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M E T H O D O L O G I C a L a P P E N D METHODOLOGICAL APPENDIX When children of Vietnam Veterans tell their stories of the trauma of the Vietnam War, whose story are they relying upon? A related and even more problematic question also remains: are the stories they tell based on reality or some mythologized story of the past? How can I tell the difference between fact and fiction? How can I tell the difference between my interviewees’ stories and social narratives? More impor- tantly, how do these questions take my research to a productive place? In this appendix, I briefly discuss my methodology, explaining how analyzing narratives is never about isolating a nugget of truth or staking a claim on the possession of pieces of stories of the past. Analyzing nar- ratives is about recognizing the contradictory existence of two equally powerful and integral aspects of social life: the hardened structures, dominant fictions we might call them, that provide grounding upon which most of us construct our lives; and the dynamic, fluid, nearly impossible to articulate, affectual life we all live. The narratives my interviewees tell me are guided by both of these parts of social life. Some move between them more successfully than others and some depend on one far more than the other but they always recognize the existence of some larger story at work in their struggle to talk about the trauma they recognize (even at its most imperceptible level) in their fathers. This appendix is a series of meditations that explores what it means to develop a method of inquiry into traumatic impulses and the subtle transmissions of social life. As Gordon states, “method is every- thing and nothing much really” (1997, 24). It structures, limits, con- tains how we look at the data; it is the data that breathes life into the structures; it is the lifeblood of research. My data are comprised of two co-constitutive layers: the primary layer consists of the interviews I conducted with children of Vietnam 202 Methodological Appendix Veterans (COVV) and the secondary layer is a combination of selective social artifacts considering the Vietnam Veteran and Vietnam War. In the fall of 2002, I was introduced to a Vietnam Veterans organi- zation (servicing the Western New York region1) that was willing to help me initiate contact with potential subjects. The men and women belonging to this organization distributed information on my research to their sons and daughters. Within a month of my initial contact, I began receiving calls and e-mails from men and women willing to participate in my research. The positive (albeit conservative) response snowballed for me and within several months I had conducted approxi- mately 12 interviews. At the same time, the members of this organiza- tion put me in contact with several other resources that helped me do a second round of interviews beginning at the end of the summer of 2003. Through this second phase of my search for subjects I gained the remaining 13 interviewees who comprise my sample of 25 men and women. The interviews were semi-structured and lasted from one to three hours. The length of the interview was dependent upon the individual subject’s desire and ability to elaborate on the questions I asked him/ her. Specifically, the interview was divided into three sections: first, I questioned the subject’s knowledge of the Vietnam War and the ways s/he gained knowledge of the war; second, I probed the subject’s rela- tionship with his/her father, asking questions about the way he dis- cussed the war with the subject; and third, I asked the subject to talk about him/herself and what s/he thought it meant to be a child of a Vietnam Veteran. The subjects also filled out a biographical informa- tion sheet for general information about themselves as well as their knowledge of their fathers’ service in Vietnam. Each interview was recorded and later transcribed by me for analysis. In addition, specific personal details were changed and pseudonyms were given in order to protect the identity of each subject. I sought out respondents whose father served in the Vietnam War and returned home. I isolated my sample to respondents whose father returned from the war (rather than including men who were killed or missing in action) because I am interested in the intersection of inter- subjective relationships between father and child and collective memory of the Vietnam War and images of the Vietnam Veteran. The sample consisted of primarily white working/middle-class adults between the ages of 19 and 35 (see table A.1). It also was comprised of over twice the number of women than men. All the respondents had some level of college education even though their parents did not necessarily go to Methodological Appendix 203 Table A.1 Interviewee details Pseudonym Age Race Sex Marital status Occupation Samanthaa 34 White F Married Homemaker Ted 35 White M Single Manager