Voices of Feminism Oral History Project: Frantz, Margaret

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Voices of Feminism Oral History Project: Frantz, Margaret Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College Northampton, MA MARGE FRANTZ Interviewed by KELLY ANDERSON NOVEMBER 3-5, 2005 Santa Cruz, CA This interview was made possible with generous support from the Ford Foundation. © Sophia Smith Collection 2005 Sophia Smith Collection Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Narrator Born in Birmingham, Alabama in 1922, Marge Frantz is a lifelong activist. Introduced to radical politics and the Communist Party by her father Joe Gelders, Frantz’s activism began early, with the Young Communist League in 1935. Frantz’s Party activity ranged from selling the Daily Worker on the New York City subway to organizing the Alabama delegation to the American Youth Congress. Frantz finally left the Party in 1956, though her agitation far from ceased. She was an organizer for the United Electrical Workers, campaigned for Wallace, worked for Planned Parenthood, was a part of the free speech movement in Berkeley, and a stalwart of the peace movement. After she and husband Laurent (also a radical and former CP member) had four children, Frantz returned to college (graduating from Berkeley in 1972) and went on to a PhD from UC Santa Cruz, where she spent three decades as a celebrated and inspirational teacher. Frantz has retired from teaching, but not activism, and lives with her partner Eleanor in Santa Cruz. Interviewer Kelly Anderson (b.1969) is an educator, historian, and community activist. She has an M.A. in women’s history from Sarah Lawrence College and is a Ph.D. candidate in U.S. history at the CUNY Graduate Center. Abstract In this oral history, Frantz describes her family background in Birmingham, highlighting her father’s intellectual and political development and subsequent career in radical politics. She discusses her early days in the Popular Front and as an organizer. Frantz recalls the extensive network of friends and comrades that have made the work so engaging and sustaining. She also describes her family life in detail—her marriage to Laurent, their four children, and her partnership with Eleanor. The interview concludes with her life in Santa Cruz, both on the campus and in local organizing efforts, and her passion for teaching. Restrictions None Format Interview recorded on miniDV using Sony Digital Camcorder DSR-PDX10. Eight 60-minute tapes. Transcript Transcribed by Susan Kurka. Audited for accuracy by Cara Sharpes and edited for clarity by Revan Schendler. Transcript has been reviewed and approved by Marge Frantz. Sophia Smith Collection Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Bibliography and Footnote Citation Forms Video Recording Bibliography: Frantz, Marge. Interview by Kelly Anderson. Video recording, November 3-5, 2005. Voices of Feminism Oral History Project, Sophia Smith Collection. Footnote: Marge Frantz, interview by Kelly Anderson, video recording, November 3, 2005, Voices of Feminism Oral History Project, Sophia Smith Collection, tape 2. Transcript Bibliography: Frantz, Marge. Interview by Kelly Anderson. Transcript of video recording, November 3-5, 2005. Voices of Feminism Oral History Project, Sophia Smith Collection. Footnote: Marge Frantz, interview by Kelly Anderson, transcript of video recording, November 3, 2005, Voices of Feminism Oral History Project, Sophia Smith Collection, pp. 23–24. Sophia Smith Collection Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Marge Frantz, interviewed by Kelly Anderson Tape 1 of 8 Page 1 of 131 Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Sophia Smith Collection Smith College Northampton, MA Transcript of interview conducted November 3–5, 2005, with: MARGE FRANTZ Santa Cruz, California by: KELLY ANDERSON ANDERSON: OK. All right. So we’re going to begin. This is Kelly Anderson interviewing Marge Frantz at her home in Santa Cruz, California, on a really stunning day, November 3rd, and this is for the Sophia Smith Collection, Voices of Feminism project. So, as we talked a little bit about when I first got here, we’re going to really try to make this as full a life story as we can for a few days. So let’s start by talking about your family background, and not even your parents, because that’s a big topic, but tell me what you know about your grandparents and how your family, your German Jewish family, got to the South. FRANTZ: Right. Well, I don’t know a great deal. My impression is that on both sides, the family came in through New Orleans, but I’m not positive. I know that’s true about my mother’s family and one of her uncles stayed in New Orleans, and she has other relatives in New Orleans and one of them became a stomach specialist