On the Origins of Human Cognition

ON THE ORIGINS OF HUMAN COGNITION Alfredo Ardila Department of Communication Sciences and Disorders Florida International University Miami, Florida, USA 2012 CONTENT 1. Introduction 7 Statement of the Problem 7 References 15 2. Origins of Language 23 Introduction 23 There are only two fundamental aphas i a sy ndromes 24 The selection disorder 25 The sequencing disorder 29 Other aphasia syndromes 30 Three stages in language development 36 Initial communication systems 37 The function of noises (grunts) in human communication 41 Second stage: Lexical/semantic 41 Third stage: Grammar 43 Brain representation of nouns and verbs 45 Memory systems for nouns and verbs 46 Using verbs and using grammar is a single ability 46 Understanding Broca’s area 47 Origins of the lexical/semantic system 52 Origins of the grammatical system 54 Grammar at the origin of the executive functions 56 Conclusions 60 References 60 3. Origins of Spatial Abilities 81 Introduction 81 How we get oriented in the space? 83 Perceptual Constancy 83 Reference Systems 84 Cultural Differences in Visuoperceptual Abilities 85 Acquired spatial cognition disorders 86 Neuroimaging studies 89 Conclusions 92 References 93 4. Origins of Writing 100 Introduction 100 How did writing appear? 101 How many people can write? 106 Agraphia as a neuropsychological syndrome 107 Dysexecutive agraphia 108 Is any area in the brain specialized for writing? 108 Brain activation during writing 109 Writing in different systems 110 From ‘‘agraphia’’ to ‘‘dystypia’’ 113 Conclusions 117 References 118 5. Origins of Calculation Abilities 124 Introduction 124 Numerical concepts in animals 125 Development of calculation abilities in children 126 Numerical abilities in pre-school children 127 Development of numerical abilities at school 131 Calculation abilities in pre-historic man 132 Further developments of arithmetical abilities 142 The neuroscience of calculation abilities 147 Conclusion 150 References 151 6. Origins of Executive Functions 161 Introduction 161 What does “executive functions” mean? 162 Is there any fundamental core ability accounting for executive functions? 167 Two proposed fundamental executive functions 169 Metacognitive executive functions as an internalization of action 173 Is there anything special in the prefrontal cortex? 178 Executive functions in pre-h i storic a l man 181 Metacognitive executive functions as a cultural product 183 Tentative conclusions 184 References 186 7. How we recognize other people? 202 Introduction 202 Own-species members’ recognition 203 Gender recognition 208 Emotional expression and emotional recognition 210 Individuals' recognition 212 Conclusions 217 References 218 8. Culture and Cognitive Testing 230 Introduction 230 What is culture? 231 Why culture affects cognitiv e test performance? 233 Patterns of abilities 235 Cultural values 235 Familiarity 238 Language 239 Education 240 Culture minorities groups 246 Norms in different national and cultural groups 249 References 254 1. Introduction “Nothing in biology makes sense except in the light of evolution” (Theodosius Dobzhansky, 1973) Understanding the historical evolution of cognition represents a crucial question for our interpretations of the human specie. This is a question that has been approached since long ago by different classical authors, including Wundt (1863/1864), James (1890), Vygotsky (1931), Luria (1974, 1976), Leontiev (1981), and many others, and still remains an unsettled question. As a matter of fact, during the last decades, a myriad of books and journal papers has been published (e.g., Ardila, 1993; Cummins & Allen, 1998; Heyes & Huber, 2000; Parker & McKinney, 1999; Tomasello, 2001; Travis, 2007; Walsh, 2001; Woods, 1996; Zimmer, 2005) approaching this question and attempting to shed light on the origins of complex psychological processes, such as language, complex perception, and executive functions. This is a question that in no way is easy to answer but is most important for understanding the idiosyncrasies of our own specie. It is a question that can be approached from different perspectives, including a neuropsychological one. This book includes a collection of papers around the general question: How - from a neuropsychological perspective -, did cognition emerge in human history? Statement of the Problem Anthropology has striven to understand how man's living conditions were 10,000, 100,000 or 1,000,000 years ago. The Stone Age (usually divided in the Old Stone Age or Paleolithic, and New Stone Age or Neolithic) extended until some 3,000-6,000 years ago (Hours, 1982; Toth & Schick, 2007). Agriculture appeared some 10,000 years ago; first cities some 6,000 years ago; first civilizations about 5,000 years ago; writing has only five or six thousand years