An Examination of the Methodology and Efficacy of Performance in Contemporary Political Protest

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

An Examination of the Methodology and Efficacy of Performance in Contemporary Political Protest Theatricalizing Dissent: An Examination of the Methodology and Efficacy of Performance in Contemporary Political Protest Sian Rees Goldsmiths, University of London PhD Theatre and Performance Declaration Declaration of Authorship: I, Sian Rees, hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: Sian Rees Date: 16/05/2018 Abstract Activists and artists are consciously bringing theatre to the forefront of contemporary protest interventions. This thesis examines the efficacy of performative modes in acts of theatrical dissent. My research is based on case studies from the UK, Paris, Belgium, and the United States which staged interventions, often experimenting with different democratic models of relationships and often prefiguratively, and which campaigned on social, economic, and political issues: against austerity, climate injustice, and consumerism. They employed diverse performative modes: Rough Music, Guerrilla Performance, Play and Gaming, and the creation of a Temporary Autonomous Zone. The Practice as Research component provided the perspective of an insider through my participation in theatrical dissent organized by artists and activists, and through my own work, HOUND (2016), which incorporated a variety of performative modes previously identified as efficacious. Activists seek to expose, through their own performances, the performances of power and legitimacy staged by corporations and governments; and to advocate the necessity for change. Some elements of these modes may militate against political efficacy, whilst others contribute towards it by working to avoid a crude and heavy-handed didacticism by encouraging spectators to collaborate in the performance. I identify and analyze the elements of performance modes which may be conducive in supporting and sustaining activists; and those which may ignite an interest in a cause in spectators. To be a dissenter, to some extent, is to be an outsider, one who questions society’s norms and mores. I argue that theatrical devices (such as ‘making strange’ the everyday), provide the necessary distancing for audiences and participants alike to question the ‘normal’. This is the first step in an exploration of dissent provided by theatre’s ability, when staged as dissent, to create new political realities. Table of Contents Acknowledgements 1 List of Illustrations 4 Introduction 10 Chapter One: Contextual Overview of Theatrical Dissent 32 Chapter Two: Guerrilla Performance 53 Chapter Three: Play As a Mode of Protest 108 Chapter Four: Re-considering The Temporary Autonomous Zone 166 Chapter Five: Theatricalizing Dissent in Practice, Practice as Research 227 Conclusion 291 Appendix One 303 Appendix Two 307 Appendix Three 325 Appendix Four 326 Appendix Five 328 Appendix Six 330 Bibliography 331 Categorized Bibliography 432 Illustrative Material (a) HOUND Audio Tracks: CD (b) HOUND Programme Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor John London, for all of his work and support. From the outset, he challenged my ideas and arguments, compelling more refined and considered responses. I particularly enjoyed our discussions regarding practice which pushed me to consider precisely what Practice as Research was, and in my case, could be. I would also like to thank my second supervisor, Dr Cami Rowe, who also doubled up as my upgrade examiner, along with Dr Cass Fleming. Both went above and beyond, in offering me extensive, detailed feedback regarding the very first blueprints of this thesis. Their excitement towards my research was palpable and extremely encouraging during those early stages. Cass, your comments regarding how critical it was, in rehearsal, to be a catalyst have stayed with me. I aspire to this every time I meet a group of performers. I would also like to thank Professor Jane Milling, whose encouragement to pursue working in academia was perhaps met slightly reluctantly at the tender age of 21, but without which I would not have got this far. Her belief in my being a ‘smarty pants’ has continued to motivate me over the years. I would like to extend this thanks to those who I encountered whilst I studied for a BA in Drama at Exeter University. From the outset, I was confronted with diverse, radical pedagogy from all who taught me. I was encouraged to perceive the world in relation to power. For that, and for all that I learnt there, I am grateful. Donalh McNeil was the person who introduced me to theatre and performance in the first place, at the age of ten, and I am still indebted to him. It must have been fairly unique for young people to be familiar with, and confident in, performing site-specific theatre, political performance, and directly working with playwrights. His insistence to re-define the meaning of ‘youth theatre’ was particularly formative. That, and his rigorous and demanding training sessions. We all remember the freezing cold tram- shed… To Taghrid Choucair-Visozo, Natasha Phillips, and Lauren Irving. Our work, in creating Make Tea, Not War (2013) was how I came to a point where I was ready to embark on this PhD. I had the questions, motivation, and purpose. I am so grateful to you all for that experience. I would like to thank the AHRC. Without their financial aid, none of this would have been possible. 