doctor. That’s really about all I know. ANDERSON: So it would have been her parents that came to New Orleans, do you 1:18 think? FRANTZ: I think they came in through New Orleans, but I think that a lot of them ended up in Maysville, Kentucky — certainly her mother. I do know that her father, and in fact my grandfathers on both sides arrived here in the 1870s with a large group of German immigrants, German Jewish immigrants, and they both became itinerant peddlers. They didn’t have a cent. One of them, I know, was trying to evade the draft but probably both of them, because there was a 25-year draft in those days in Germany. Both of them became itinerant peddlers and they started off with nothing, and they ended up making enough money to get a car and a horse and so forth. My father’s father settled in Birmingham, Alabama, which, in 1890, became known as the Magic City, because it grew so fast. It had the first steel mills in the South and so that was its nickname, the Magic City, and it was dominated by steel and ended up the Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company, they called it TCI, and it became a subsidiary of U.S. Steel. It was one of the two places in the whole country where Sophia Smith Collection Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Marge Frantz, interviewed by Kelly Anderson Tape 1 of 8 Page 2 of 131 there was a combination of the three things you need for making steel: coal, iron ore, and — what am I missing? A third ingredient I can’t think of. (laughs) [limestone]But in any case, the upper peninsula of Michigan is the only [other] one that has all three. So it took off and became the biggest industrial city in the South, not the largest city but the [largest] one doing basic industry. ANDERSON: So your mother was born — just to go back a little bit, just to make sure we get your family stories. Your mother was born in – FRANTZ: She was born in 1899, in Montgomery. ANDERSON: In Montgomery, OK. FRANTZ: My father’s family was in Birmingham and my mother’s family in Montgomery. My grandfather on my mother’s side ended up selling insurance. There is a substantial collection of German Jews in both of those cities, and, in fact, in every major southern city. And they were discriminated against and they were not allowed, once they made money — they were good at it, apparently, but they weren’t allowed into the country clubs. So they all organized Jewish country clubs all over the South. Every single southern city has got a Jewish country club. In fact, one of my uncles, my mother’s brother, spent his whole life as the manager of a Jewish country club in Columbus, Georgia, of all places. ANDERSON: So did you know your grandparents? 4:25 FRANTZ: Yes. ANDERSON: What are your memories of them? FRANTZ: I never knew them well. They all died — except for my maternal grandfather, they all died when I was quite young. I knew them slightly. My father adored his mother. She died when I was about 11 and I remember her. I know that Walt Whitman was her favorite poet and I know that she was attracted to some offbeat religion, I’m trying to think what it was. It was not exactly a religion. It will occur to me, I’m sorry. She was something of a forward-looking person, although her husband, my father’s father was, in his view, a tyrant. He made money. He was very good at it and he had about six businesses going at once, including department stores and restaurants and this, that, and the other, and he was very good at it, apparently. At one point my father, [my grandfather] had a small restaurant about 30 miles from Birmingham, the sort of place in those days people would drive up to for Sunday dinner. [My dad] had to get up early in the morning — I heard these stories when I was a kid — and kill, wring the necks of nearly a hundred chickens for Sunday dinner that day, or something like that. [My grandfather] always pushed my father to go Sophia Smith Collection Voices of Feminism Oral History Project Marge Frantz, interviewed by Kelly Anderson Tape 1 of 8 Page 3 of 131 into business of one kind and another and he was a hard taskmaster. My father did not like it. My father went off to MIT [Massachusetts Institute of Technology] when he was quite young and he got very little money, really not enough to manage on, and later his younger brother, you know, had fur coats at Yale and my dad was furious about it. (laughs) One of the most interesting things — my grandmother was supposed to have — my father just adored her — but my aunt [Emma] did not, was not that adoring, and later in life, when I was maybe 30 or 40, I spent a whole evening talking family with my aunt, my father’s sister, and found out that she had exactly the opposite feelings about my grandmother and grandfather, which fascinated me because it was a totally new vista.
