Trajectories of Change: Challenge and Transformation in the Wake of the Arab Spring
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Country of Origin Information Report Syria June 2021
Country of origin information report Syria June 2021 Page 1 of 102 Country of origin information report Syria | June 2021 Publication details City The Hague Assembled by Country of Origin Information Reports Section (DAF/AB) Disclaimer: The Dutch version of this report is leading. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands cannot be held accountable for misinterpretations based on the English version of the report. Page 2 of 102 Country of origin information report Syria | June 2021 Table of contents Publication details ............................................................................................2 Table of contents ..........................................................................................3 Introduction ....................................................................................................5 1 Political and security situation .................................................................... 6 1.1 Political and administrative developments ...........................................................6 1.1.1 Government-held areas ....................................................................................6 1.1.2 Areas not under government control. ............................................................... 11 1.1.3 COVID-19 ..................................................................................................... 13 1.2 Armed groups ............................................................................................... 13 1.2.1 Government forces ....................................................................................... -
The Crisis in Libya
APRIL 2011 ISSUE BRIEF # 28 THE CRISIS IN LIBYA Ajish P Joy Introduction Libya, in the throes of a civil war, now represents the ugly facet of the much-hyped Arab Spring. The country, located in North Africa, shares its borders with the two leading Arab-Spring states, Egypt and Tunisia, along with Sudan, Tunisia, Chad, Niger and Algeria. It is also not too far from Europe. Italy lies to its north just across the Mediterranean. With an area of 1.8 million sq km, Libya is the fourth largest country in Africa, yet its population is only about 6.4 million, one of the lowest in the continent. Libya has nearly 42 billion barrels of oil in proven reserves, the ninth largest in the world. With a reasonably good per capita income of $14000, Libya also has the highest HDI (Human Development Index) in the African continent. However, Libya’s unemployment rate is high at 30 percent, taking some sheen off its economic credentials. Libya, a Roman colony for several centuries, was conquered by the Arab forces in AD 647 during the Caliphate of Utman bin Affan. Following this, Libya was ruled by the Abbasids and the Shite Fatimids till the Ottoman Empire asserted its control in 1551. Ottoman rule lasted for nearly four centuries ending with the Ottoman defeat in the Italian-Ottoman war. Consequently, Italy assumed control of Libya under the Treaty of 1 Lausanne (1912). The Italians ruled till their defeat in the Second World War. The Libyan constitution was enacted in 1949 and two years later under Mohammed Idris (who declared himself as Libya’s first King), Libya became an independent state. -
Officials Say Flynn Discussed Sanctions
Officials say Flynn discussed sanctions The Washington Post February 10, 2017 Friday, Met 2 Edition Copyright 2017 The Washington Post All Rights Reserved Distribution: Every Zone Section: A-SECTION; Pg. A08 Length: 1971 words Byline: Greg Miller;Adam Entous;Ellen Nakashima Body Talks with Russia envoy said to have occurred before Trump took office National security adviser Michael Flynn privately discussed U.S. sanctions against Russia with that country's ambassador to the United States during the month before President Trump took office, contrary to public assertions by Trump officials, current and former U.S. officials said. Flynn's communications with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak were interpreted by some senior U.S. officials as an inappropriate and potentially illegal signal to the Kremlin that it could expect a reprieve from sanctions that were being imposed by the Obama administration in late December to punish Russia for its alleged interference in the 2016 election. Flynn on Wednesday denied that he had discussed sanctions with Kislyak. Asked in an interview whether he had ever done so, he twice said, "No." On Thursday, Flynn, through his spokesman, backed away from the denial. The spokesman said Flynn "indicated that while he had no recollection of discussing sanctions, he couldn't be certain that the topic never came up." Officials said this week that the FBI is continuing to examine Flynn's communications with Kislyak. Several officials emphasized that while sanctions were discussed, they did not see evidence that Flynn had an intent to convey an explicit promise to take action after the inauguration. Flynn's contacts with the ambassador attracted attention within the Obama administration because of the timing. -
A Creative Spring: North African Cultural Productions and the Transition