1 I have been privileged, in completing this thesis, to meet artists and activists who are committed to confronting social injustice, and instigating change, literally changing the world. Their determination to create works which actually do politics is something which I have returned to, again and again. It has changed my relationship with art altogether. And their refusal to accept defeat, has been particularly significant. There are, in a sense, too many people to thank. Many of them are strangers, whose names I may not know, but who I joined with in participating in protests and acts of theatrical dissent over the past years. I would, though, particularly like to thank those who shared their practices and processes with me. John Jordan and Isa Fremeaux, I am particularly indebted to. Not only for their acts of theatrical dissent, which are, in themselves, beautiful performances which always do politics; but also for their commitment to radical pedagogy. Their openness, determination to work prefiguratively with diverse collaborators, and of course, to instigate change through joy and pleasure is a model which I certainly hope to return to. Similarly, their blurring of boundaries between art and politics, work and leisure, and the body and mind is something to aspire to. I particularly enjoyed JJ’s ‘dancing for ideas’! Thank you then to the Laboratory of Insurrectionary Imagination for welcoming me to your world. To BP or Not BP, I would also like to extend my thanks. I have been extremely fortunate in meeting and working with members of the collective; who, from the beginning, were warm, open, and welcoming. Their energy, knowledge, determination, and unbridled enthusiasm for their own brand of creating mischief is infectious, and I look forward to participating in future Guerrilla Performances with them. Part of my initial reluctance, in engaging with research, was the notion that I would have to leave performance and practice behind. Obviously, this was a misguided idea of what a PhD entailed. In this sense, I have been very fortunate in participating in a number of workshops and trainings by artists and activists alike. I would like to thank: Nadine Bloch and Dan Glass (Beautiful Trouble), Dominique Jambert and Vincent Mangado (Théâtre Du Soleil), Marcello Magni (Complicité), and Igor Vamos (Yes Men), who have all kept me thinking, and on my toes. I would also like to thank Peter Schumann for his time, patience, and wisdom. It was fascinating to discuss protest, politics, and art over breakfast in Rotterdam. To Christopher Knight too, for so passionately answering my questions relating to 2 Occupy, performance, and precisely what sustained him. I appreciated his honest and open answers. Thanks also to Jen Lunn, whose thoughts on theatre and activism, as well as her useful note on accounting for what her work had achieved and whether her work had changed lives for the better, has been particularly inspirational. In particular, I would like to thank all of the performers and activists who have worked with me in my Practice as Research. From the very initial explorations to its completion, I have been very fortunate in working with such passionate, trusting, and open people: Jack Bateman, Emma Bryn-Jones, Martina Carmignani, Ilaria Ciardelli, Tamsin Cook, Susan Crothers, Hannah Dunton, Rhiannon Kelly, Temidayo Oyekan, Ella Road, Jenna Thorne, and Howard Wright. I would also like to extend my thanks to the participants and audience members who engaged with both iterations of HOUND. Their insightful comments, provocative feedback, and rich responses left me in the enviable position of having too much material. To all of my friends, who have offered their love, support, and understanding during what I have often called my PhD pregnancy. You are now off-duty! This work would, in so many ways, not have been possible without my parents. I probably knew more than most four year olds about politics, and, in particular, the evils of Margaret Thatcher. We never did find out why she stole our car radio. I thank them for my education; for instilling in me a sense of justice and injustice and for showing me the meaning of principles. Thank you, thank you, thank you to ‘Team Shemma B’ for tireless discussions, debates, and attention to detail. This work is dedicated to Emma. We have both lived this research, this practice. She has listened, challenged, and nurtured. She has also kept me laughing. Her faith in this work, in understanding it as important, has rubbed off on me.