Recommended publications
  • Finding Aid Prepared by David Kennaly Washington, D.C
    THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK AND SPECIAL COLLECTIONS DIVISION THE RADICAL PAMPHLET COLLECTION Finding aid prepared by David Kennaly Washington, D.C. - Library of Congress - 1995 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RARE BOOK ANtI SPECIAL COLLECTIONS DIVISIONS RADICAL PAMPHLET COLLECTIONS The Radical Pamphlet Collection was acquired by the Library of Congress through purchase and exchange between 1977—81. Linear feet of shelf space occupied: 25 Number of items: Approx: 3465 Scope and Contents Note The Radical Pamphlet Collection spans the years 1870-1980 but is especially rich in the 1930-49 period. The collection includes pamphlets, newspapers, periodicals, broadsides, posters, cartoons, sheet music, and prints relating primarily to American communism, socialism, and anarchism. The largest part deals with the operations of the Communist Party, USA (CPUSA), its members, and various “front” organizations. Pamphlets chronicle the early development of the Party; the factional disputes of the 1920s between the Fosterites and the Lovestoneites; the Stalinization of the Party; the Popular Front; the united front against fascism; and the government investigation of the Communist Party in the post-World War Two period. Many of the pamphlets relate to the unsuccessful presidential campaigns of CP leaders Earl Browder and William Z. Foster. Earl Browder, party leader be—tween 1929—46, ran for President in 1936, 1940 and 1944; William Z. Foster, party leader between 1923—29, ran for President in 1928 and 1932. Pamphlets written by Browder and Foster in the l930s exemplify the Party’s desire to recruit the unemployed during the Great Depression by emphasizing social welfare programs and an isolationist foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • “A Dream Deferred”: the Southern Negro Youth Congress, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the Politics of Historical Memory
    “A DREAM DEFERRED”: THE SOUTHERN NEGRO YOUTH CONGRESS, THE STUDENT NONVIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE, AND THE POLITICS OF HISTORICAL MEMORY “WHAT HAPPENS TO A DREAM DEFERRED?” —LANGSTON HUGHES When the inimitable W. E. B. Du Bois stepped to the podium in Columbia, South Carolina’s Township Auditorium late that Saturday afternoon, October 20,1946, he proudly peered out over an enthusiastic crowd. A loud speaker carried his long-awaited message to those eager to hear him yet unable to get in; the overflow had gladly assembled on the lawn outside the auditorium. On the occasion of its Seventh Annual Southern Youth Legislature, the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) was delighted to be honoring Du Bois: “the senior statesman of the American Negro’s liberation struggle, the noble and peerless patriarch of our steady climb out of slavery’s darkness into the light of full freedom.”1 Before an audience of over 2,000, Du Bois spoke prophetically of a future black freedom movement coming out of the South led by the region’s black youth, a movement that he hoped would transform the South, the nation, indeed the world. “The future of American Negroes is in the South,” Du Bois proclaimed. “I trust then that an organization like yours is going to regard the South as the battle-ground of a great crusade…. This is the firing line not simply for the emancipation of the African Negro and the Negroes of the West Indies; for the emancipation of the colored races ….” Du Bois’ stirring message ignited applause from the audience, which took his message to heart.
    [Show full text]
  • The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A
    Document généré le 1 oct. 2021 11:01 Labour Journal of Canadian Labour Studies Le Travail Revue d’Études Ouvrières Canadiennes The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A. Zumoff Volume 85, printemps 2020 Résumé de l'article Dans les premières années de la Grande Dépression, le Parti socialiste URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1070907ar américain a attiré des jeunes et des intellectuels de gauche en même temps DOI : https://doi.org/10.1353/llt.2020.0006 qu’il était confronté au défi de se distinguer du Parti démocrate de Franklin D. Roosevelt. En 1936, alors que sa direction historique de droite (la «vieille Aller au sommaire du numéro garde») quittait le Parti socialiste américain et que bon nombre des membres les plus à gauche du Parti socialiste américain avaient décampé, le parti a perdu de sa vigueur. Cet article examine les luttes internes au sein du Partie Éditeur(s) socialiste américain entre la vieille garde et les groupements «militants» de gauche et analyse la réaction des groupes à gauche du Parti socialiste Canadian Committee on Labour History américain, en particulier le Parti communiste pro-Moscou et les partisans de Trotsky et Boukharine qui ont été organisés en deux petits groupes, le Parti ISSN communiste (opposition) et le Parti des travailleurs. 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Zumoff, J. (2020). The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935. Labour / Le Travail, 85, 165–198.