A creative Spring: North African cultural productions and the transition Cleo Jay, PhD candidate at SOAS, Near and Middle East department Abstract: 2011 has indisputably been a year of great change for North Africans, and the Arab Spring has been an inspiration for a wide range of cultural productions, from paintings to theatre plays. Artist in various in countries used art to reflect and gain hindsight on the events surrounding them: an interesting example in “Stone from Tahrir Square” by Ashraf Foda, who collected stones discarded by protesters and asked various important figures to sign them, dealing with issues around political activism and memory. The Revolutions have also led to a greater freedom of expression, enabling artists to address issues previously considered taboos. I will look in particular at how theatre is used as an interactive forum for political debates, and I will work on a comparative basis. Theatre acts as a “mirror” for society, through which the youth can reflect on its issues and its hopes, and recent plays served as a “prelude” to the Arab Spring, by expressing the youth’s disillusion and disenfranchisement and focusing on relevant themes such as suicide, women’s rights or corruption of the authorities. I will focus in particular on Morocco, a country who has managed to start a peaceful transition and has introduced a large number of reforms in the last ten years, and compare it to Egypt and Tunisia, who got rid of their oppressive leaders through violent demonstrations. 1 Introduction Over the last 18 months since young Tunisian Mohammed Bouazizi set himself alight in a revolt against government violence, corruption and poverty, much has changed in North Africa: leaders have fallen, the people have taken up to the streets and organized new elections, and at last they have been able to make democratic choices. -
'The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings' Jillian Schwedler
1 From Street Mobilization to Political Mobilization September 1-2, 2012- Skhirat, Morocco ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings’ Jillian Schwedler 1 2 The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings Jillian Schwedler Like many major events in world politics—such as the outbreak of World War I or the fall of the Soviet Union—the Arab uprisings that began in late 2010 may have taken much of the world by surprise, but that does not mean that they came out of nowhere. In the way that the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand is said to have started World War I, the Arab uprisings are now commonly said to have begun with the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamad Bouazizi on December 17, 2010. Protests then spread throughout Tunisia within weeks, culminating in the resignation of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. From there, the revolutionary spirit spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, seeing serious challenges to repressive regimes that just months earlier appeared as stable as they had been for decades. But of course the story is not so simple. In Tunisia, at least two other citizens had self-immolated in the months before Bouazizi, and yet those brutal deaths sparked nothing. In Egypt, protests and demonstrations had been escalating almost steadily since at least 2004, notably as more than a million organized laborers participated in strikes and marchers that brought portions of the country to a standstill (Beinin and el-Hamalawy 2007). The 2011 protests may have escalated to revolutionary proportions unexpectedly, but they did not emerge out of thin air. -
Development and Democracy in the Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011
The Process of Revolutionary Protest: Development and Democracy in the Tunisian Revolution of 2010-2011 Christopher Barrie August 9, 2018 Abstract Research on democratic revolution treats revolutionary protest, and revolutionary protest participation, as unitary events. This conceptualization is at odds with how `revolutionary' protest often unfolds|protest does not begin life as democratic or revo- lutionary but grows in a process of positive feedback, incorporating new constituencies and generating new demands. Using an original event catalogue of protest during the twenty-nine days of the Tunisian Revolution (n=631), alongside survey data, I show that the correlates of protest occurrence and participation can change significantly over the course of a revolution. The effect of economic development on protest occur- rence reverses sign, while a commitment to democracy is a substantive predictor of protest participation only at the close of the revolution. Methodologically, the findings demonstrate the potential for faulty inference in the absence of proper disaggregation. Theoretically, they provide support for an understanding of revolution as process, and point to the endogenous emergence of democratic demands. 1 1 Introduction Mass mobilization for democracy has become a central part of theoretical and empirical work on democratization. Current empirical work commonly treats revolutionary protest, or revolutionary protest participation, as discrete, unitary events amenable to cross-sectional forms of analysis. A separate body of work, particular to the formal modelling tradition, incorporates elements of endogeneity and process but assumes common thresholds governing participation dynamics, thereby again conceiving of revolutionary protest as unitary. In this article I propose that this ontology is wrongheaded; protest is rarely revolutionary at its onset and the goals and orienting demands of protest waves can be generated in the context of contention. -
Does Policy Lead Media Coverage?