Recommended publications
  • The Olympic Games and Civil Liberties
    Analysis A “clean city”: the Olympic Games and civil liberties Chris Jones Introduction In 2005, the UK won the right to host the 2012 Olympic Games. Seven years later, the Games are due to begin, but they are not without controversy. Sponsors of the Games – including McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, Cadbury’s, BP and, perhaps most controversially, Dow Chemical [1] – were promised “what is chillingly called a ‘clean city’, handing them ownership of everything within camera distance of the games.” [2] In combination with measures put in place to deal with what have been described as the “four key risks” of terrorism, protest, organised crime and natural disasters, [3] these measures have led to a number of detrimental impacts upon civil liberties, dealt with here under the headings of freedom of expression; freedom of movement; freedom of assembly; and the right to protest. The Games will be hosted in locations across the country, but primarily in London, which is main the focus of this analysis. Laying the groundwork Following victory for the bid to host the Games, legislation – the London Olympic Games and Paralympic Games Act 2006 – was passed “to make provision in connection with the Olympic Games and Paralympic Games that are take place in London in the year 2012.” [4] It is from here that limitations on freedom of expression have come, as well as some of the limitations on freedom of movement that stem from the introduction of “Games Lanes” to London’s road system. Policing and security remains the responsibility of the national and local authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Introducing the Outspoken Series
    Contents 3 Politics 10 Political Economy 13 Political Theory 17 Sociology 22 Europe 24 Race 26 Biography 32 History 35 Media Studies 37 Anthropology 38 Environment 40 Recently Published 43 Backlist 2 PLUTO PRESS / PLUTOBOOKS.COM Politics Peter Kennard: Visual Dissent Peter Kennard 50 years of radical, hard-hitting protest art from one of Britain’s most important political artists ‘In these memorable images, in these images that refuse Trade to be forgotten... they acknowledge the pain of what is happening... And they are exemplary because, in the face of such inevitable speechlessness, they remind us of the August 2019 need to speak out in protest, the protests of the dead and Pb: £19.99 / ISBN: 9780745339870 the living’ 144pp 75 colour images John Berger ‘This art is uncompromising, brutal & hard-hitting – but A full-colour collection of also very beautiful. It’s beautiful because it wants to subversive art, fully annotated keep us alive. All of us. (Even the lazy ones). It’s a jolt of by the artist electricity. A shot in the arm. A kick up the backside. You know what? It’s a wake-up call.’ Author is a highly respected Jarvis Cocker artist, with work exhibited at the Tate Britain and other major galleries This fully illustrated anthology showcases key images from Peter Kennard’s work as Britain’s foremost political artist over the last RIGHTS fifty years. World. All languages The book centres around Kennard’s images, photomontages and illustrations from protests, year by year, which provoked public outrage; including Israel/Palestine protests, anti-nuclear protests, responses to austerity, climate destruction, and more.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture Jamming
    Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank Vincent de Jong for introducing me to the intricacy of the easyCity action, and for taking the time to answer my questions along my exploration of the case. I also want to thank Robin van t’ Haar for his surprising, and unique, contribution to my investigations of the easyCity action. Rozalinda Borcila, the insights you have shared with me have been a crucial reminder of my own privilieged position – your reflections, I hope, also became a marker in what I have written. Also, I would like to thank others that somehow made my fieldwork possible, and influenced my ‘learning’ of activism and culture jamming. Of these I would especially like to thank Nina Haukeland for introducing me to the politics of activism, Kirsti Hyldmo for reminding me of the realities of exploitation, Åse Brandvold for a skilled introduction to the thoughts and tools of culture jamming, and Maria Astrup for showing me the pleasures and powers of aesthetics. Also, I would like to thank the Norwegian Adbusters Network, and the editorial groups of Vreng. To my main advisor Professor Kristian Stokke, I would like to thank you for the excellent support you have given me throughout my master studies. Your insights have been of grate value, and I cannot thank you enough for continually challenging me. Also, the feedback from Olve Krange, my second advisor, was crucial at the early stage of developing the thesis, to defining its object of inquiry, and finally when writing my conclusion. I would also like to express my appreciation to Professor Oddrun Sæther for an excellent introduction to the field of cultural studies, to Professor Matt Sparke at the University of Washington for demonstrating the intriguing complexities of political geography, and to PhD candidate Stephen Young, for proof reading and fruitful inputs at the final stage of writing.
