In the Wake of the Overthrow of the Haile-Selassie Regime in Ethiopia In
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An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti
Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti DISSERTATION ZUR ERLANGUNG DER GRADES DES DOKTORS DER PHILOSOPHIE DER UNIVERSTÄT HAMBURG VORGELEGT VON YASIN MOHAMMED YASIN from Assab, Ethiopia HAMBURG 2010 ii Regional Dynamics of Inter-ethnic Conflicts in the Horn of Africa: An Analysis of the Afar-Somali Conflict in Ethiopia and Djibouti by Yasin Mohammed Yasin Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree PHILOSOPHIAE DOCTOR (POLITICAL SCIENCE) in the FACULITY OF BUSINESS, ECONOMICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES at the UNIVERSITY OF HAMBURG Supervisors Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff HAMBURG 15 December 2010 iii Acknowledgments First and foremost, I would like to thank my doctoral fathers Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit and Prof. Dr. Rainer Tetzlaff for their critical comments and kindly encouragement that made it possible for me to complete this PhD project. Particularly, Prof. Jakobeit’s invaluable assistance whenever I needed and his academic follow-up enabled me to carry out the work successfully. I therefore ask Prof. Dr. Cord Jakobeit to accept my sincere thanks. I am also grateful to Prof. Dr. Klaus Mummenhoff and the association, Verein zur Förderung äthiopischer Schüler und Studenten e. V., Osnabruck , for the enthusiastic morale and financial support offered to me in my stay in Hamburg as well as during routine travels between Addis and Hamburg. I also owe much to Dr. Wolbert Smidt for his friendly and academic guidance throughout the research and writing of this dissertation. Special thanks are reserved to the Department of Social Sciences at the University of Hamburg and the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) that provided me comfortable environment during my research work in Hamburg. -
Situation Report EEPA HORN No. 59 - 18 January 2021
Situation Report EEPA HORN No. 59 - 18 January 2021 Europe External Programme with Africa is a Belgium-based Centre of Expertise with in-depth knowledge, publications, and networks, specialised in issues of peace building, refugee protection and resilience in the Horn of Africa. EEPA has published extensively on issues related to movement and/or human trafficking of refugees in the Horn of Africa and on the Central Mediterranean Route. It cooperates with a wide network of Universities, research organisations, civil society and experts from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Djibouti, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Uganda and across Africa. Reported war situation (as confirmed per 17 January) - According to Sudan Tribune, the head of the Sudanese Sovereign Council, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, disclosed that Sudanese troops were deployed on the border as per an agreement with the Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, arranged prior to the beginning of the war. - Al-Burhan told a gathering about the arrangements that were made in the planning of the military actions: “I visited Ethiopia shortly before the events, and we agreed with the Prime Minister of Ethiopia that the Sudanese armed forces would close the Sudanese borders to prevent border infiltration to and from Sudan by an armed party.” - Al-Burhan stated: "Actually, this is what the (Sudanese) armed forces have done to secure the international borders and have stopped there." His statement suggests that Abiy Ahmed spoke with him about the military plans before launching the military operation in Tigray. - Ethiopia has called the operation a “domestic law and order” action to respond to domestic provocations, but the planning with neighbours in the region on the actions paint a different picture. -
Ethiopia Country Office Humanitarian Situation Report Includes Results from Tigray Response
