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Mapping China and the Question of a China-Centered Tributary System 中国の文化地図作成と朝貢制度の問題

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Mapping China and the Question of a China-Centered Tributary System 中国の文化地図作成と朝貢制度の問題 Volume 11 | Issue 3 | Article ID 3888 | Jan 27, 2013 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Mapping China and the Question of a China-Centered Tributary System 中国の文化地図作成と朝貢制度の問題 Richard J. Smith result, however, has been that much of Fairbank’s painstaking and valuable research on the structure and functions of the tributary system has been ignored. Although Fairbank may well have overestimated the degree to which Chinese assumptions about tribute shaped Qing policy toward foreigners, it seems unhelpful and misleading to suggest that they were of no consequence whatsoever. Also, as Gene Cooper has reminded me in a recent email, it is important to view the tributary system as part of a much larger framework of Ming-Qing tributary relations. This is a point that Mark Mancall made long ago in his essay for Fairbank’s edited volume, The Chinese World Order (1968). As Cooper puts the matter, “the very structure of the Chinese state was ‘tributary’," in the sense that Eric Wolf uses the term inEurope and the People without History (second edition, 2010). Using Wolf's conception, and following Karl Polanyi's idea of "redistributive" transactions, Cooper argues persuasively that “European feudal systems and China's bureaucratic redistributive system were both tributary structures (insofar as they involved the citizenry passing tribute (taxes) up the pipe either to the local lord or to the central Preliminary Remarks government).” Viewed in this way, “European feudalism and the Chinese bureaucratic Does it make sense to refer to a Chinese redistributive system represented differing “tributary system?” A number of influential outcomes in the struggle between centripetal Western scholars, including John Wills Jr., and centrifugal forces.” Once one accepts this James Hevia and Laura Hostetler, have argued characterization of the Ming-Qing state, it is that it does not—largely on the grounds that easier to recognize that the Chinese previous China scholars, John K. Fairbank “and government’s treatment of foreigners was his followers” in particular, have over-fundamentally no different than its treatment of generalized its historical significance. The its own subjects (who were expected to yield 1 11 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF “domestic” tribute on many occasions—for emphasizes in a recent online article (see instance in the “tribute grain” [caoyun or “Bibliographical Note” below), the tributary caogong] system). Figure 1, from a widely system “was an institutional mechanism distributed Ming dynasty encyclopedia,mutually constructed by both the central and provides an excellent visual illustration of the peripheral [East Asian] regimes.” way that Ming-Qing tributary rituals mirrored “domestic” rituals. A balanced analysis of the so-called tributary system requires, then, a historically sensitive appreciation of its assumptions and its institutions, its theories and its practices, its goals and its actual outcomes. This kind of understanding compels us to consider, among other things, exactly how the offering and acceptance of “tribute” were conceived (by all parties; not simply the Chinese), and how much flexibility the system allowed. Clearly any conception of the tributary system that suggests a stagnant, “unchanging China” is hopelessly wrong-headed. Yet to ignore or downplay the tributary system as an important Figure 1. Images from a Ming dynasty historical and cultural frame of reference for work titled Wanyong zhengzong buqiuren Chinese emperors and officials would be quanbian (The complete orthodox ask-no- equally misguided. questions [handbook] for general use; The Tributary System and Qing 1609). See also R.J. Smith, Chinese Maps: Cartography Images of ‘All under Heaven’ (1996), p. 14 For his part, Takeshi Hamashita provides a From the Song dynasty onward, most large- valuable perspective on "external" tribute scale Chinese maps that deal explicitly with relations that avoids the extremes of both foreigners refer to a set of institutionalized Fairbank and his critics. His China, East Asia practices involving, among other things, the and the Global Economy: Regional andformalized “presentation of tribute” jingong( , Historical Perspectives (2008), makes a zhigong, chaogong, etc.) to China by powerful case for the existence of a long- “representatives” of foreign countries. A few standing, vibrant, multifaceted and organically prominent examples of such maps include the evolved “network of [tributary] relations linking anonymous Huayi tu (Map of China and the the center and its peripheries, including the barbarians; 1136); Yu Shi’s Gujin xingsheng zhi provinces and dependencies of the [Chinese] tu (Map of Advantageous Terrain, Past and Empire, rulers