    [Show full text]
  • Activism and Ironic Identities Amber Day Bryant University, [email protected]
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DigitalCommons@Bryant University Bryant University DigitalCommons@Bryant University English and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications English and Cultural Studies Journal Articles and Research 2008 Are They for Real? Activism and Ironic Identities Amber Day Bryant University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bryant.edu/eng_jou Part of the Civic and Community Engagement Commons, Mass Communication Commons, and the Rhetoric Commons Recommended Citation Day, Amber, "Are They for Real? Activism and Ironic Identities" (2008). English and Cultural Studies Journal Articles. Paper 86. https://digitalcommons.bryant.edu/eng_jou/86 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the English and Cultural Studies Faculty Publications and Research at DigitalCommons@Bryant University. It has been accepted for inclusion in English and Cultural Studies Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Bryant University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Amber Day 1 Are They For Real? Activism and Ironic Identities Political activists have not historically been known for their fun-loving sense of humor and playfulness. Nor do they have a reputation for communicating in riddles, deliberately speaking the opposite of what they mean. However, as the realities of mass media communication have evolved, so too have the tactics employed by activists for capturing the media spotlight. More and more groups are now building their actions around a playfully ironic sensibility, creating attention-getting stunts, graphics, and slogans, along with pre-packaged media sound-bites. Within this larger trend, one particular tactic involves a form of masquerade, as groups very deliberately assume the identities of their opponents.
    [Show full text]
  • “What I'm Not Gonna Buy”: Algorithmic Culture Jamming And
    ‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube Item Type Article Authors Wood, Rachel Citation Wood, R. (2020). ‘What I’m not gonna buy’: Algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube. New Media & Society. Publisher Sage Journals Journal New Media and Society Download date 30/09/2021 04:58:05 Item License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10034/623570 “What I’m not gonna buy”: algorithmic culture jamming and anti-consumer politics on YouTube ‘I feel like a lot of YouTubers hyperbolise all the time, they talk about how you need things, how important these products are for your life and all that stuff. So, I’m basically going to be talking about how much you don’t need things, and it’s the exact same thing that everyone else is doing, except I’m being extreme in the other way’. So states Kimberly Clark in her first ‘anti-haul’ video (2015), a YouTube vlog in which she lists beauty products that she is ‘not gonna buy’.i Since widely imitated by other beauty YouTube vloggers, the anti-haul vlog is a deliberate attempt to resist the celebration of beauty consumption in beauty ‘influencer’ social media culture. Anti- haul vloggers have much in common with other ethical or anti-consumer lifestyle experts (Meissner, 2019) and the growing ranks of online ‘environmental influencers’ (Heathman, 2019). These influencers play an important intermediary function, where complex ethical questions are broken down into manageable and rewarding tasks, projects or challenges (Haider, 2016: p.484; Joosse and Brydges, 2018: p.697).
    [Show full text]
  • The Sixties Counterculture and Public Space, 1964--1967
    University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository Doctoral Dissertations Student Scholarship Spring 2003 "Everybody get together": The sixties counterculture and public space, 1964--1967 Jill Katherine Silos University of New Hampshire, Durham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation Recommended Citation Silos, Jill Katherine, ""Everybody get together": The sixties counterculture and public space, 1964--1967" (2003). Doctoral Dissertations. 170. https://scholars.unh.edu/dissertation/170 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Postfeminism?: New Feminist Visibilities in Postfeminist Times
    FEMINIST MEDIA STUDIES, 2016 VOL. 16, NO. 4, 610–630 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2016.1193293 Post-postfeminism?: new feminist visibilities in postfeminist times Rosalind Gill Department of Sociology, City University, London, UK ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article contributes to debates about the value and utility Postfeminism; neoliberalism; of the notion of postfeminism for a seemingly “new” moment feminism; media magazines marked by a resurgence of interest in feminism in the media and among young women. The paper reviews current understandings of postfeminism and criticisms of the term’s failure to speak to or connect with contemporary feminism. It offers a defence of the continued importance of a critical notion of postfeminism, used as an analytical category to capture a distinctive contradictory-but- patterned sensibility intimately connected to neoliberalism. The paper raises questions about the meaning of the apparent new visibility of feminism and highlights the multiplicity of different feminisms currently circulating in mainstream media culture—which exist in tension with each other. I argue for the importance of being able to “think together” the rise of popular feminism alongside and in tandem with intensified misogyny. I further show how a postfeminist sensibility informs even those media productions that ostensibly celebrate the new feminism. Ultimately, the paper argues that claims that we have moved “beyond” postfeminism are (sadly) premature, and the notion still has much to offer feminist cultural critics. Introduction: feminism, postfeminism and generation On October 2, 2015 the London Evening Standard (ES) published its first glossy magazine of the new academic year. With a striking red, white, and black cover design it showed model Neelam Gill in a bright red coat, upon which the words “NEW (GEN) FEM” were superimposed in bold.