Ethiopia Country Office Humanitarian Situation Report Includes results from Tigray Response © UNICEF Ethiopia/2021/Nahom Tesfaye Situation in Numbers Reporting Period: May 2021 12.5 million Highlights children in need of humanitarian assistance (HNO 2021) In May, 56,354 new medical consultations were conducted in Afar, Somali and Tigray regions through the 79 UNICEF- supported Mobile Health and Nutrition Teams (MHNTs), 23.5 million 11,692 of these in Tigray through the 30 active MHNTs. people in need UNICEF reached 412,647 people in May and 2,881,630 (HNO 2021) people between January to May 2021 throughout Ethiopia with safe water for drinking, cooking, and personal hygiene 2 through the rehabilitation of non-functional water systems, 3.6 million water treatment, and water trucking; of these, 1,228,921 were internally displaced people (DTM, in Tigray 2021) Since the beginning of the Tigray crisis, UNICEF has delivered 2,352 metric tons of multi-sectoral supplies to nine 806,541 partners (including Regional Bureaus) working in the region, valued at US$ 4.6 million. registered refugees (UNHCR,31 May 2021) In May, UNICEF supported the treatment of 38,032 under 5 children with Severe Acutely Malnutrition (SAM) in Ethiopia (1,723 in Tigray); 40.6 per cent of these were in Oromia, 20.7 per cent in Somali, 15.4 percent in SNNP/Sidama, 12.7 percent in Amhara and 4.5 per cent in Tigray. A total of UNICEF Revised HAC Appeal 152,413 children in the country have been treated for SAM between January – April 2021 with UNICEF direct support 2021 -
Situation Report Last Updated: 19 Aug 2021
ETHIOPIA - TIGRAY REGION HUMANITARIAN UPDATE Situation Report Last updated: 19 Aug 2021 HIGHLIGHTS (19 Aug 2021) Humanitarian access into Tigray remains restricted to one road through Afar Region, with insecurity, extended delays with clearances, and intense search at checkpoints. One hundred trucks of food, non-food items and fuel, including at least 90 trucks of food, must enter Tigray every day to sustain assistance for at least 5.2 million people. Between 5-11 August, food partners reached more than 320,000 people under Round 1 and more than 1 million people under Round 2. Partners reached about 184,000 people with water, 10,000 children with educational programs, and The boundaries and names shown and the designations donated 10,000 textbooks in support of the school used on this map do not imply official endorsement or reopening effort. acceptance by the United Nations. © OCHA The spill over of the conflict into neighbouring Afar and Amhara regions continues to take a heavy toll on civilians. KEY FIGURES FUNDING CONTACTS Hayat Abu Saleh 5.2M 5.2M $854M $170.7M Public Information Officer People in need People targeted Requirements (May - Outstanding gap (Aug [email protected] December) - Dec) Saviano Abreu 63,110 Public Information Officer Refugees in Sudan [email protected] since 7 November BACKGROUND (19 Aug 2021) Disclaimer OCHA Ethiopia prepares this report with the support of Cluster Coordinators. The data/information collected covers the period from 10- 16 August. The dashboard data below is as of 13 August. In some cases, access and communication constraints mean that updates for the period are delayed. -
Findet Äthiopien Wege Aus Der Krise? Die Folgenden Quellen Wurden in Dem Heft Verwendet (Originale Teilweise Geringfügig Gekürzt)
DEUTSCH-ÄTHIOPISCHER VEREIN E.V. GERMAN ETHIOPIAN ASSOCIATION INFORMATIONSBLÄTTER 3/2017 Findet Äthiopien Wege aus der Krise? Die folgenden Quellen wurden in dem Heft verwendet (Originale teilweise geringfügig gekürzt) Political unrest simmering in Ethiopia ………………………………………………………… 1 Merga Yonas Bula, Deutsche Welle, 10.2.2017 Opposition parties to negotiate with EPRDF in unison ……………………………………. 3 Ethiopian News Agency ENA, 9.2.2017 Timely Ethiopian teachers’ warning against TPLF divisiveness …………………………. 3 Ethiopia Observatory, 9.2.2017 Public ultimate guarantor of nation’s peace and security ………………………………… 4 Ethiopian Reporter, Editorial, 4.2.2017 Ethiopia: A Gathering Political Storm ………………………………………………………… 5 Alem Mamo, Nazret.com 1.2.2017 Ethiopia claims success in quashing wave of anti-government unrest ………………… 6 John Aglionby, Financial Times in Addis Ababa, 1.2.2017 Ethiopia: The Slow Death of a Civilian Government and the Rise of a Military Might … 7 Addis Standard, 24.1.2017 A Wish List for Successful Opposition and Government Negotiations ……………….. 11 Solomon Gebreselassie, Ethiopian Observer, 22.1.2017 Salvaging Political Pluralism ………………………………………………………………….. 13 Asrat Seyoum, Ethiopian Reporter, 21.1.2017 Analysis: Inside the controversial EFFORT ………………………………………………. 14 Oman Uliah, Special to Addis Standard, 16.1.2017 Ethiopia: Justified Fears ………………………………………………………………………. 18 Desta Heliso, Nazret.com, 30.12.2016 Ethiopia in the eyes of a veteran scholar ………………………………………………….. 20 Ethiopian Reporter, 17.12.2016, Interview by Tibebeselassie Feeling the Pulse of the People ……………………………………………………………… 24 Ethiopian Reporter, Editorial, 10 Dec 2016, by Staff Reporter Ethiopia at a crossroads as it feels the strain of civil unrest ………………………….. 26 James Jeffrey, Irish Times, Addis Ababa, 9 December 2016 New television channels in Ethiopia may threaten state control ………………………. -