    [Show full text]
  • Wisconsin Magazine of History
    (ISSN 0043-6534) WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY The State Historical Society of Wi.sconsin • Vol. 66, No. 2 • Winter, 1982-1983 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN RICHARD A. ERNEY, Director Officers WILLIAM C. KIDD, President WILSON B. THIEDE, Treasurer NEWELL G. MEYER, First Vice-President RICHARD A. ERNEY, Secretary MRS. L. PRENTICE EAGER, JR., Second Vice-President THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN is both a state agency and a private membership organization. Founded in 1846—two years before statehood—and chartered in 1853, it is the oldest American historical society to receive continuous public funding. By statute, it is charged with collecting, advancing, and disseminating knowledge of Wisconsin and of the trans-Mississippi West. The Society serves as the archive of the State of Wisconsin; it collects all manner of books, periodicals, maps, manuscripts, relics, newspapers, and aural and graphic materials as they relate to North America; it maintains a museum, library, and research facility in Madison as well as a statewide system of historic sites, school services, area research centers, and affiliated local societies; it administers a broad program of historic preservation; and publishes a wide variety of historical materials, both scholarly and popular. MEMBERSHIP in the Society is open to the public. Annual membership is |I5, or $12.50 for persons over 65 or members of afhiiated societies. Family membership is $20, or $15 for persons over 65 or members of affiliated societies. Contributing membership is $50; supporting, $100; sustaining, $200-$500;/)a/row, $500 or more. THE SOCIETY is governed by a Board of Curators which includes, ex officio, the Governor, the Secretary of State, the State Treasurer, the President of the University of Wisconsin, the President of the Society's Auxiliary, the President of the Wisconsin History Foundation, Inc., and the Chairman ofthe Administrative Committee ofthe Wisconsin Council for Local History.
    [Show full text]
  • Under Age: Redefining Legal Adulthood in 1970S America
    UNDER AGE: REDEFINING LEGAL ADULTHOOD IN 1970S AMERICA A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Timothy J. G. Cole May 2016 Examining Committee Members: Beth Bailey, Advisory Chair, Department of History, Temple University David Farber, Department of History, Temple University Bryant Simon, Department of History, Temple University Daniel Hart, External Member, Department of Psychology and Department of Childhood Studies, Rutgers University-Camden © Copyright 2015 by Timothy J. G. Cole All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT Between the late 1960s and early 1980s, state and federal lawmakers made a number of unprecedented changes to the minimum age laws that define the legal boundaries between childhood and adulthood in the United States. By altering the voting age and the legal age of majority during the early 1970s, legislators effectively lowered the legal age of adulthood from twenty-one to eighteen, and launched a broader, more wide-ranging debate over other minimum age laws that would preoccupy legislators for much of the decade that followed. These reforms can be grouped into two distinct stages. Early 1970s reforms to the voting age and age of majority placed a great deal of faith in eighteen- to twenty-year-old Americans’ ability to make mature, responsible decisions for themselves, and marked a significant departure from the traditional practice of treating young people as legal adults at the age of twenty-one. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, however, a second set of reforms revoked much of the faith that legislators had placed in the nation’s young people, raising some key minimum age limits – such as the drinking age – and expanding adults’ ability to supervise and control teenaged youth.
    [Show full text]
  • SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
    NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class.