    [Show full text]
  • Selected Chronology of Political Protests and Events in Lawrence
    SELECTED CHRONOLOGY OF POLITICAL PROTESTS AND EVENTS IN LAWRENCE 1960-1973 By Clark H. Coan January 1, 2001 LAV1tRE ~\JCE~ ~')lJ~3lj(~ ~~JGR§~~Frlt 707 Vf~ f·1~J1()NT .STFie~:T LA1JVi~f:NCE! i(At.. lSAG GG044 INTRODUCTION Civil Rights & Black Power Movements. Lawrence, the Free State or anti-slavery capital of Kansas during Bleeding Kansas, was dubbed the "Cradle of Liberty" by Abraham Lincoln. Partly due to this reputation, a vibrant Black community developed in the town in the years following the Civil War. White Lawrencians were fairly tolerant of Black people during this period, though three Black men were lynched from the Kaw River Bridge in 1882 during an economic depression in Lawrence. When the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1894 that "separate but equal" was constitutional, racial attitudes hardened. Gradually Jim Crow segregation was instituted in the former bastion of freedom with many facilities becoming segregated around the time Black Poet Laureate Langston Hughes lived in the dty-asa child. Then in the 1920s a Ku Klux Klan rally with a burning cross was attended by 2,000 hooded participants near Centennial Park. Racial discrimination subsequently became rampant and segregation solidified. Change was in the air after World "vV ar II. The Lawrence League for the Practice of Democracy (LLPD) formed in 1945 and was in the vanguard of Post-war efforts to end racial segregation and discrimination. This was a bi-racial group composed of many KU faculty and Lawrence residents. A chapter of Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) formed in Lawrence in 1947 and on April 15 of the following year, 25 members held a sit-in at Brick's Cafe to force it to serve everyone equally.
    [Show full text]
  • Truth Is Concrete #16 B Y T He P Ink Y Sho W
    Truth is concrete #16 by The Pinky Show 14.00 Black Cube Some kind of beginning Truth is An opening proposal by Tim Etchells / Forced Entertainment (GB) Performed by Jerry Killick (GB) Questions, hellos, dedications, fragments, answers concrete and yet more questions. In characteristic seriously unserious and unseriously serious style “Some kind of beginning“ is a tentative and extremely partial “Art is a left-wing hobby.” introduction to things otherwise not spoken about Geert Wilders or yet unspoken. A proposal of a structure of brief Fri exchange, call and response to kick off the Marathon. These have been months, years of unbelievably fast change all over the world. Uprisings in the Arabic world. Revolutions and counter-revolutionary attempts. Tim Etchells is an artist and a writer. His work shifts between performance, visual art and fiction. He has Islamistic threats and the fetishisation of Islamistic threats. Demonstrations worked in a wide variety of contexts, notably as the and repercussions in Russia, Ukraine, Belorussia … Persecution of artists – leader of the performance group Forced Entertainment. sometimes under a bright spotlight as in the cases of Pussy Riot or Ai Wei Wei, Jerry Killick is a performer and actor who has been but more often unnoticed by a broader public. The nuclear disaster in Japan. The devising and performing in about a dozen of Forced Entertainment's plays and many other productions. appearance (and disappearance?) of Occupy all over the world. The rise of the right wing in many countries – often as a side-effect of the financial devastations day that threaten the whole European project.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics and Practices of Intersectional Prefiguration in Social Movements
    Armine Ishkanian and Anita Peña Saavedra The politics and practices of intersectional prefiguration in social movements Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Ishkanian, Armine and Peña Saavedra, Anita (2018) The politics and practices of intersectional prefiguration in social movements. Sociological Review. (In Press) © 2018 The Sociological Review Publication Ltd. This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/id/eprint/90951 Available in LSE Research Online: December 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. The Politics and Practices of Intersectional Prefiguration in Social Movements By Armine Ishkanian, LSE, Department of Social Policy & Anita Peña Saavedra, LSE, Atlantic Fellows programme for Social and Economic Equity (AFSEE) and Sisters Uncut Accepted for publication in Sociological Review on 29 November 2018 Prefiguration, which emerges out of anarchism (Ince, 2012), is a politics embraced by recent anti-austerity and pro-democracy movements (Glasius & Pleyers, 2013; Tejerina, Perugorria, Benski, & Langman, 2013), as well as the alter-globalisation movement of the 1990s (Graeber, 2002; Pleyers, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Rejecting and Embracing Brands in Political Consumerism