Refugee Status Appeals Authority New Zealand
REFUGEE STATUS APPEALS AUTHORITY NEW ZEALAND REFUGEE APPEAL NO 76528 AT CHRISTCHURCH Before: A R Mackey (Chairman) Counsel for the Appellant: J Mirkin Appearing for the Department of Labour: No appearance Date of Hearing: 3 August 2010 Date of Decision: 27 August 2010 DECISION [1] This is an appeal against the decision of a refugee status officer of the Refugee Status Branch (RSB) of the Department of Labour (DOL), declining the grant of refugee status to the appellant, a national of Ethiopia, of Tigrayan ethnicity. He was brought up in the Orthodox Christian faith. INTRODUCTION [2] The appellant was born in Z, Tigray, Ethiopia. In 1993, in order to avoid conscription into the Ethiopian army, he departed from Ethiopia with his stepmother after flying from Tigray to Addis Ababa and then travelling by truck to Nairobi, Kenya. Following an arranged marriage to a fellow Ethiopian who had been resettled into Australia, the appellant moved to Melbourne in May 1999. The marriage did not last. In 2003, he entered into a relationship with a New Zealand citizen, CC. Their daughter (AA) was born in New Zealand in February 2005. In May 2005, Immigration New Zealand (“INZ”) issued the appellant with a work visa to join CC on the basis of their relationship. He arrived in Dunedin in June 2005. CC and the appellant have since separated, reunited and separated again. They had a son (BB) in July 2009. The appellant had an industrial accident in May 2009 2 and subsequently his work permit was revoked by INZ. It appears he took no steps to obtain residence status on the basis of his relationships either in Australia or New Zealand. -
Amhara Claim of Western and Southern Parts of Tigray
AMHARA CLAIM OF WESTERN AND SOUTHERN PARTS OF TIGRAY By Mathza 11-26-20 We have been hearing and reading about the Amhara Regional State claim of ownership of the Welqayit, Tsegede, Qafta-Humera and Tselemti weredas (hereafter refereed to Welqayit Group) and Raya, and Amhara Regional State threats of war against TPLF/Tigray. One of the threats states “some of the Amhara elite politicians continue to beat drums, as summons to war” (watch/listen) DW TV (Amharic) - July 30, 2020. THE WELQAYIT GROUP Welkayit Amhara Identity Committee (WAIC) was formed in Gonder to return the Welqayit Group from Tigray Regional State to Amhara Regional State. The Welqayit Group was transferred to Tigray during the 1984 reconfiguration of the administrative structure of the country based on ethno-linguistical regional states (kililoch) after the Derg was defeated. It seems that the government of Eritrea has contributed to the Welqayit Group problem. According to ህግደፍንኣሸበርቲ ጉጅለታትን ብአንደበት…ቀዳማይ ክፋል (watch) the Eritrean government had trained Ethiopian oppositions and inculcated opposing views between ethnic groups in Ethiopia, particularly between Amhara and Tigray Regional States, wherever it viewed appropriate for its devilish objective of dismantling Ethiopia. The Committee recruited Tigrayans from Tigray Regional State to do its dirty work. An example is presented in a video, Tigrai Tv:መድረኽተሃድሶ ወረዳ ቃፍታ- ሑመራህዝቢ ጣብያ ዓዲ-ሕርዲ - YouTube (watch) aired on Feb 01, 2017. It shows confessions by a number of Tigrayans from Qafta-Humera who were lured and bribed by the Committee to serve its objectives. Each of them gave details of activities they participated in and carried out against their own people. -
Report on Minority Groups in Somalia