of native tribes and districts, Present; 1555); Luo Hongxian’sGuang Yutu tributary states and even trading partners.” In (Enlargement of [Zhu Siben’s fourteenth other words, the tributary system provided a century] Terrestrial map; 1579; Cao Junyi’s framework—both land-based and maritime—for Tianxia jiubian fenye renji lucheng quantu (A economic and other interactions in which complete map of allotted fields, human events multiple actors played multiple roles. It may and travel routes [within and without] the nine have been a “Sinocentric” system, asborders under Heaven; 1644); and any number Hamashita avers, but it was certainly not a of the popular cartographic works known static or a monolithic one. As Song Nianshen generically as “complete maps of all under 2 11 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF Heaven” (Tianxia quantu)—works that seem to have dominated Chinese visual representations of “the world” from around 1700 until the latter part of the nineteenth century. Even the maps of the world produced by the Jesuits in the seventeenth and eighteenth century (see below) often refer to a Chinese tributary system. Let us look more closely for a moment at the popular Tianxia quantu genre. [Figures 2-4] Invariably, at least in my experience, these maps include textual information on important Sino-foreign tributary relationships, including their historical background and their contemporary status (frequency of missions, indications of major tributary routes, etc.) In so doing they reveal a rich lexicon of tributary Figure 3: Detail from the 1811Da Qing terminology. The preface to each map of this wannian yitong tianxia quantu, including a variety refers explicitly to the process by which long description of Korea’s historical barbarian envoys come to China and offer relationship with China. Source: The themselves as vassals of the Qing dynasty. This Library of Congress Map Room (online process of symbolic submission is oftencollection) described as an arduous one, involving “the scaling [of mountains], the sailing [of seas], and several stages of translation ti[ hang chong yi].” Figure 2: Da Qing wannian yitong tianxia quantu (Complete map of all under Heaven, eternally unified by the great Qing; 1811) Source: The Library ofFigure 4: Detail from the 1811Da Qing Congress Map Room (online collection) wannian yitong tianxia quantu, including a 3 11 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF long description of Vietnam’s historical work is in several respects comparable to relationship with China. Source: The Jacques Grasset de Saint-Sauveur’s Library of Congress Map Room (online (1757-1810) Tableaux des principaux peuples collection) de l’Europe, de l’Asie, de l’Afrique, de l’Amérique, et les découvertes des Capitanes Cook, La Pérouse, etc. etc. (1798). Such cartographic clichés reflect deep-seated attitudes toward foreigners expressed in a number of official documents, including the Huang Qing zhigong tu (Illustrations of the tribute-bearing people of the imperial Qing [dynasty]; 1761), the Huang Qing fanbu yaolüe (Essentials of the vassal [tribes] of the imperial Qing [dynasty]; 1845), and the Chouban yiwu shimo (Management of barbarian affairs from beginning to end; 1880). The prefaces to each of these compilations display the same condescending tone. The first emphasizes how “within and without the empire united under our dynasty, the barbarian tribes have submitted their allegiance and turned toward [Chinese] civilization [xianghua].” The second, by the great Qing geographer, Li Zhaoluo, refers to the way the emperor “nourishes [his dependencies] like their father and their mother,” and “illuminates them like the sun and the moon.” And the third, using much the same language as the first, describes the historic process by which foreigners gravitate to China, become “cultivated” and learn “elegance and etiquette.” The ten volumes of the Huang Qing zhigong tu provide a detailed picture of the Qing tributary system in its theoretical heyday. Most of these volumes deal with the peoples of Inner Asia and Figure 5: Depiction of a Korean official. the ethnic minorities of Southwest China. The Source: Huang Qing zhigong tu first, however, focuses on China’s overseas (Illustrations of the tribute-bearing people tributaries, listed in the standard order: Korea, of the imperial Qing; 1761) the Liuqiu Islands, Annam (Vietnam), Siam, Sulu, Laos, Burma, and the Great Western Sea (Da Xiyang). [Figures 5-7] These discussions are followed by sections on the Small Western Sea (Xiao Xiyang), England, France, Sweden, Holland, and Russia. There are also sections on Asian kingdoms such as Japan, the Philippines, Java, Malacca and the Soloman Islands. This 4 11 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF Figure 7: Depiction of a “black ghost’ [i.e. Figure 6: Depiction of a person from the African] slave in the Land of the Great Land of the Great Western Sea. Source: Western Sea.
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