Does Policy Lead Mainstream Media? How Sources Framed the 2011 Egyptian Protests by Kristen E. Grimmer Submitted to the William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communication and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science ________________________________________ Scott Reinardy Associate Professor Chairperson Committee Members# ________________________________________* Barbara Barnett Associate Dean for Undergraduate Studies _______________________________________* Doug Ward Associate Professor Date defended: ___04/09/2012________ ii The Thesis Committee for (Kristen E. Grimmer) certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: Does Policy Lead Mainstream Media? How Sources Framed the 2011 Egyptian Conflict Committee: ____________________________ Scott Reinardy, Associate Professor Chairperson* Barbara Barnett, Associate Dean Doug Ward, Associate Professor Date approved: __05/01/2012__ iii Abstract This study uses a quantitative content analysis to determine the framing used by U.S. mainstream newspapers in media coverage of the 2011 Egyptian protests. The study examined 153 stories from The New York Times and The Washington Post. The study focuses on how sources framed the protests, former President Hosni Mubarak, and the effects the protests had on both Egypt and the United States. The analysis reveals that the viewpoints of U.S. official sources were overrepresented in news coverage and framed the conflict overall in a neutral -
Seminar: Arab Democratic Spring of 2011 INAF 415F (4 Credits)
Rollins College Hamilton Holt School Spring 2013 Seminar: Arab Democratic Spring of 2011 INAF 415F (4 credits) Professor: !Stephen Day!!!!!E-mail: ! [email protected] Location:!Cornell 134!!!!!Cell phone: !(407) 284-7787 Time:!!Thursday, 6:45 - 9:15 pm!! ! At the start of 2011, Tunisia, Egypt, and other states of the “Arab world,” stretching from north Africa to the Middle East, suddenly experienced mass uprisings to bring down old authoritarian regimes and institute popular rule. In international affairs, it had long been speculated that Arab Muslim countries were immune to demands for democracy. Unlike the democratic revolutions that swept eastern Europe in the late 1980s and 1990s, as well as parts of Asia, Latin America, and a few countries of sub-Saharan Africa since the 1970s, the “Arab world” was not expected to cast off autocratic rule. There were many reasons for this lack of expectation of what played out dramatically on the streets of Tunis, Cairo, and other major cities, and we begin the semester by explaining why. In addition, we will examine general theories about social movements and revolutions around the world. As the semester proceeds, our aim is to draw firm conclusions about the “democratic potential” of the 2011 Arab Spring. Since our course deals with a contemporary subject matter, which is still evolving in each of the states caught in the Arab Spring, we will build many of our research conclusions together as a team of investigators, relying on our course text books as well as internet sources. During the semester, we will examine six main countries: Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, and Syria, following sequentially the order in which these countries rode the continuous waves of dramatic street protests. -
Wye River Memorandum: a Transition to Final Peace Justus R
Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 24 Article 1 Number 1 Fall 2000 1-1-2000 Wye River Memorandum: A Transition to Final Peace Justus R. Weiner Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Justus R. Weiner, Wye River Memorandum: A Transition to Final Peace, 24 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 1 (2000). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol24/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Wye River Memorandum: A Transition to Final Peace? BY JusTus R. WEINER* Table of Contents Introduction ...........................................................................................2 I. Inception of the Wye River Memorandum .................................5 A. The Memorandum's Position in the Peace Process ............. 5 B. The Terms Agreed Upon ........................................................8 1. The Wye River Memorandum and Related Letters from the United States .....................................................8 2. The Intricate "Time Line".............................................. 9 -
Tunisian Rap Music and the Arab Spring: Revolutionary Anthems and PostRevolutionary Tendencies
