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1 2 Geopolitics of the Russo-Korean Gas Pipeline Project and Energy Cooperation in Northeast Asia Printed 0D\ Published 0D\ Published by.RUHD,QVWLWXWHIRU1DWLRQDO8QLILFDWLRQ .,18 Publisher3UHVLGHQW.RUHD,QVWLWXWHIRU1DWLRQDO8QLILFDWLRQ Editor([WHUQDO&RRSHUDWLRQ7HDP'LYLVLRQRI3ODQQLQJDQG&RRUGLQDWLRQ Registration number1R $SULO AddressUR 6X\XGRQJ *DQJEXNJX6HRXO.RUHD Telephone Fax HomepageKWWSZZZNLQXRUNU Design/Print+\XQGDL$UWFRP ISBN &RS\ULJKW.RUHD,QVWLWXWHIRU1DWLRQDO8QLILFDWLRQ $OO.,18SXEOLFDWLRQVDUHDYDLODEOHIRUSXUFKDVHDWDOOPDMRUERRNVWRUHVLQ.RUHD $OVRDYDLODEOHDWWKH*RYHUQPHQW3ULQWLQJ2IILFH6DOHV&HQWHU 6WRUH 2IILFH The Geopolitics of Russo-Korean Gas Pipeline Project Geopolitics of the Russo- Korean Gas Pipeline Project and Energy Cooperation in Northeast Asia 7KHDQDO\VHVFRPPHQWVDQGRWKHURSLQLRQVFRQWDLQHGLQWKLVPRQRJUDSKDUHWKRVH RIWKHDXWKRUV DQGGRQRWQHFHVVDULO\UHSUHVHQWWKHYLHZVRIWKH.RUHD,QVWLWXWHIRU 1DWLRQDO8QLILFDWLRQ Geopolitics of the Russo- Korean Gas Pipeline Project and Energy Cooperation in Northeast Asia 1. Introduction ···················································································· 8 2. The Geopolitics of Competition and Conflict since the halt of the Russo-Korean Pipeline ························································· 16 A. Chinese proposal for Russo-Sino-Korean gas pipeline cooperation ·· 18 B. Likelihood of changes in Russia’s position ······························ 26 C. Expansion of the Japanese factor ············································ 32 D. Internal conflicts in South Korea and the -
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
Of the Conventional Wisdom
M ASSAC H US E TTS INSTITUT E O F T E C H NO L O G Y M ASSAC H US E TTS INSTITUT E O F T E C H NO L O G Y December 2007 M IT Ce NT er F O R I NT er NATIONA L S TU D I E S 07-22 of the Conventional Wisdom Russia: An Energy Superpower? Carol R. Saivetz MIT Center for International Studies s Vladimir Putin nears the end of his second term as Russian Apresident, it is clear that energy exports have become a major component of a resurgent Russia’s foreign policy. According to the conventional wisdom, Russia’s vast resources make it a superpower to be reckoned with. Not only is it a major supplier of natural gas to the states of the former Soviet Union, it sells oil and natural gas to Europe and it has made new contract commitments for both oil and gas to China. Additionally, as the January 2006 cut-off of gas to Ukraine, the January 2007 oil and gas cut-off to Belarus, and Gazprom’s threat (again) to Ukraine in the wake of the September 2007 parliamentary elections indicate, Russia is willing to use its resources for political purposes. The conventional wisdom continues that none of this is surprising. Putin acceded to the Russian presidency resolved to restore Russia’s superpower status and to use energy Center for International Studies to that end. The Russian Federation’s Energy Strategy, dated August 28, 2003, formally Massachusetts Institute of Technology Building E38-200 states that Russia’s natural resources should be a fundamental element in Moscow’s diplo- 292 Main Street macy and that Russia’s position in global energy markets should be strengthened.1 In his Cambridge, MA 02139 own dissertation, Putin argued that the energy sector should be guided by the state and T: 617.253.8093 used to promote Russia’s national interests.2 And, the rector of the Mining Institute in F: 617.253.9330 which Putin wrote his dissertation and currently one of his energy advisors wrote: “In the [email protected] specific circumstances the world finds itself in today, the most important resources are web.mit.edu/cis/ hydrocarbons . -
GECF Annual Statistical Bulletin 2019 3Rd Edition
1 2 GECF Annual Statistical Bulletin 2019 3rd edition Authors and Contributors Namely in Alphabetical Order Amira Remadna Data Analysis and Research Diana Cueto ICT and Software Support Katrien Hermans Public Relations and Marketing Maria Arteaga Graphic Design & Administrative Support Mohamed Arafat Data Engineering and Curation Mona Shokripour, PhD Data Modelling and Integration Rixio Morales, PhD ICT Solutions Architect and Maintenance Roberto Arenas Lara, PhD Team Leader 3 Disclaimer The GECF Annual Statistical Bulletin (ASB) 2019 is the result of the data gathering collection and processing obtained directly from GECF Member and Observer Countries through the GECF Data Exchange Mechanism and in part using processed data from secondary sources examined and analysed by GECF Secretariat. The data contained in the GECF ASB 2019 are for information purposes only and do not necessary reflect the views of GECF Member and Observer Countries. Neither GECF Secretariat nor any of GECF Member and Observer Countries nor any of their agents or their employees are liable for any errors in or omissions from such information and materials and does not assume any liability or responsibility for the accuracy completeness or reasonableness of data. Unless copyrighted by a third party, the information presented in the GECF ASB 2019 may be used and/or reproduced for research educational and other non-commercial purposes without GECF Secretariat’s prior written permission provided, fully acknowledging GECF as the copyright holder. Written permission from GECF Secretariat is required for any commercial use. The GECF ASB 2019 contains references to materials from third parties. GECF Secretariat will not be responsible for any unauthorized use of third party materials. -
How the Urals Might Answer Russia's 21St-Century
