Analysis of Covid-19 Media Coverage
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The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 30, Nr 2, 2000. http://scientiamilitaria.journals.ac.za The Quest for Liberation in South Africa: Contending Visions and Civil Strife, Diaspora and Transition to an Emerging Democracy Ian Liebenberg Introduction: Purpose of this contribution To write an inclusive history of liberation and transition to democracy in South Africa is almost impossible. To do so in the course of one paper is even more demanding, if not daunting. Not only does "the liberation struggle" in South Africa in its broadest sense span more than a century. It also saw the coming and going of movements, the merging and evolving of others and a series of principled and/or pragmatic pacts in the process. The author is attempting here to provide a rather descriptive (and as far as possible, chronological) look at and rudimentary outline to the main organisational levels of liberation in South Africa since roughly the 1870' s. I will draw on my own 2 work in the field lover the past fifteen years as well as other sources • A wide variety of sources and personal experiences inform this contribution, even if they are not mentioned here. Also needless to say, one's own subjectivities may arise - even if an attempt is made towards intersubjecti vity. This article is an attempt to outline and describe the organisations (and where applicable personalities) in an inclusive and descriptive research approach in See Liebenberg (1990), ldeologie in Konjlik, Emmerentia: Taurus Uitgewers; Liebenberg & Van der Merwe (1991), Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van Apartheid, Joernaal vir Eietydse Geskiedenis, vol 16(2): 1-24; Liebenberg (1994), Resistance by the SANNC and the ANC, 1912 - 1960, in Liebenberg et al (Eds.) The Long March: The Story of the Struggle for Liberation in South Africa. -
Mother Tongue Education: a Case Study of Grade Three Children
MOTHER TONGUE EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY OF GRADE THREE CHILDREN By MARTHA KHOSA A dissertation submitted as partial fulfillment for the MASTERS DEGREE IN EDUCATION in Educational Linguistics in the Faculty of Education at the University of Johannesburg Supervisor: Dr. L. Kajee 2012 i DECLARATION I declare that this research paper is my own unaided work. It is submitted for the degree of Masters in Educational Linguistics at the University of Johannesburg. It has not been submitted before for any other degree or examination at any other University. Signed: ……………………………………………… Date: ………………………………………………… ii DEDICATION I dedicate this dissertation to my: • Dear husband Phineas Khosa for his continuous support and encouragement. • Two children, Vincent and Rose for being so understanding and patient throughout my studies. • Mother, Sarah Nomvela for her prayers and support during every step of my studies. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to acknowledge and thank the following people for their contributions: Dr Leila Kajee, my supervisor, for all her encouragement, wisdom, patience and guidance as well as for reading through my numerous drafts with insight and giving helpful suggestions. All the learners and parents, for all their time, interest and information, especially those that I interviewed. Gail Tshimbane, for conducting the Grade 3 lessons and for her unwavering support throughout the research project. The Limpopo Department of Education, for permitting me to conduct my research at the foundation phase school in the area of Khujwana under Mopani district. My family, especially my partner in life, Phineas, and my two children, Vincent and Rose for the support and understanding. Above all, I thank God almighty who has endowed me with the wisdom, ability, competence, motivation and persistence, despite all the challenges to successfully complete this study. -
South Africa Political Snapshot New ANC President Ramaphosa’S Mixed Hand Holds Promise for South Africa’S Future
South Africa Political Snapshot New ANC President Ramaphosa’s mixed hand holds promise for South Africa’s future South Africa’s ruling party, the African National Congress, yesterday (20 December) concluded its 54th National Conference at which it elected a new leadership. South African Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa was announced the ANC’s new leader against a backdrop of fast-deteriorating investor confidence in the country. The new team will likely direct the ANC’s leadership of the country for the next five years and beyond. Mr Ramaphosa’s victory is not complete. The election results have been the closest they have been of any ANC leadership election in recent times. The results for the top six leaders of the ANC (Deputy President, National Chairperson, Secretary-General, Treasurer-General and Deputy Secretary-General) and the 80-member National Executive Committee (NEC - the highest decision-making body of the party between conferences) also represent a near 50-50 composition of the two main factions of the ANC. Jacob Zuma, Mr Ramaphosa’s predecessor, still retains the presidency of South Africa’s government (the next general election is still 18 months away). It enables Mr Zuma to state positions difficult for the new ANC leadership to find clawback on, and to leverage whatever is left of his expanded patronage network where it remains in place. A pointed reminder of this was delivered on the morning the ANC National Conference commenced, when President Zuma committed the government to provide free tertiary education for students from homes with combined incomes of below R600 000 – an commitment termed unaffordable by an expansive judicial investigation, designed to delay his removal from office and to paint him as a victim in the event it may be attempted. -
