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Knowledge and Social Order in Early Islamic Mesopotamia (60–193 AH/680–809 CE) Najm al-Din Yousefi Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Science and Technology Studies Joseph C. Pitt Richard M. Burian Daniel Breslau Sayyed Mohammad Hossein Manzoor al-Adjdad December 10, 2009 Blacksburg, Virginia Keywords: dīwān, knowledge production, Arab conquests, medieval Mesopotamia, Islamic polity Copyright ©2009 Najm al-Din Yousefi Knowledge and Social Order in Early Islamic Mesopotamia (60–193 AH/680–809 CE) Najm al-Din Yousefi Abstract The present study explores the ways in which competing frameworks of knowledge sought to order society in early Islamic Mesopotamia (60–193 AH/680–809 CE). This research examines the conditions under which two frameworks of knowledge came into being; how they tried to maximize their power through forging alliance with the caliphate; how they established the legitimacy of their knowledge; and how they promoted their visions of social order. The first framework of knowledge is associated with the secretaries, as state bureaucrats, who helped transfer ancient administrative methods and practices to the emerging Islamic polity. Their immense assistance in tackling manifold problems of the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates consisted not only in offering technical know-how, useful administrative practices, expertise, and political wisdom, but also in addressing the foundational problems of the polity. This research argues that the secretaries’ solution to the caliphate’s structural problems—particularly the crisis of legitimacy—might have run counter to the social order promoted by Muslim religious scholars (the ‘ulamā’). The secretaries’ framework of knowledge and its concomitant social order, then, posed a threat to the authority of the ‘ulamā’ who pursued an alternative framework of knowledge rooted in sacred sources of law. Delving into a number of treatises composed and/or translated by the champions of these knowledge frameworks (e.g., ‘Abd al-Ḥamīd b. Yaḥyā, Ibn al-Muqaffa‘, and Abū Yūsuf), this dissertation concludes that the validation of knowledge and expertise involved more than solving specific problems such as maximizing the government revenues and efficiently collecting taxes from subjects; it rather relied on the ability of knowledge and expertise to offer solutions to the problem of social and political order. Dedication To Mehri, my companion in life; and to Kimiya, the elixir of my life; To my parents, Fariborz Yousefi and Esmat Forouzandeh, who have unconditionally supported my intellectual interests; And to the loving memory of my grandfather and first teacher, Yaqub Yousefi. iii Acknowledgements It is with much pleasure that I acknowledge the debts I have accumulated over the course of completing my graduate studies. I would not have been able to bring this work to a satisfactory close without numerous sacrifices that my wife, Mehri Shams, and my daughter, Kimiya Yousefi, have made over the past several years. Professors Joseph Pitt and Richard Burian afforded me much encouragement and support in considering this topic for my dissertation research. Professor Pitt helped me define the scope of the project and clarify its methodology. Professor Burain’s perceptive critique of the concept of knowledge will serve as a guidepost for the expansion and revision of this work in the future. Professor Daniel Breslau helped me pay closer attention to the social dynamics of knowledge production. This dissertation is an outcome of more than two decades of continuous dialogue with my dear friend and teacher, Professor Sayyed Mohammad Hossein Manzoor al-Adjadad. Professor Manzoor al-Adjadad kept reminding me of the importance of this investigation for a more thorough understanding of Islamic civilization in the medieval period. In addition to providing me with access to a large number of primary and secondary sources that are not readily available in the United States, Professor Manzoor al-Adjadad patiently helped me unravel historical data and textual intricacies. Needless to say, I am responsible for any shortcoming and errors that remain in this work. It was my dear friend, Professor Djavad Salehi-Isfahani (Department of Economics), who encouraged me to apply to Virginia Tech’s graduate program in Science and Technology Studies. In addition to his continuous support of my research, Professor Salehi-Isfahani and his family have made our past few years in Blacksburg all the more pleasant and interesting. iv My STS friends and colleagues, Professors Matthew Goodrum and Barbara Reeves, have shared with me an interest in the broad topic of science in the medieval Islamic world. Their comments and pointed questions have helped me rethink some of my arguments. In particular, Professor Reeves assisted me in tracing the “marginality thesis” in contemporary scholarship. Professor William Ochsenwald (Emeritus, Department of History) read parts of the dissertation and provided useful comments for improvement. Moreover, he has graciously offered assistance in treading the path of Islamic studies in the academic arena. My dear friend, Mr. Moataz Bellah Mohammed Abdel Salam Khalifa (Department of Physics) let me benefit from his vast knowledge of the classical Arabic language. He took time out of his busy schedule to answer my questions and was particularly instrumental in dissecting difficult passages in Ibn al-Muqaffa‘’s Risāla fi al-Ṣaḥāba (Treatise concerning the Entourage). Professor Justine McCarthy (Department of History, University of Louisville) kindly granted me permission to use one of the maps from his Map Project (2001). It would not have been possible to carry out this research without the immense help I have received from Dr. Bruce Pencek, Librarian of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, and the staff of Interlibrary Loan. They enabled me to gain access to important primary and secondary sources. v TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………...ii DEDICATION…………………………………………………………………………...iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………………………………………...iv LIST OF FIGURES….