TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE PEACE IN UGANDA?
- a study of peacebuilding in northern Uganda and the involvement of the civil society during the LRA/ government of Uganda peace process of 2006-2007
Anna Svenson Spring term of 2007 Master thesis Political Sciences, POM 556 Supervisor: Emil Uddhammar TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ...... 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... 7
PART I – INTRODUCTION OF THE PROJECT AND METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION ...... 8 1. INTRODUCTION...... 9 1.1 Background ...... 9 1.2 Purpose and research questions...... 10 1.3 Limitations ...... 11 1.4 Disposition ...... 11
2. METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION ...... 13 2.1 The project – choice and planning ...... 13 2.2 Qualitative literature studies...... 14 2.3. In the field ...... 15 2.3.1 Doing research in developing countries ...... 15 2.3.2 Sampling...... 16 2.3.3 Interviewing ...... 16 2.4 Validity and reliability ...... 18
PART II - THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK...... 19 3. BUILDING SUSTAINABLE PEACE...... 20 3.1 Peacebuilding ...... 20 3.2 Actor’s approach ...... 21 3.4 Strategies for peacebuilding...... 23 3.4.1 Diplomacy – Negotiations, compromises and bargaining ...... 23 3.4.2 The civil society and women as peacebuilders ...... 23 3.5 Analytical framework...... 25
PART III - PERFORMANCE OF THE PROJECT AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS ... 28 4. UGANDA ...... 29 4.1 General facts...... 29 4.2 The Conflict...... 29 4.2.1 Underlying causes of the conflict...... 29 4.2.2 The Lord’s Resistance Army...... 30 4.2.3 The conflict proceeds ...... 32 4.3 The Juba talks...... 34 4.3.1 Preparations...... 34 4.3.2 The talks set off...... 35 4.3.3 Ceasefire...... 36
2 4.3.4 The current situation...... 36 4.4 The actors ...... 40 4.4.1 Top leadership...... 40 4.4.2 Middlerange leadership...... 42 4.4.3 Grassroots leadership ...... 42 4.5 The peacebuilding strategies ...... 43 4.6 The impact of the civil society ...... 44
5. ANALYSIS...... 48 5.1 The conflict ...... 48 5.2 The actors ...... 49 5.3 The peacebuilding strategies ...... 50 5.4 The civil society ...... 52
6. CONCLUSIONS...... 54 Future Research...... 55
REFERENCES...... 56 APPENDIX 1 ...... 63 APPENDIX 2 ...... 64 APPENDIX 3 ...... 68
3 LIST OF APPENDICES:
APPENDIX 1: Map of Uganda p. 63
APPENDIX 2: The agreement on cessation of hostilities p. 64
APPENDIX 3: Interview guide p. 68
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Actors and approaches to peacebuilding p. 22 Figure 2: The actors in the peace talks p. 40 Figure 3: The actors and the peacebuilding activities p. 43
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
LRA – Lord’s Resistance Army GoU – Government of Uganda UPDF – Uganda People’s Defence Force ICC – International Criminal Court RDC – Resident District Commissioner NRM – National Resistance Movement MFS – Minor Field Study Sida – Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency IDP – Internally Displaced People NGO – Non Governmental Organisation ICG- International Crisis Group UWONET – Uganda Women’s Network UNIFEM – United Nation’s Development Fund for Women LC – Local Council
4 ABSTRACT
Växjö University School of Social Sciences, 2007-05-25 Political Sciences 61-100, POM 556, Master thesis Title: Towards sustainable peace in Uganda? – a study of peacebuilding in northern Uganda and the involvement of the civil society during the LRA/ government of Uganda peace process of 2006-2007 Author: Anna Svenson, 820831-2929 Supervisor: Emil Uddhammar
This study was performed during the period March – May of 2007 in Kampala and Gulu district, Uganda, and it was made possible due to a scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). The main focus of the study is to examine and analyse the peace process taking place in Juba (the Juba talks), southern Sudan, with the goal to solve the 20 year old conflict in northern Uganda between the government of Uganda and the rebel group the Lord’s Resistance Army. I am doing this by, first; identify the actors involved by using John Paul Lederach’s pyramid which includes three levels of actors, second; study different methods for peacebuilding and thereafter identify which methods have been used in the Ugandan case and third; discover to what extent the civil society and more specifically women’s organisations have contributed to this process. The data collected consist of qualitative literature studies, analyses of articles dealing with the peace talks and interviews with representatives from different levels of the Ugandan society. The analyse of the material shows that all levels of the society have been involved to some extent, but that the peace process is mainly characterized by the top-down approach to peacebuilding, with the top level leaders as the main actors. I also found that women’s organisations in Uganda want to engender the peace talks, for example by bringing women to the negotiation table and let them participate in high level decision-making. Finally, the civil society has in general contributed to a large extent to the negotiations in order to bring peace, yet with different results.