EB145 Opt.Pdf
E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (212) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 S A #145 21 february 1994 _SU_N_D_AY-.::..:20--:FEB:.=:..:;R..:..:U..:..:AR:..:.Y:.....:..:.1994::...::.-_---.". ----'-__THE OBSERVER_ Ten weeks before South Africa's elections, a race war looks increasingly likely, reports Phillip van Niekerk in Johannesburg TOKYO SEXWALE, the Afri In S'tanderton, in the Eastern candidate for the premiership of At the meeting in the Pretoria Many leading Inkatha mem can National Congress candidate Transvaal, the white town coun Natal. There is little doubt that showgrounds three weeks ago, bers have publicly and privately for the office of premier in the cillast Wednesday declared itself Natal will fall to the ANC on 27 when General Constand Viljoen, expressed their dissatisfaction at Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Veree part of an independent Boer April, which explains Buthelezi's head ofthe Afrikaner Volksfront, Inkatha's refusal to participate in niging province, returned shaken state, almost provoking a racial determination to wriggle out of was shouted down while advo the election, and could break from a tour of the civil war in conflagration which, for all the having to fight the dection.~ cating the route to a volkstaat not away. Angola last Thursday. 'I have violence of recent years, the At the very least, last week's very different to that announced But the real prize in Natal is seen the furure according to the country not yet experienced. concessions removed any trace of by Mandela last week, the im Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu right wing,' he said, vividly de The council's declaration pro a legitimate gripe against the new pression was created that the king and Buthelezi's nephew. -
Caught Between a Rock and Hard Place the State of Play for South Africa’S Beleaguered Development State
11 / 2009 Caught between a rock and hard place The state of play for South Africa’s beleaguered development state Saliem Fakir A brief introduction to the politics financial crisis has brought about an interregnum in The post-Polokwane period heralded a new economic policy thinking. era for the ANC. It hasn’t been called as such but This despite the fact that the Zuma era comes with an internal coup and revolution did take place. a greater emphasis for a developmental state and more For many it brought fears of political and intervention within the economy. economic uncertainty. Zuma had the taint of All the talk of budget restraint and deficits is corruption tagged upon him long before he got forcing a movement to the centre rather than the elected as president. left. It has become a useful excuse to beat leftist The pre-Polokwane era had a distinct etch on tendencies from within the alliance partners. the framing of the economy and the Zuma era was One can always revert to the status quo by saying expected to take a left turn. However, any concrete prudence is needed in the face of a global evdence of this is still to be seen. financial meltdown. Zuma’s rise to power was facilitated through Nonetheless, there is no real policy that one can concerted support from the ANC’s left-leaning distinctly point to for South Africa – a point which alliance partners – the South African Communist will be discussed in further detail later. Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). -
From SAA Bailout Critics | Citypress Public Enterprises Minister Pr
Gordhan shocked by ‘lack of insight, financial literacy’ from SAA bailout critics | Citypress Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has slammed any critics of the latest bailout for the ailing SAA, taking particular aim at the DA. 2020-10-29 05:45:00 PM Source City Press Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has slammed any critics of the latest bailout for the ailing SAA, taking particular aim at the DA. Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has welcomed the government’s commitment to provide R10.5 billion to be used to finalise the business rescue plan and restructuring of South African Airways. Public Enterprises Minister Pravin Gordhan has welcomed the government’s commitment to provide R10.5 billion to be used to finalise the business rescue plan and restructuring of South African Airways (SAA).In a statement on Thursday, Gordhan slammed any critics of the latest bailout for the ailing airline, taking particular aim at the DA. “The minister is shocked and disappointed with the DA, other parties and some analysts’ lack of insight, financial literacy and understanding of governance processes. Worse, the DA ignores the suffering of SAA employees and the threat of losing their jobs,” the department said. “In order to hide their knowledge of the aviation sector and its economics, the DA and their partners manipulate facts to fabricate false ideas about SAA.”Read:Treasury defends airline bailout as state seeks partnersThe ministry said it believed the completion of the business rescue process was the only path to a viable and sustainable national carrier – one which supports job preservation and the ability to bring the airline back from the brink of collapse to a position where employees, suppliers and business partners could continue to contribute to the economy. -
The New Cabinet
Response May 30th 2019 The New Cabinet President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet contains quite a number of bold and unexpected appointments, and he has certainly shifted the balance in favour of female and younger politicians. At the same time, a large number of mediocre ministers have survived, or been moved sideways, while some of the most experienced ones have been discarded. It is significant that the head of the ANC Women’s League, Bathabile Dlamini, has been left out – the fact that her powerful position within the party was not enough to keep her in cabinet may be indicative of the President’s growing strength. She joins another Zuma loyalist, Nomvula Mokonyane, on the sidelines, but other strong Zuma supporters have survived. Lindiwe Zulu, for example, achieved nothing of note in five years as Minister of Small Business Development, but has now been given the crucial portfolio of social development; and Nathi Mthethwa has been given sports in addition to arts and culture. The inclusion of Patricia de Lille was unforeseen, and it will be fascinating to see how, as one of the more outspokenly critical opposition figures, she works within the framework of shared cabinet responsibility. Ms de Lille has shown herself willing to change parties on a regular basis and this appointment may presage her absorbtion into the ANC. On the other hand, it may also signal an intention to experiment with a more inclusive model of government, reminiscent of the ‘government of national unity’ that Nelson Mandela favoured. During her time as Mayor of Cape Town Ms de Lille emphasised issues of spatial planning and land-use, and this may have prompted Mr Ramaphosa to entrust her with management of the Department of Public Works’ massive land and property holdings. -
12-Politcsweb-Going-Off-The-Rails
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/going-off-the-rails--irr Going off the rails - IRR John Kane-Berman - IRR | 02 November 2016 John Kane-Berman on the slide towards the lawless South African state GOING OFF THE RAILS: THE SLIDE TOWARDS THE LAWLESS SOUTH AFRICAN STATE SETTING THE SCENE South Africa is widely recognised as a lawless country. It is also a country run by a government which has itself become increasingly lawless. This is so despite all the commitments to legality set out in the Constitution. Not only is the post–apartheid South Africa founded upon the principle of legality, but courts whose independence is guaranteed are vested with the power to ensure that these principles are upheld. Prosecuting authorities are enjoined to exercise their functions “without fear, favour, or prejudice”. The same duty is laid upon other institutions established by the Constitution, among them the public protector and the auditor general. Everyone is endowed with the right to “equal protection and benefit of the law”. We are all also entitled to “administrative action that is lawful, reasonable, and procedurally fair”. Unlike the old South Africa – no doubt because of it – the new Rechtsstaat was one where the rule of law would be supreme, power would be limited, and the courts would have the final say. This edifice, and these ideals, are under threat. Lawlessness on the part of the state and those who run it is on the increase. The culprits run from the president down to clerks of the court, from directors general to immigration officials, from municipal managers to prison warders, from police generals to police constables, from cabinet ministers to petty bureaucrats. -
Section 3: China's Strategic Aims in Africa