The Danish Immigration Service Ryesgade 53 DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø Phone: + 45 35 36 66 00 Website: www.udlst.dk E-mail: [email protected] Report on minority groups in Somalia Joint British, Danish and Dutch fact-finding mission to Nairobi, Kenya 17 – 24 September 2000 Report on minority groups in Somalia Table of contents 1. Background ..................................................................................................................................5 2. Introduction to sources and methodology....................................................................................6 3. Overall political developments and the security situation in Somalia.......................................10 3.1 Arta peace process in Djibouti...............................................................................................10 3.2 Transitional National Assembly (TNA) and new President ..................................................10 3.2.1 Position of North West Somalia (Somaliland)...............................................................12 3.2.2 Position of North East Somalia (Puntland)....................................................................13 3.2.3 Prospects for a central authority in Somalia ..................................................................13 3.3 Security Situation...................................................................................................................14 3.3.1 General...........................................................................................................................14 -
Ethiopia, the TPLF and Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor Paulos Milkias Marianopolis College/Concordia University
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarWorks at WMU Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU International Conference on African Development Center for African Development Policy Research Archives 8-2001 Ethiopia, The TPLF and Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor Paulos Milkias Marianopolis College/Concordia University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/africancenter_icad_archive Part of the African Studies Commons, and the Economics Commons WMU ScholarWorks Citation Milkias, Paulos, "Ethiopia, The TPLF nda Roots of the 2001 Political Tremor" (2001). International Conference on African Development Archives. Paper 4. http://scholarworks.wmich.edu/africancenter_icad_archive/4 This Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Center for African Development Policy Research at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Conference on African Development Archives by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ETHIOPIA, TPLF AND ROOTS OF THE 2001 * POLITICAL TREMOR ** Paulos Milkias Ph.D. ©2001 Marianopolis College/Concordia University he TPLF has its roots in Marxist oriented Tigray University Students' movement organized at Haile Selassie University in 1974 under the name “Mahber Gesgesti Behere Tigray,” [generally T known by its acronym – MAGEBT, which stands for ‘Progressive Tigray Peoples' Movement’.] 1 The founders claim that even though the movement was tactically designed to be nationalistic it was, strategically, pan-Ethiopian. 2 The primary structural document the movement produced in the late 70’s, however, shows it to be Tigrayan nationalist and not Ethiopian oriented in its content. -
The Role of Ideology in Revolutionary Terror: Comparisons of the French, Russian and Ethiopian Experiences
International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) ISSN (Online): 2319-7064 Index Copernicus Value (2013): 6.14 | Impact Factor (2015): 6.391 The Role of Ideology in Revolutionary Terror: Comparisons of the French, Russian and Ethiopian Experiences Tsegaye Zeleke PhD candidate in History at University of South Africa Abstract: Events unfolded during the French Revolution immensely impacted on the ensuing political struggles across the globe. The Terror which took place in Russia and Ethiopia following the 1917 and 1974 Revolutions respectively were among the classic instances. This paper, therefore, attempts to encapsulate how ideology played a pivotal role in the ‘Revolutionary Terror’ orchestrated by the Jacobins in France, the Bolsheviks in Russia and by the Ethiopian Revolutionary forces. But one of the specific features of the Russian Revolution was the recurrent and extensive use of Terror. Yet among the waves of Terror unfolded in Russia, the first one (1918-21) is a classical revolutionary Terror akin to that of the Jacobins. Likewise the Terror that occurred in Ethiopia ostensibly from 