history; and arithmetical abilities, about 6,000 years (Childe, 1936; No author, 1993; Sampson, 1985; Toth & Schick, 2007). But most important to bear in mind, when considering that agriculture appeared some 10,000 years ago and writing has five or six thousand years history, it does not mean that the whole human species began to live in cities 10,000 years ago and to use written language five or six thousand years ago. It only means that some few people began to live a sedentary life and to use written language. The diffusion of the changes that occurred during the last 10,000 years has been a particularly slow process. Nowadays, for instance, there are human groups that are still nomads (regardless that the first cities were created some 10,000 years ago), and about 20% of the world population is illiterate (UNESCO, portal.unesco.org) (regardless that writing was invented some five-six thousand years ago). Contemporary man (Homo sapiens sapiens) has lived on the earth probably since about 200,000 years ago (Wells, 2003; Wood, 1996; Zimmer, 2005). We can state, with certain level of confidence, that during this time, his brain structural changes have been minimal (Barkow, Cosmides & Tooby, 1992; Harris, 1983; Streidter, 2005). It is easy to conclude that human brain adaptation was accomplished to survive more exactly in Stone-Age life conditions (during about 99% of human technological history) than in those existing nowadays. Only when departing from the analysis of these original living conditions can we understand the specific characteristics and idiosyncrasies of his brain adaptation. It would seem reasonable for any neuroscientist to raise the question: What type of information processing abilities did the human brain become adapted for? Consequently, which are man's basic or universal cognitive abilities? The search for universals has guided an important proportion of the anthropological and linguistic activity during the last decades. Anthropology and linguistics have departed from th ree different approaches, attempting to reconstruct the way of life and the languages spoken by the prehistorical man: 1. Archeological findings are used as elements to reconstruct prehistoric ways of life. 2. By comparing existing human groups, it is possible to find some common social, behavioral, and linguistic characteristics. Those common characteristics that eventually are disclosed most likely already existed in prehistorical times, and probably are the result of man's specific biological adaptation. Several thousands of different cultures have been described (Bernatzik, 1957; Harris, 1983), and contemporary man speaks close to 7,000 different languages (www.ethnologue.com). By comparing all these cultures and all these languages, some universals can be discovered (Greenberg, 1978; Haviland, 2007; Swadesh, 1971). 3. By taking existing cultures and/or living languages into consideration, similar in a specific parameter to prehistorical cultures and/or languages, it is possible to propose how prehistorical living forms and language characteristics could have been with regard to that particular parameter. These three approaches (to use archeological findings, to find common characteristics when comparing different human groups, and to use an existing human group, s imilar in a certain parameters to the prehistorical groups) are potentially useful, and, as a matter of fact, have been used in neuropsychological research, although in a restricted way. 1. We can attempt to reconstruct how some neuropsychological characteristics may have been several thousand years ago, departing from some archeological findings. For instance, we can study handedness in Neolithic man departing from On the Origins of Human Cognition 10 pictorial rests (Spennemann, 1984). 2. We can search for commonality among existing groups. For example, we can study aphasic language disturbances throughout different world languages, looking for common characteristics and consequently, basic brain language organization (Menn & Obler, 1990; Paradis, 2001). And finally, 3. We can study some neuropsychological variables in living human groups, similar in a specific parameters to the prehistorical man. For instance, we can analyze illiteracy in order to attempt to figure out how linguistic or praxic abilities were in pre-writing societies (e.g., Ardila et al., 1989; Rosselli et al., 1990; Ardila et al., 2010; Lecours et al., 1987, 1988); or we can analyze constructional abilities among Stone Age-like Amazonian Indians (Pontius, 1989). Undoubtedly, neuropsychology has tremendously advanced in some specific areas; for instance, in the assessment of the sequelae of brain pathology; or in the establishment of clinical/anatomical correlations. Our fundamental and

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