SECTION 3: CHINA’S STRATEGIC AIMS IN AFRICA Key Findings • Beijing has long viewed African countries as occupying a cen- tral position in its efforts to increase China’s global influence and revise the international order. Over the last two decades, and especially under General Secretary of the Chinese Com- munist Party (CCP) Xi Jinping’s leadership since 2012, Beijing has launched new initiatives to transform Africa into a testing ground for the export of its governance system of state-led eco- nomic growth under one-party, authoritarian rule. • Beijing uses its influence in Africa to gain preferential access to Africa’s natural resources, open up markets for Chinese exports, and enlist African support for Chinese diplomatic priorities on and beyond the continent. The CCP flexibly tailors its approach to different African countries with the goal of instilling admira- tion and at times emulation of China’s alternative political and governance regime. • China is dependent on Africa for imports of fossil fuels and commodities constituting critical inputs in emerging technology products. Beijing has increased its control of African commodi- ties through strategic direct investment in oil fields, mines, and production facilities, as well as through resource-backed loans that call for in-kind payments of commodities. This control threatens the ability of U.S. companies to access key supplies. • As the top bilateral financier of infrastructure projects across Africa, China plays an important role in addressing the short- age of infrastructure on the continent. China’s financing is opaque and often comes with onerous terms, however, leading to rising concerns of economic exploitation, dependency, and po- litical coercion. -
The Thinker Congratulates Dr Roots Everywhere
CONTENTS In This Issue 2 Letter from the Editor 6 Contributors to this Edition The Longest Revolution 10 Angie Motshekga Sex for sale: The State as Pimp – Decriminalising Prostitution 14 Zukiswa Mqolomba The Century of the Woman 18 Amanda Mbali Dlamini Celebrating Umkhonto we Sizwe On the Cover: 22 Ayanda Dlodlo The journey is long, but Why forsake Muslim women? there is no turning back... 26 Waheeda Amien © GreatStock / Masterfile The power of thinking women: Transformative action for a kinder 30 world Marthe Muller Young African Women who envision the African future 36 Siki Dlanga Entrepreneurship and innovation to address job creation 30 40 South African Breweries Promoting 21st century South African women from an economic 42 perspective Yazini April Investing in astronomy as a priority platform for research and 46 innovation Naledi Pandor Why is equality between women and men so important? 48 Lynn Carneson McGregor 40 Women in Engineering: What holds us back? 52 Mamosa Motjope South Africa’s women: The Untold Story 56 Jennifer Lindsey-Renton Making rights real for women: Changing conversations about 58 empowerment Ronel Rensburg and Estelle de Beer Adopt-a-River 46 62 Department of Water Affairs Community Health Workers: Changing roles, shifting thinking 64 Melanie Roberts and Nicola Stuart-Thompson South African Foreign Policy: A practitioner’s perspective 68 Petunia Mpoza Creative Lens 70 Poetry by Bridget Pitt Readers' Forum © SAWID, SAB, Department of 72 Woman of the 21st Century by Nozibele Qutu Science and Technology Volume 42 / 2012 1 LETTER FROM THE MaNagiNg EDiTOR am writing the editorial this month looks forward, with a deeply inspiring because we decided that this belief that future generations of black I issue would be written entirely South African women will continue to by women. -
“They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Copyright © 2020 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2020 ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations .......................................................................................................... -
Protector Or Predator? South African Context and Assesses the Efforts Taken by the SAPS in Response to This Tackling Police Corruption in South Africa Challenge
I n s t I t ute For s e c u r I t y s t u d I e s Monograph n u M b e r 1 8 2 Corruption remains a serious challenge to the effectiveness and legitimacy of the South Protector or African Police Service (SAPS). This monograph explores corruption in the SAPS prior to and after democratisation in 1994, contextualising the discussion with reference to international and domestic literature on the subject. It explores the causes of police corruption in the Protector or predator? South African context and assesses the efforts taken by the SAPS in response to this Tackling police corruption in South Africa challenge. Practical recommendations are made as to how the SAPS can significantly reduce incidents of police corruption by enhancing internal accountability, promoting P a culture of organisational integrity and mobilising community support. Consolidating r decades of research on the subject, this monograph represents the most comprehensive edator? analysis of police corruption in South Africa to date. It also offers an approach that could assist in transforming the SAPS into a police agency that all South Africans want, one that is widely respected for its integrity and professionalism. La corruption demeure un véritable challenge pour l’efficacité et la légitimité des services de police Sud Africains (SAPS). Cette monographie rend compte de la corruption chez les SAPS avant et après la démocratisation en 1994, en plaçant comme contexte de la discussion des références à la littérature internationale et locale sur le sujet. Elle explore les causes de la corruption de la police dans le contexte sud africain et évalue les efforts faits par les SAPS pour répondre à ce challenge.