    Rejecting and Embracing Brands in Political Consumerism Rejecting and Embracing Brands in Political Con­ sumerism Magnus Boström The Oxford Handbook of Political Consumerism Edited by Magnus Boström, Michele Micheletti, and Peter Oosterveer Print Publication Date: Feb 2019 Subject: Political Science, Political Behavior Online Publication Date: Aug 2018 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190629038.013.50 Abstract and Keywords Brands play important roles as targets and arenas for political consumerism. Much of po­ litical consumerist action navigates towards large and highly visible brands, which politi­ cal consumers reject or embrace. This chapter views a brand—the name and logo of an actor/object and their associated/recognized meanings—as a core symbolic asset of an or­ ganization. The chapter argues that such a symbolic resource brings both opportunities and risks. A brand increases its power if it is entwined in institutions, identities, everyday practices, discourses, values, and norms. Successful eco- or ethical branding can bring profits, legitimacy, and power to companies. At the same time highly visible brands are targets of negative media reporting and movement attacks, and thus they are vulnerable to reputation risks. Through a literature review, the chapter demonstrates how brands re­ late to boycott/brand rejection, buycott, discursive, and lifestyle political consumerism. The concluding discussion suggests topics for future research. Keywords: boycott, buycott, discursive, labelling, lifestyle A columnist for the New York Times recently argued that online campaigns “against brands have become one of the most powerful forces in business, giving customers a huge megaphone with which to shape corporate ethics and practices, and imperiling some of the most towering figures of media and industry.”1 Regardless if he is correct or not in his assessment of the strong power of brand-focused online activism, without a doubt brands play imperative roles as targets and arenas for political consumerism, par­ ticularly in present times.
    [Show full text]
  • Safer Spaces DELLER, Ruth A
    Safer spaces DELLER, Ruth A. <http://orcid.org/0000-0003-4935-980X> Available from Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/24485/ This document is the author deposited version. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it. Published version DELLER, Ruth A. (2019). Safer spaces. In: KINNA, Ruth and GORDON, Uri, (eds.) Routledge handbook of radical politics. New York, Routledge. Copyright and re-use policy See http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive http://shura.shu.ac.uk 2.6 SAFER SPACES Ruth A. Deller Introduction In this chapter, I explore the notions of ‘safer spaces’ – places where people from different marginalised groups can gather, speak and be resourced in safety. Safer spaces can be physical, but they are also cultural – framed by a series of boundaries, principles and practices designed to support members of the group(s) needing the safer space. I explore here some of the moti- vations and underlying principles of safer spaces, and the roles they can play in radical politics. This chapter focuses predominantly on examples relating to gender, sex, ethnicity, health and dis/ability although the cultivation of safer spaces can also include practices such as creating equality and diversity policies; providing appropriate dietary options for vegetarians, vegans, members of different faith groups and those with food allergies or other medical conditions; health and safety policies that ensure the physical safety of events and organisations, and ethics policies that ensure appropriate research and professional conduct in a variety of con- texts.
    [Show full text]