…………………………………………………………………..viii TRANSLITERATION, DATES, AND ABBREVIATIONS …………………………………...Viii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………….1 METHODOLOGY AND TERMINOLOGY….………………………………………..5 SOURCES………………………………………………………………………10 LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………………………………….11 ORGANIZATION OF THE DISSERTATION………………………………………..24 CHAPTER 2: THE ARAB CONQUESTS AND THE DĪWĀN………………………………...26 THE DĪWĀN …………………………………………………………………...28 THE DĪWĀN SECRETARIES AND THEIR CRAFT…...…………………………….39 ASSIMILATION OF SECRETARIES INTO MUSLIM SOCIETY………………………42 ADMINISTRATIVE AND FISCAL REFORMS………………………………………49 CONTINUITY AND CHANGE UNDER THE ABBASIDS……………………………..59 THE DĪWĀN AS A SITE OF KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION………………………….64 CHAPTER 3: THE DĪWĀN SECRETARIES AND THE FORMATION OF A DISCOURSE………..75 ADAB AND THE CRAFT OF WRITING………………………………………….....77 THREE EXEMPLARS OF ADAB .………………………………………………….82 I. ABU AL-‘ALĀ SĀLIM………..…………………………………..83 II. ‘ABD AL-ḤAMĪD B. YAHYĀ……………………………………..87 III. ‘ABD ALLĀH B. AL-MUQAFFA‘…..……………………………..97 THE SECRETARIES’ DISCOURSE OF KNOWLEDGE…………………………….. 118 vi CHAPTER 4: THE ISLAMIC POLITY AND THE COMPETING FRAMEWORKS OF KNOWLEDGE…………………………………….….123 THE LAND TAX, PUBLIC POLICY, AND THE EMERGENCE OF A COMPETING DISCOURSE………………………..126 ABŪ YŪSUF’S KITĀB AL-KHARĀJ (BOOK OF THE LAND-TAX) …………………... 132 YAHYĀ B. ĀDAM’S KITĀB AL-KHARĀJ (BOOK OF THE LAND-TAX) ………………150 THE JURISTIC DISCOURSE OF KNOWLEDGE AND SOCIAL ORDER……………….156 CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION: KNOWLEDGE AND SOCIAL ORDER………………………….163 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………….180 vii List of Figures Figure 1: Regions of the Modern Middle East (p. 9) Transliteration, Dates, and Abbreviations In this dissertation I use the transliteration system of the Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd edition (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960–2005). However, I have made a few modifications to this system, and the letter “q” rather than “ḳ” for (ج) including the use of the letter “j” rather than “dj” for jīm I have also decided that it would be redundant to transliterate anglicized words such as .(ق) qāf caliph (khalīfa), Umayyad (’Umayya), Abbasid (‘Abbāsī), as well as the name of certain cities such as Baghdad and Basra. Dates of major events, reigns, and other important developments are provided in both the Islamic (hijrī) and the Gregorian calendars with a slash separating the two numbers. The following is a list of the most frequently used abbreviations: b.=ibn (son of) r.=reigned d.=died lit.=literally pl.=plural sg.=singular EI2=Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edition viii Chapter 1: Introduction This dissertation aims to investigate competing frameworks of knowledge in early Islamic Mesopotamia (60–193 AH/680–809 CE) and their contributions to advancing different visions of social order. The period under consideration constitutes the formative years of the transition of foreign (i.e., non-Arabian/non-Islamic), ancient knowledge to the young Muslim society. Foreign knowledge proved instrumental in enabling the Arab government to keep the conquered areas under its control and to tackle, albeit unsuccessfully, the problem of political legitimacy. It caused reaction, however, in the circles of religious scholars (‘ulamā’) who took issue with the social order associated with the expertise, administrative practices, and political wisdom that were transferred to Muslim society.
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    The Power Configurations of the Central Civilization/ World System in the Eighth Century DAVID WILKINSON Department of Political Science University of California, Los Angeles [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper is the nineteenth in a series in which the political careers of civilizations/world systems receive snapshot codings of their overall power structures at feasible intervals. The narratives are produced by collating histories with large frames of reference. The codings are done using a nominal variable, polarity, with seven available values: nonpolarity, multipolarity, tripolarity, bipolarity, (nonhegemonic) unipolarity, hegemony and empire. Previous articles in the series have examined the Indic system 550 BC-AD 1800, the Far Eastern 1025 BC – AD 1850, the Southwest Asian c 2700 – 1500 BC, and the Northeast African c. 2625-1500 BC. The Northeast African and Southwest Asian systems and sequences merged c. 1500 BC to form the Central system. A previous article has coded this system from 1500 BC to 700 BC, and previous papers have examined the system from AD 800 to date. In the current paper, the Central system’s power structure is coded at 10-year intervals, AD 700-800. The system begins in a tripolar state, but becomes multipolar in this century. 1 The Power Configurations of the Central Civilization/ World System in the Eighth Century This paper is the nineteenth in a series in which the political careers of civilizations/world systems receive snapshot codings of their overall power structures at feasible intervals. The narratives are produced by collating histories with large frames of reference. The codings are done using a nominal variable, polarity, with seven available values: nonpolarity, multipolarity, tripolarity, bipolarity, (nonhegemonic) unipolarity, hegemony and empire.