Orient-Institut Studies 2 (2013) Ines Dallaji Tunisian Rap Music and the Arab Spring: Revolutionary Anthems and Post-Revolutionary Tendencies <1> After the emergence of the so-called Arab spring in 2011, Tunisian rap music became a subject of great interest to the public and the media. This was due above all to El Général, a young rap artist from the Tunisian city of Sfax, and the success of his song Ṛayīs li-Blād (Head of State).1 Apart from El Général, who received a lot of attention from the media because of his contribution to the revolution, the most frequently mentioned Tunisian rap artist was Balṭ i, one of the pioneers of Tunisian rap and the country©s most famous rapper before the revolution. These two rappers were compared and presented as opponents in many articles and blogs. El Général had become famous for his criticism of Ben Ali, whereas Balṭ i was reported to have been loyal to the former regime, enjoying the support of Ben Ali and his entourage. Some journalists and bloggers even claimed that Balṭ i was replaced by El Général as Tunisia©s most famous rapper because he had not published any revolutionary sound messages that were as groundbreaking and influential as the songs published by El Général shortly before and during the Tunisian revolution.2 El Général's and Balṭi's Revolutionary Output <2> El Général©s main revolutionary output consists of three songs. The first and most famous is the above-mentioned Ṛayīs li-Blād that not only became the anthem of the Tunisian revolution, but also entered the revolutionary soundtrack of other Arab countries like Egypt. -
Reporting, and General Mentions Seem to Be in Decline
CYBER THREAT ANALYSIS Return to Normalcy: False Flags and the Decline of International Hacktivism By Insikt Group® CTA-2019-0821 CYBER THREAT ANALYSIS Groups with the trappings of hacktivism have recently dumped Russian and Iranian state security organization records online, although neither have proclaimed themselves to be hacktivists. In addition, hacktivism has taken a back seat in news reporting, and general mentions seem to be in decline. Insikt Group utilized the Recorded FutureⓇ Platform and reports of historical hacktivism events to analyze the shifting targets and players in the hacktivism space. The target audience of this research includes security practitioners whose enterprises may be targets for hacktivism. Executive Summary Hacktivism often brings to mind a loose collective of individuals globally that band together to achieve a common goal. However, Insikt Group research demonstrates that this is a misleading assumption; the hacktivist landscape has consistently included actors reacting to regional events, and has also involved states operating under the guise of hacktivism to achieve geopolitical goals. In the last 10 years, the number of large-scale, international hacking operations most commonly associated with hacktivism has risen astronomically, only to fall off just as dramatically after 2015 and 2016. This constitutes a return to normalcy, in which hacktivist groups are usually small sets of regional actors targeting specific organizations to protest regional events, or nation-state groups operating under the guise of hacktivism. Attack vectors used by hacktivist groups have remained largely consistent from 2010 to 2019, and tooling has assisted actors to conduct larger-scale attacks. However, company defenses have also become significantly better in the last decade, which has likely contributed to the decline in successful hacktivist operations. -
Social Media and Power Relations During the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia
Social Media and Power Relations during the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia Taylor R. Genovese Please cite as: Genovese, Taylor R. 2015. Social Media and Power Relations during the Arab Spring Revolutions with Comparative Focus on Egypt and Tunisia. Unpublished MS, School of Anthropology, The University of Arizona. doi: 10.13140/RG. 2.1.1860.8806 INTRODUCTION & A BRIEF DISCUSSION ON ORGANIZATION This paper has grown out of an earlier work that I completed as an undergraduate anthropology student. In 2011, I wrote a more journalistic and speculative paper on the Arab Spring Revolutions as they were unfolding and hypothesized that unrest in the Middle East contributed to the Occupy Wall Street Movement in the United States. I argued that the reason this quick transfer of revolutionary theory was possible was due to the utilization of social media sites—the first time that social media was used to such a large scale for revolutionary activity. The first section of this paper utilizes my original paper from 2011. This section provides a brief historical account of what happened in Egypt and Tunisia as well as some basic principles for how social scientists look at—and analyze—the transfer of information through social media. The second section of this paper is mostly an analysis of what happened. It applies several theories of change and offers a comparison between the revolutions of Egypt and Tunisia; the former falling back into a regime similar to when Mubarak ruled and the latter having a relative success story. SECTION 1 — The Egyptian Uprising in 2011 Genovese 4 THE MATCH THAT STRUCK THE FLAME OF REVOLUTION On December 17, 2010, a man in Tunisia set himself on fire.