1976 to 1978 under the leadership of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam is also akin to this wave of the Bolsheviks Terror. Hence, as indicated hereinabove, the paper compares the three revolutionary Terrors based on the roles of ideology as idiosyncrasy from which terror emanated. Keywords: Revolutionary Terror, Ideology, France, Russia, Ethiopia 1. Ideological Basis of the Terror It seems that the Jacobins of France were the first Revolutionaries who carried out Revolutionary Terror that Although ―the Terror‖ can be defined in many ways, here it had far reaching repercussions. Scholars do not agree on the refers above all to state policy during the period 1793– factors that precipitated the Jacobins Terror (1793-94). -
“The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited in Knowledge He Sought Years Idol Masses
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY on A us strateGIC vision in A CHANGING WORLD “The Sorrows of Egypt,” Revisited SAMUEL TADROS The sorrow of Egypt is made of entirely different material: the steady decline of its public life, the inability of an autocratic regime and of the middle class from which this regime issues to rid the country of its dependence on foreign handouts, to transmit to the vast underclass the skills needed for the economic competition of nations; to take the country beyond its endless alternations between glory and self-pity. (Fouad Ajami, “The Sorrows of Egypt”) In his authoritative 1995 essay “The Sorrows of Egypt,”1 Fouad Ajami, with the knowledge and experience of someone who had known Egypt intimately, and the spirit and pen of a poet who had come to love the place, attempted to delve deeply into what ailed the ancient land. The essay moved masterfully from the political to the social and Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism from the religious to the economic, weaving an exquisite tapestry of a land of sorrows. This was not the first time that Ajami had approached Egypt. The country his generation had grown up knowing was the Egypt of promise and excitement, where Gamal Abdel Nasser’s towering presence and deep voice had captivated millions of Arabic speakers. Ajami had been one of those young men. He had made the pilgrimage to Damascus, watching and cheering as Nasser made his triumphant entry into the city in 1958, crowned as the idol of the Arabs by adoring masses. -
Interpreting Sanctions in Africa and Southeast Asia
IRE0010.1177/0047117815600934Hellquist<italic>International Relations</italic>International Relations 600934research-article2015 CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Institutional Repository of the Freie Universität Berlin Article International Relations 2015, Vol. 29(3) 319 –333 Interpreting sanctions in © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: Africa and Southeast Asia sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0047117815600934 ire.sagepub.com Elin Hellquist Free University of Berlin and Stockholm University Abstract The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were both born to stabilise vulnerable state borders by practising non-interference in domestic affairs. Today, the OAU’s successor, the African Union (AU), uses sanctions against unconstitutional changes of government, while ASEAN continues to rule out any collective punitive action against members. To explain these divergent trajectories, this article first shows how different traditions produced different ways of engaging with sanctions in the early formative cases of South Africa and Vietnam. Thereafter, it examines how these traditions were selectively re-thought when confronted with the dilemmas of international sanctions against Libya and Myanmar. The interpretive approach enables a nuanced account of continuity and change in beliefs about sanctions. The AU’s sanctions doctrine has updated rather than broken with a traditional interpretation of non-interference. For ASEAN, the longstanding tradition of informality – and not strict adherence to non-interference – has continued to rule out regional sanctions. Keywords African Union, ASEAN, comparative regionalism, non-interference, Organization of African Unity, sanctions Regional cooperation in Africa and Southeast Asia began with a similar aim: to protect the sovereignty of vulnerable postcolonial states.