Keywords: Peacebuilding, peace process, negotiations, civil society, women’s organisations, Uganda
5 “The grass always suffers when two elephants fight”
(African saying)
6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Many people have contributed to the final outcome of this master thesis. First of all, the field study in Uganda would never have been performed without the scholarship from Sida. Therefore I am deeply grateful for everyone who encouraged me to apply; Daniel Silander, my family and friends. When I eventually started my research, my supervisor Emil Uddhammar provided me with a lot of useful and constructive input and helped me come up with new ideas. I also thank my former supervisor Lennart Bergfeldt for thinking about me and for sending me articles on the subject. Once I arrived in Uganda, it became clear to me that the conflict have affected many, if not all Ugandans. Even the place where I stayed in central Kampala, the Red Chilli Hideaway, had come close to the harsh reality, when their manager, Steve Willis, was killed in an LRA ambush back in 2005. I therefore send a warm thought to his widow Debbie and his two children, only one and four years old. I would also like to thank all the wonderful people at the Red Chilli, for being my friends, helping me out in any way possible and for giving me many new ideas. I shall admit that I have been extraordinary lucky in my field work. By accident, I happen to meet President Yoweri Museveni’s son, Major Muhoozi Kainerugaba and I convinced him to meet me to discuss the conflict. This meeting proved to be my lucky card and after that, everything just went smoothly. Muhoozi, of course being very well connected, introduced me to Colonel Walter Ochora, the Resident District Commissioner of Gulu district, who I owe a great deal to. Not only would he provide me with a vehicle with a driver and connect me to some of the most influential people in Gulu district, he also invited me into his home. I am also very grateful to his daughter, Winnie Awino, who became my very own research assistant during my stay in Gulu, giving me a whole lot of information about the area and the Acholi people as well as translating for me, when English was not enough. Barbara Among at the East African has also been of great help to me. She was the first person I met in Uganda and she proved to possess a big knowledge as well as a great generosity, meaning that she never hesitated to share her information with me. This has been an unforgettable experience which I shall never forget, and it is mostly thanks to the warm and friendly people in Uganda. I also got to see a different part of the world which really made me see things from a new perspective. Even though it was hard to see, I am very happy I took the opportunity to visit Gulu and the IDP camps, since it allowed me to see the real consequences of this terrible and long lasting conflict.
7 PART I – INTRODUCTION OF THE PROJECT AND METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
8 1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
Two of the world’s worst humanitarian crises- Angola in 1993 and Rwanda in 1994- were a direct result of the failure to implement the peace agreements, which were supposed to end those wars.1 Many contemporary conflict situations of today seem locked in a vicious circle of confrontations and negotiations, where sporadic peace talks collapse, restart and collapse again. In the process, high levels of violence keep producing humanitarian crises.2 In northern Uganda, a more than 20 year old conflict is taking place between the government of Uganda (GoU) and a rebel group called the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)3, which has been accused of committing numerous atrocities on civilians and crimes against humanity. Peace initiatives have been undertaken by many different parts of the Ugandan society as well as by international actors, but the peace talks are failing consistently and it seem to be a very difficult task to reach a compromise and to end the violence. Despite the severe situation, which have forced over 1,5 million people from their homes into protected Internally Displaced People’s (IDP) camps, characterized by terrible living conditions, the conflict is relatively unknown outside Africa. Northern Uganda has been, in the words of Jan Egeland, former UN Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs, “the world’s most neglected humanitarian catastrophe”.4 It comes as no surprise that the ones most affected by war and violence are civilians, and particularly women and children. Violence is an unavoidable consequence of traditional warfare, but lately there has been a call for alternatives, and the top-down approaches, which emphasizes top leaders as the main actors, to peacebuilding has increasingly been replaced by the bottom-up approach, which promotes the involvement of the civil society. The gender neutrality of peacebuilding initiatives has had terrible consequences for peace negotiations, since they failed to consider the specific effects on conflict on women and men and the gendered consequences of conflict intervention.5 The literature, as well as the international community speak of and promote the inclusion of women in formal peacemaking processes and the recognition of women’s contribution to peacebuilding, but the
1 Stedman et al (2002:668) 2 Lederach (1997:73) 3 Hereafter referred to as the LRA or simply ‘the rebels’. 4 International Crisis Group: Africa Report N° 124 (2007:3) 5 Hudson (2006:9)
9 actual results remain absent. It seems to be difficult to translate gender awareness into suitable plans for implementation.6 In 2006, a peace process began in Juba, southern Sudan, with the purpose to end the violence in northern Uganda. The government of autonomous southern Sudan had been chosen to act as a mediator between the conflicting parties. A cease-fire agreement was reached and signed in August, but many had doubts that the violence would actually stop. However, many claim that this is the best chance ever to end the conflict, mainly because the GoU is recognizing the LRA and is willing to engage in negotiations instead of dismissing them as a bunch of terrorists. Many Ugandans say that the situation has ameliorated remarkably the past months but despite that, the first headline that pulled my attention during my first days in Uganda was “LRA kill 1 in S. Sudan”.7 During the period of the peace talks, several parts of the Ugandan society became involved, trying to contribute to peace in different ways. One of them was the Uganda Women’s Civil Society Coalition for Peace8, a network of local women’s organisations, motivated by the solidarity with their sisters in the north and which by non-violent means demanded to be a part of the peace negotiations.