    [Show full text]
  • Costeas-Geitonas School Model United Nations 2020
    Costeas-Geitonas School Model United Nations 2020 Committee: Youth Assembly Issue: Youth political participation as a means of bridging activism and electoral politics Student Officer: Velissarios Velissariou Position: Co-Head INTRODUCTION After the revolting and undemocratic crimes of World War II, the main objectives of the United Nations have been to reinforce the voice of civil society, fight for all fundamental human rights and promote the involvement of all age and social groups in democratic processes. For many years, it has been a challenge for every State to ensure the effective involvement of citizens in the life and decision-making of their social and political communities. Younger citizens, between the ages of 15 to 24, are considered to be one of the most politically significant age groups for two main reasons. First and foremost, young people are expected to govern a country in the future, thus, they play a very important role in a nation’s development. Secondly, younger voters tend to espouse progressive ideas and possibly believe in democratic standards more strongly than older generations. As the topic itself declares, action papers on this topic should revolve around not only encouraging the younger generation to take part in political activities, but also bringing a country’s electoral politics and activism together. Thus, young people are one of the major contributors to this supposed connection. Additionally, many of the United Nations sustainable development Figure 1: Likelihood to vote in Canada’s federal elections by age (poll)1 1 Costeas-Geitonas School Model United Nations 2020 goals concern the youth, with the ultimate one being the creation of a better world for future generations.1 However, the youth tends to show a profound amount of reluctance to take part in democratic political electoral activities, at a point it could be said that there is an ongoing crisis on young people’s civic engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Youth Congress Movement, 1934 - 1940
    Running Head: PEACE, FREEDOM AND PROGRESS: THE AMERICAN YOUTH CONGRESS MOVEMENT, 1934 - 1940 PEACE, FREEDOM, AND PROGRESS: THE AMERICAN YOUTH CONGRESS MOVEMENT, 1934 – 1940 By PATRICIA S. NOLFI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of Education Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for degree of Doctor of Education Graduate Program in Social and Philosophical Foundations of Education Written under the direction of Dr. Catherine A. Lugg Dr. James M. Giarelli Dr. Louis Ray New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2014 PEACE, FREEDOM AND PROGRESS ©2014 Patricia S. Nolfi ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii PEACE, FREEDOM AND PROGRESS Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey Graduate School of Education New Brunswick, New Jersey Announcement of Ed.D. Dissertation Defense PATRICIA S. NOLFI Peace, Freedom, and Progress: The American Youth Congress Movement, 1934-1940 Committee: Dr. Catherine A. Lugg, Dr. James M. Giarelli, Dr. Louis Ray Date: September 19, 2014 Time: 1:00 p.m. Location: Graduate School of Education, Room 011 Abstract In 1933, a young woman from New York named Viola Ilma, was concerned about the condition of youth in America. Amidst the social and economic conditions of the Great Depression, she had a vision for bringing to light the plight of youth and a means for addressing their problems. A national movement, leveraging the resources and peoplepower of youth groups from around the country, was born. The American Youth Congress (AYC) was founded in 1934 and became a major youth movement in the 1930s and the first youth organization iii PEACE, FREEDOM AND PROGRESS that would effectively take a seat at the table in addressing national public policy.
    [Show full text]
  • CALIFORNIA RED a Life in the American Communist Party
    alifornia e California Red CALIFORNIA RED A Life in the American Communist Party Dorothy Ray Healey and Maurice Isserman UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS Urbana and Chicago Illini Books edition, 1993 © 1990 by Oxford University Press, Inc., under the title Dorothy Healey Remembers: A Life in the American Communist Party Reprinted by arrangement with Oxford University Press, Inc., New York, New York Manufactured in the United States of America P54321 This book is printed on acidjree paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Healey, Dorothy. California Red : a life in the American Communist Party I Dorothy Ray Healey, Maurice Isserman. p. em. Originally published: Dorothy Healey remembers: a life in the American Communist Party: New York: Oxford University Press, 1990. Includes index. ISBN 0-252-06278-7 (pbk.) 1. Healey, Dorothy. 2. Communists-United States-Biography. I. Isserman, Maurice. II. Title. HX84.H43A3 1993 324.273'75'092-dc20 [B] 92-38430 CIP For Dorothy's mother, Barbara Nestor and for her son, Richard Healey And for Maurice's uncle, Abraham Isserman ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work is based substantially on a series of interviews conducted by the UCLA Oral History Program from 1972 to 1974. These interviews appear in a three-volume work titled Tradition's Chains Have Bound Us(© 1982 The Regents of The University of California. All Rights Reserved. Used with Permission). Less formally, let me say that I am grateful to Joel Gardner, whom I never met but whose skillful interviewing of Dorothy for Tradition's Chains Have Bound Us inspired this work and saved me endless hours of duplicated effort a decade later, and to Dale E.