No. 69 l July 2021 KENNAN CABLE President Vladimir Putin addresses the opening of the INNOPROM-2017 industrial trade fair in Ekaterinburg, Russia. (Source: en.kremlin.ru / Attribution: CC BY 4.0) How the Urals Might Answer Russia’s 21st-Century Economic Crisis: A Pivot to the East? By Michael J. Corsi In the early history of Russia, the Ural Mountains were breakdown of relations between Russia and former the New World of the empire. At about the same time Soviet republics, such as Ukraine, as well as increasing Columbus “discovered” the North American continent, contention between Russia and NATO over the future Russian explorers stumbled upon this magnificent of states like Belarus—mainly the result of Russian mountain range. In the 18th century, Vasily Tatishchev, military mobilization there and Putin’s attempts to on-and-off head of the Urals mining industry, declared exploit Lukashenko’s political vulnerability in lieu of the region a continental boundary, a place where one fraudulent election results—has limited the country’s could stand with one foot in Europe and the other in western trading partners. Asia. Almost 300 years later, Tatishchev’s observation Furthermore, in response to continued Russian continues to ring true. The Russian Federation is poised cyberattacks and international aggression, the to embark on a great economic reorientation. The Urals, United States is committed to pursuing punitive timeless as ever, lie right in the middle of this shift. sanctions against Russian exports to Europe, while Russia’s geopolitical position in the West has become simultaneously hindering the construction of new increasingly precarious over the past 30 years. -
Nord Stream 2 – Germany's Dilemma
NO. 32 APRIL 2021 Introduction Nord Stream 2 – Germany’s Dilemma Kirsten Westphal The Nord Stream 2 project presents the German government with the dilemma of choosing between energy and foreign policy interests. Geopolitical arguments often prevail in the political discourse. Yet, a weighing of priorities requires a look at the energy policy context, too. When it comes to balancing interests, there are no easy or “cheap” answers. With a focus on the energy context, it has to be emphasized that a cooperative approach toward energy transformation promises the greatest dividend for a balance of interests, but it presupposes a minimum consensus within the Euro- pean Union (EU), along with the United States (US), Ukraine, and Russia. By mid-April 2021, there were still nearly the German government to take a political 130 km missing from the Nord Stream 2 stance. pipeline (100 km in Denmark and 30 km in Germany), which stretches from Russia to Germany through the Baltic Sea and is built Foreign Policy Changes in two strings of 1,230 km each. US sanc- tions had halted construction work for more Nord Stream 2 was launched by Gazprom than a year starting in December 2019. and five European companies in 2015, one As a result of the sanctions, the continued year after the annexation of Crimea. In its construction, insurance, and certification dealings with the project, the German gov- of the pipeline is now a Russian matter. ernment took a fallback position early on, The package of US sanctions (Countering relying on existing German law and an eco- America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions nomic-technical position, and therefore it Act [CAATSA], the Protecting Europe’s classified the expansion of Nord Stream as a Energy Security Act [PEESA], and the Protect- commercial project. -
Russia 2020 Human Rights Report
RUSSIA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Russian Federation has a highly centralized, authoritarian political system dominated by President Vladimir Putin. The bicameral Federal Assembly consists of a directly elected lower house (State Duma) and an appointed upper house (Federation Council), both of which lack independence from the executive. The 2016 State Duma elections and the 2018 presidential election were marked by accusations of government interference and manipulation of the electoral process, including the exclusion of meaningful opposition candidates. On July 1, a national vote held on constitutional amendments did not meet internationally recognized electoral standards. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Federal Security Service, the Investigative Committee, the Office of the Prosecutor General, and the National Guard are responsible for law enforcement. The Federal Security Service is responsible for state security, counterintelligence, and counterterrorism, as well as for fighting organized crime and corruption. The national police force, under the Ministry of Internal Affairs, is responsible for combating all crime. The National Guard assists the Federal Security Service’s Border Guard Service in securing borders, administers gun control, combats terrorism and organized crime, protects public order, and guards important state facilities. The National Guard also participates in armed defense of the country’s territory in coordination with Ministry of Defense forces. Except in rare cases, security forces generally report to civilian authorities. National-level civilian authorities have, at best, limited control over security forces in the Republic of Chechnya, which are accountable only to the head of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov. Members of the Russian security forces committed numerous human rights abuses. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy Ilya Zaslavskiy Ilya Zaslavskiy | Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy | Free Russia Foundation, 2017 1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 3 NS2 AS A TOOL OF KREMLIN’S POLITICAL INFLUENCE AGAINST NEIGHBORS AND CORRUPTION 4 ACTUAL RESULTS OF NORD STREAM 1 7 ROOTS OF GAZPROM’S APPEASEMENT IN EUROPE 10 IMPLICATIONS OF NS2 FOR WESTERN POLICY-MAKERS 16 Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 CONTENTS to EU Security and Democracy I. INTRODUCTION his paper is a continuation of publications on security architecture. This Moscow-led pipeline Tthe Kremlin’s subversive activity in Europe seemingly being served as a free and lucrative prepared by Free Russia Foundation. The first gift to European energy corporations in reality paper, The Kremlin’s Gas Games in Europe, comes at the expense of taxpayers and the published jointly with the Atlantic Council, reasonable long-term development of gas looked at Gazprom’s overall current tactics in resources in Russia. Nord Stream 1 and 2 have Europe, including its pipeline plans, energy already started bringing the Kremlin’s business propaganda, and other policies.1 However, after practices and political cooptation to Europe, and our presentations in the US and Europe earlier they will further undermine EU aspirations for this year,2 we realized that a separate paper better governance, democratic institutions and specifically focused on certain aspects of Nord security. Stream 2 was required. To understand why this development is accepted Gazprom and its Western partners that are slated in Germany, and meets with weak and confused to benefit from Nord Stream 2 are aggressively resistance in the EU, it is important to look at advancing the pipeline as a purely commercial the roots of the friendship between big Western project that will only bring benefits to Europe. -
The Pricing Debate Over Russian Gas Exports to China
The Pricing Debate over Russian Gas Exports to China James Henderson1 NG 56 September 2011 1 Dr. James Henderson has been analysing the Russian oil and gas industry for the past 15 years. Having been Head of Energy for Wood Mackenzie Consultants in the mid-1990s he moved to Moscow as Head of Oil & Gas Research for Renaissance Capital in 1997 and in 1999 became Head of Equity Research. He returned to the UK in 2002 and is currently Head of Russia for Lambert Energy Advisory in London as well as a Senior Visiting Research Fellow at OIES. He completed his doctoral thesis on partnership in the Russian oil and gas industry at the University of London and received his PhD in 2010. i The contents of this paper are the authors’ sole responsibility. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies or any of its members. Copyright © 2011 Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (Registered Charity, No. 286084) This publication may be reproduced in part for educational or non‐profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder, provided acknowledgment of the source is made. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies. ISBN 978‐1‐907555‐36‐7 ii Preface Russian pipeline gas exports to China have been one of the most anticipated global gas trades since the end of the Cold War. There have been many suggested projects, many meetings of presidents and prime ministers, and many false dawns, but so far agreement has proven elusive. -
PDF Altai-Sayan Ecoregion Conservation Strategy
Altai-Sayan Ecoregion Conservation Strategy FINAL DRAFT VERSION, approved by the Altai-Sayan Steering Committee on 29 June 2012, considering the amendments and comments made during the teleconference of 29 June 2012, as described in the meetings notes of that meeting COLOFON Altai-Sayan Ecoregion Conservation Strategy Full Version © WWF, July 2012 Cover photo: Desert steppe Tuva region (Hartmut Jungius/ WWF-Canon) ii Table of Contents Contribution to WWF Global Conservation Programme .................................................................................................................. 1 Abbreviations .................................................................................................................................................................................... 2 Executive Summary .......................................................................................................................................................................... 3 1- Introduction .................................................................................................................................................................................. 7 2- Outlining the Altai-Sayan Ecoregion ............................................................................................................................................. 9 2.1 Background ................................................................................................................................................................................ -
Gas Geoeconomics in Europe: Using Strategic Investments to Promote Market Liberalization, Counterbalance Russian Revanchism, and Enhance European Energy Security
Working Paper Gas Geoeconomics in Europe: Using Strategic Investments to Promote Market Liberalization, Counterbalance Russian Revanchism, and Enhance European Energy Security Gabriel Collins, J.D. Baker Botts Fellow in Energy & Environmental Regulatory Affairs, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy Anna Mikulska, Ph.D. Nonresident Fellow in Energy Studies, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy © 2018 by the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy. This paper is a work in progress and has not been submitted for editorial review. Contents The Unconventional Gas Revolution Offers the Chance to Re-Think How the U.S. Applies Power in Europe ......................................................................................................................... 5 Geoeconomic Investments Should Leverage Seaborne Gas Supplies ................................ 6 What Gas Security Initiatives Has the EU Taken To Date and How Could U.S.-Backed Investments Mesh With These? ...............................................................................................