Mark 28 White M Single Director Dominique 22 Puerto Rican F Single Student Stacey 19 White F Single Student Stanb 34 White M Married Attorney Greg 32 White M Single Director Renee 31 White F Married Yoga Instructor Tammy 27 White F Married Student/Teacher’s aide Sandy 21 White F Single Student Tricia 22 White F Single Student Pam 25 White F Single Pharmacy intern Montana 24 White F Single Student Ashley 20 White F Single Student Tara 27 White F Married Student emp. coordinator Danny 22 White M Single Educator assistant Hollyc 27 White F Single Staff assistant Jenna 20 White F Single Student/Staff supervisor Melanie 21 White F Single Student Trevor 23 White M Single Student/Personal trainer Beth 23 White F Single Student Lesley 25 Black F Married Student Linda 35 White F Married n/a Dana 22 White F Single Student/Student assistant Kelly 34 White F Married Homemaker a Samantha and Renee are sisters. b Stan and Greg are brothers. c Holly and Jenna are sisters. college. It is important to note that less than half (11) of the respondents claimed that their fathers were diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Some were not sure if their fathers had been diag- nosed while several believed that their fathers have PTSD but had not bothered to go to a mental health facility to be diagnosed and treated. NOTES Introduction The Traffic in Memories 1. Greg and Stan are brothers, who I interviewed individually. I return to these aspects of their narratives in later chapters. I introduce them here to provide an abbreviated example of the complexity of reading my subjects’ narratives. 2. Marianne Hirsch, whose research is on the Nazi Holocaust, has coined the term “postmemory” to describe the phenomenon of the absent presence of trauma for the second generation of the Holocaust in her book Family Frame: Photography, Narrative and Postmemory. “Postmemory,” Hirsch writes, “characterizes the expe- rience of those who grow up dominated by narratives that preceded their birth, whose own belated stories are evacuated by the stories of the previous genera- tion shaped by traumatic events that can be neither understood nor recreated” (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1997, 22). 3. The methodological appendix has a detailed description of the interviewees and the interview process. 1 Exploring Trauma and Memory through the Social Monad 1. I am not asserting that these concepts all carry the same meaning. Each is a com- plex concept. My point for conflating them in my research is to emphasize the relationship between individual and social memory. 2. The practice of leaving objects at The Wall has become a ritualized phenomenon. Compared to The Wailing Wall in Jerusalem, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial has become a site of commemoration with affective personal exchanges. “The Vietnam Veterans Memorial has been the subject of an extraordinary outpouring of emotion since it was built. More than 150,000 people attended its dedication ceremony, and some days as many as 20,000 people walk by its walls. The 206 Notes memorial has taken all of the trappings of Lourdes and the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem. People bring personal artifacts to leave at the wall as offerings” (Marita Sturken, Tangled Memories: The Vietnam War, the AIDS Epidemic, and the Politics of Remembering [Berkeley, University of California Press, 1997, 74]). 3. As a sociologist and psychoanalysis, Jeffrey Prager has written extensively on the intersection of social memory and psychoanalytical theory. His book, Presenting the Past, deals with the complexities involved in individual processes of memory and the importance of locating individual memory in the social and historical contexts within which their memories develop through the case study of one of his patients. He has also written about this relationship in articles such as “Lost Childhood, Lost Generations: The Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma.” His work sits alongside Barry Schwartz and Jeffrey Olick in terms of its contribu- tions to the sociological study of social memory. 4. Ann Cvetkovich has done extensive work on lesbian experiences of sexual- ity, trauma, and abuse in literature, focusing largely on the work of Dorothy Allison. The work I cite here, Archive of Feeling, provides a unique analysis of social and individual memory, as it combines literature, in-depth interviews, and historical analysis to develop a history of the AIDS activist group, ACT UP. I utilize her work in my project, because she is interested in the way personal emotions and feelings work to shape the way events are remembered and memo- ries are articulated, which is particularly important to the overall framework of my project. 5. A performance artist and activist, Lisa Kron provides important insights into alternative ways in which personal and social memory are articulated.
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