    [Show full text]
  • Table of Contents
    TABLE OF CONTENTS OAH Presidential Address ................................................................................... 5 Convention Information ...................................................................................... 6 Professional Opportunities for American Historians......................................... 11 OAH Off-Site Sessions ...................................................................................... 12 OAH Committee Meetings and Related Activities ............................................ 15 Floorplan: Sheraton Centre Toronto .................................................................. 16 OAH Convention at a Glance ............................................................................ 18 1999 Program: State and Society in North America: Processes of Social Power and Social Change ........................................... 19 Schedule of Sessions and Events ....................................................................... 20 OAH Sessions .................................................................................................... 27 Index of Participants ........................................................................................ 115 OAH History.................................................................................................... 125 OAH Committees ............................................................................................ 126 OAH Awards and Prizes .................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Eleanor Roosevelt's 1939 Train Trip Through East Texas and Beyond
    East Texas Historical Journal Volume 54 Issue 2 Article 3 2016 Bound for Beaumont: Eleanor Roosevelt's 1939 Train Trip through East Texas and Beyond Mary L. Scheer Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ethj Part of the United States History Commons Tell us how this article helped you. Recommended Citation Scheer, Mary L. (2016) "Bound for Beaumont: Eleanor Roosevelt's 1939 Train Trip through East Texas and Beyond," East Texas Historical Journal: Vol. 54 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ethj/vol54/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at SFA ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in East Texas Historical Journal by an authorized editor of SFA ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Fall 2016 Bound for Beaumont: Eleanor Roosevelt's 1939 Train Trip through East Texas and Beyond BY MARY L. SCHEER Authors Note: It has long been the custom in our learned society­ the East Texas Historical Association-for the departing president to address those assembled at the annual fall meeting in Nacogdoches. This talk, presented on October 9, 20 I 5, represents a personal journey, from my research on Texas and Texas women to one more on the national stage. It is part of a larger project on Eleanor Roosevelt, who not only transformed the role of the first lady, but advocated.for social justice, equality, and peace, making her a significant.figure in her own right. Today, probably few people would associate the Ro()sevelt name, much less Eleanor Roosevelt, with East Texas or even Texas at large.
    [Show full text]
  • I N Memory of Hosea Hudson, Griot of Alabama Radicalism
    HAMMER AND HOE THE FRED W. MORRISON SERIES IN SOUTHERN STUDIES HAMMER AND HOE ALABAMA COMMUNISTS DURING THE GREAT DEPRESSION ROBIN D. G. KELLEY THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS . CHAPEL HILL AND LONDON O 1990 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kelley, Robin D. G. Hammer and hoe : Alabama Communists during the Great Depression I by Robin D. G. Kelley. p. cm.+The Fred W. Morrison series in Southern studies) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8078-1921-2 (alk. paper).-ISBN 0-80784288-5 (pbk : alk. paper) I. Communism-Alabama-History-20th century. 2. Communists- Alabama-History-20th century. 3. Depressions-l 929-Alabama. I. Title. II. Series. HX9 1 .A2K45 1 990 324.276 1 '075'09042-dc20 n memory of Hosea Hudson, griot of Alabama radicalism, Iwhose assiduous note-taking and impeccable memory made this book possible, and for Diedra Harris-Kelley, whose love, criticism, encouragement, and heroic tolerance for living in pov- erty made this book a reality . CONTENTS Preface xi Acknowledgments xvii Abbreviations xxi Prologue. Radical Genesis: Birmingham, 1870-1930 1 PART 1. THE UNDERGROUND, 1929-1935 ONE An Invisible Army: Jobs, Relief, and the Birth of a Movement 13 TWO In Egyptland: The Share Croppers' Union 34 THREE Organize or Starve!: Communists, Labor, and Antiradical Violence 57 FOUR In the Heart of the Trouble: Race, Sex, and the ILD 78 FIVE Negroes Ain' Black-But Red!: Black Communists and the Culture of Opposition 92 PART 11.
    [Show full text]