according to which the EU’s normative core - transnational non-domination and transnational mutual recognition - is grounded on what the EU still seeks to escape. Such norms need to be protected and perfected if the EU is to live up to its essence. The article suggests ten tentative guiding principles for the EU to continue turning such norms into practice. _____________________________________________________________________ The aftershock of the 2008 global financial crisis in the EU has come to be widely seen as a crisis of ‘democracy’ in Europe. This article starts from the premise that the EU’s legitimacy deficit will not be addressed by tinkering with its institutions. Instead, the name of the democratic game in Europe today is democratic interdependence: the Union magnifies the pathologies of the national democracies in its midst, even as it entrenches and nurtures these democracies, who in turn affect each other in profound ways. -
Illiberal Democracies: Overview
Illiberal Democracies: Overview •“Transitions to democracy” •Democracy with adjectives •Illiberal democracies in practice: –Russia and “stable” illiberalism –Kenya: Violently democratic –Romania: from ill to liberal •(In)conclusions “Transitions to democracy” • Transitions literature comes out of a reading of democratization in L.Am., ‘70s & ‘80s. • Mechanisms of transition (O’Donnell and Schmitter): – Splits appear in the authoritarian regime – Civil society and opposition develop – “Pacted” transitions Democracy with Adjectives • Problem: The transitions model is excessively teleological and just inaccurate • “Illiberal” meets “democracy” – What is democracy (again, and in brief)? – Why add “liberal”? – What in an illiberal democracy is “ill”? A Typology of Regimes Chart taken from Larry Diamond, “Thinking about Hybrid Regimes” Journal of Democracy 13: 2 (2002) How do “gray zone” regimes develop? • Thomas Carothers: Absence of pre-conditions to democracy, which is tied to… (Culturalist) • Fareed Zakaria: When baking a liberal democracy, liberalize then democratize (Institutionalist). • Michael McFaul: Domestic balance of power at the outset matters (path dependence). Where even, illiberalism may develop (Rationalist). Russia Poland Case studies: Russia • 1991-93: An even balance of power between Yeltsin and reformers feeds into political ambiguity…and illiberalism • After Sept 1993 - Yeltsin takes the advantage and uses it to shape Russia into a delegative democracy • The creation of President Putin • Putin and the “dictatorship of law” -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding. -
Discuss the Existence of a Demos Which Is Typically European and Which Would Thus Allow for the Construction of a Supranational European Democracy
“Why and how does the ‘Demos’ question matter” Discuss the existence of a demos which is typically European and which would thus allow for the construction of a supranational European Democracy Kalypso Nicolaidis University Of Oxford European Parliament, March 20th 2017 The Story you want to explore: Crisis Democratic Legitimacy Construct Supranational democracy “Existence of a European Demos”? Yes! Sources of legitimacy in Crisis Crisis Democratic And the Democratic sine Qua Non Legitimacy Purposive (Mission) Performative (Results) Process (Democracy) Crisis Democratic Legitimacy Construct …But, no! Supranational democracy Too narrow (democracy in Europe) “Existence of a European Demos”? Too mimetic (one nation, one state, one demos) Stubborn Sociology and the Yearning for Control (Somewheres vs Anywheres) The problem with Tainted ideology and the constructing supranational Poisened Well (“Oneness of democracy thanks to a People” populism, “typically” European demos technocracy and othering) Irrepressible modernity and the Technology of democracy (Chaotic Pluralism; self-construction and assemblages) The problem is both Empirical and Normative • Empirical : Do not wait for Godot • Normative: Who wants to ground Democracy in Europe (only/mostly) on a European Demos anyway! European democratic legitimacy is not just at EU-level but in the EU -> anchored in the democratic health of individual countries as they try to manage their democratic interdependence -> This is the genuine supranational mission What then of the “demos” in democracy?! -
Our European Demoi-Cracy
Our European Demoi-cracy Is this Constitution a third way for Europe? kalypso nicolaidis* The tabloids have branded it as the biggest decision facing modern Britain, and the mark of its fi nal downfall. Ever since the draft Constitutional Treaty for the European Union started to take shape in bits an pieces last year it has provoked passion in Britain and a yawn in the rest of Europe. Public opinion may yet pick up elsewhere as the intergovernmental conference puts its own mark on the document and as a number of EU members put it to a referendum in the Spring. In the meanwhile, one can understand both the infl ated expectations and the indifference. For the fi rst time in the history of the EU, delegates other than diplomats have engaged for more than a year in a public debate about its foundations, its goals and its methods. The reach of their so- called dialogue with civil society may have been wanting, but they have conducted this debate in a highly open and transparent fashion, with the full paraphernalia of web cast and e-forum. But while the plot and the set may look impressive, the play itself is not revolutionary. For the most part, the draft European Constitution codifi es under one umbrella the plethora of treaties and amendments adopted by European Union members over the last 45 years. The idea that, with it, Britain would lose its unique identity is a strange one. Nevertheless, the draft Constitutional Treaty has a major fl aw which cannot help but antagonize Eurosceptics: its drafters seriously saw their task as writing a.. -
Islam and Democracy: Is Modernization a Barrier? John O
Religion Compass 1/1 (2007): 170±178, 10.1111/j. 1749-8171.2006.00017.x Islam and Democracy: Is Modernization a Barrier? John O. Voll Georgetown University Abstract The relationship between Islam and democracy is a hotly debated topic. Usually the disagreements are expressed in a standard form. In this form, the debaters' definitions of ªIslamº and ªdemocracyº determine the conclusions arrived at. It is possible, depending upon the definitions used, to ªproveº both positions: Islam and democracy are compatible and that they are not. To escape from the predefined conclusions, it is necessary to recognize that ªIslamº and ªdemocracyº are concepts with many definitions. In the twenty-first century, important interpretations of Islam open the way for political visions in which Islam and democracy are mutually supportive. Does religion represent an obstacle to modernization and democratization? Does religion pose a threat to democracy if a democratically elected govern- ment becomes a ªtheocracyº? Does the majority rule of democracy threaten the liberty and freedom of other members of a society? If the majority imposes its will upon minorities, is that a departure from democracy in general or form of ªliberalº democracy? Does modernization strengthen or inhibit democratization and individual liberty? These broad questions are being debated in many different contexts around the world. They provide a framework for looking at the experience of Muslim societies and the relationships between Islam and democracy. Tensions between democracy and liberty -
A Theory of Independent Courts in Illiberal Democracies
A Theory of Independent Courts in Illiberal Democracies Nuno Garoupa∗ Leyla D. Karakas† March 1, 2018 Abstract Illiberal democracies are on the rise. While such political regimes have eliminated important institutional constraints on executive power, they tend to feature an oc- casionally defiant judiciary. We provide a novel explanation for this phenomenon by focusing on the judiciary's role as a potential provider of valuable information to the executive about divisions within the regime's elites. The model features an office-motivated executive that balances the conflicting interests of the voters and the elites in determining a redistribution policy and the type of judicial review this policy will be subject to. An independent judiciary is observed in equilibrium only if the resulting revelation on the strength of the elites would be sufficiently informative for the executive to warrant reneging on its ex ante optimal policy. Intuitively, in the absence of a strong legislative opposition or a free media, a degree of judicial independence helps the survival of the nondemocratic regime by more informatively balancing the interests of the voters and the elites. We conclude by discussing in- stitutional and welfare implications. Our results contribute to the debates on the survival of independent political institutions in authoritarian regimes. Keywords : Authoritarian regimes; Judicial independence; Rent-seeking. JEL Classification : D72; D78; P48. ∗School of Law, Texas A&M University, Fort Worth, TX 76102. Email: [email protected]. †Department of Economics, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY 13244. Email: [email protected]. 1 1 Introduction Independent courts are perceived as being intrinsic to democracy. -
Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: a Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society
INSTITUTE E-PAPER A Companion to Democracy #2 Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: A Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society ANNA LÜHRMANN AND SEBASTIAN HELLMEIER V-DEM INSTITUTE, GOTHENBURG A Publication of Heinrich Böll Foundation, February 2020 Preface to the e-paper series “A Companion to Democracy” Democracy is multifaceted, adaptable – and must constantly meet new challenges. Democratic systems are influenced by the historical and social context, by a country’s geopolitical circumstances, by the political climate and by the interaction between institutions and actors. But democracy cannot be taken for granted. It has to be fought for, revitalised and renewed. There are a number of trends and challenges that affect democracy and democratisation. Some, like autocratisation, corruption, the delegitimisation of democratic institutions, the shrinking space for civil society or the dissemination of misleading and erroneous information, such as fake news, can shake democracy to its core. Others like human rights, active civil society engagement and accountability strengthen its foundations and develop alongside it. The e-paper series “A Companion to Democracy” examines pressing trends and challenges facing the world and analyses how they impact democracy and democratisation. Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: A Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society 2/ 34 Populism, Nationalism and Illiberalism: A Challenge for Democracy and Civil Society Anna Lührmann and Sebastian Hellmeier 3 Contents 1. Introduction 4 2. Populism, nationalism and illiberalism as a challenge for democracy 6 2.1. Illiberalism in the 21st century 6 2.2. Illiberalism and populism 11 2.3. Accelerants: nationalism and polarisation 13 2.4. Democracy in times of growing populism and nationalism 15 3. -
Does Aid Motivate Democracy? a Preliminary Study on Official Development Assistance and Regime Type
Does Aid Motivate Democracy? A Preliminary Study on Official Development Assistance and Regime Type By Katherine Krauland IAFS Honor’s Thesis March 31, 2011 1 Abstract This paper seeks to answer the question about whether or not aid is connected with democratization, and more specifically if official development aid is effective in influencing regime change and democratization. This is a preliminary test to see if there is any connection between aid and regime type, and if there is, then it would suggest a direction for future research. Through comparing Official Development Assistance with Polity IV scores pertaining to regime type, it has been shown that while there is no clear correlation between aid allocations and democratization, there seems to be a trend of aid increasing when the most authoritarian regimes begin to liberalize. 2 I. Introduction There has been a global push for democracy, and this has been shown through the huge rate of transitions around the world from non-democratic countries to democratic ones. This change often leaves questions about why these transitions were made and what influenced them. Some of the changes have been attributed to globalization, moral values and civilian uprisings, the fall of the USSR and a lack of other viable political options to name a few. In this paper, I’ll be looking at the political aspect and if aid has any influence. The main question addressed in this paper is “Is aid able to influence and lead countries to democratize?” Western states have been touting the superiority of the democratic system, along with capitalist based free markets for years.