1.2 Purpose and research questions
I have decided to limit my study to the peacebuilding efforts undertaken during the second half of 2006 up until today. It seems rather difficult to me as an outsider to gain a deeper understanding of the peacebuilding activities, which actors have been involved and which techniques have been used. Therefore, the purpose is to dig deeper into the peace process, mostly by meeting representatives from different levels of the Ugandan society. Hopefully, this will give me necessary information about the actors and the techniques that have been employed. Second, mainly since the conflict have been enduring and since peacebuilding efforts have given no result, I want to study different methods of peacebuilding, one traditional (diplomacy with third party mediation) and one alternative (the involvement of the civil society and more specifically women’s organisations in peacebuilding). The purpose of this is to examine and invent a possible frame of solution, given the means and the resources available, with the background that several peace agreements have failed in the past.
6 International Crisis Group: Africa report Nº 112 (2006:1) 7 The Daily Monitor: “LRA kill 1 in S. Sudan” 2007-03-21 p. 6 8 Hereafter only referred to as ”the peace coalition”.
10 All Ugandans have in one way or another been affected by this war, but women and children in particular. Women of all ages have been the target of violent acts such as abduction, rape, mutilation and killing. Despite all that, the women of Uganda have demonstrated resourcefulness in the way that they have been able to organise themselves in the midst of crises and be able to support their families economically.9 I therefore chose to focus my study to the women’s experiences and hence give my thesis a gender approach.
My research questions are therefore:
Which actors have been involved in the peace process in northern Uganda from July of 2006 up until today? Which strategies have been employed to build peace in northern Uganda? To what extent has the civil society and more specifically women’s organisation contributed to this peacebuilding process?
1.3 Limitations
As mentioned above, I intend to limit my study to one specific peace process, which took off in 2006 and which is still taking place. However, some historical standpoints have been provided to give the reader a picture of the entire conflict situation. Since the current situation is not a state of war, only the peacebuilding aspects will be treated. Hence, both conflict resolution and post-war reconciliation and rehabilitation have been excluded form this study. I have in my research only been able to study one civil society peace initiatives, and it is therefore the only one to be analyzed. Evidently, there are a whole lot more to say about the civil society in peacebuilding, but the time and space made it impossible to cover it all. The study is geographically limited to Kampala and Gulu district
1.4 Disposition
The present chapter aims at introducing the reader to the subject, discusses the main problem as well as the research questions which will influence the entire study. The second chapter consists of my methodological choices. The chapter aims at giving an understanding
9 Research report by Isis-WICCE : « Documenting women’s experiences of armed conflict situations in Uganda : the case of Gulu district » (2000:3)
11 about what it is like to perform a research project in a developing country, and discusses the positive and negative aspects of my choices and my sources. The second part of the thesis is the theoretical. The third chapter therefore provides the reader with the theory necessary for understanding peacebuilding in general, before moving on the actor’s approach, illustrated by John Paul Lederach’s pyramid of actors and their approaches to peacebuilding. The final part discusses different methods for peacebuilding, diplomacy with negotiations and bargaining and the civil society in peacebuilding. The chapter ends with the analytical framework, which will be used to analyse the empirical material. The third part consists of the empirical findings, the analysis of the material and finally the conclusion.
12 2. METHODOLOGICAL DISCUSSION
This chapter discusses my methodological choices for the performance of my research project, both at home and in the field. A special focus has been drawn to the special considerations that have to be taken into account when performing a field study in a developing country. Here follows a presentation of the techniques I have used, from the planning and initiation phase up until the field work itself and the analysis of my collected material. I also intend to have a critical approach to my method and discuss both the positive and negative aspects of my choices.
2.1 The project – choice and planning
In considering the logistics of fieldwork, says Tony Binns, you need to ask: why?, where?, when? and how?. The question why? will be answered largely by the nature of the research project, its main objectives and the methodology chosen. Formulating the methodology can take some time, but it is especially important to allow a certain degree of flexibility in the fieldwork plans. From experience, interview schedules and other data collection methods often need to be redefined when you are actually in the field. In other words, it is very probable that the plan will differ a lot from the final outcome.10 Considering the fact that my interest lies in peace- and conflict theories, and after being informed by Sida about the women’s peace coalition, I decided to limit my scope to the peace process that took place in southern Sudan during the second half of 2006. However, when I arrived in Uganda, I realized that much had happened since then, and therefore it is necessary to include everything from July 2006 up until today. The selection of an appropriate method depends strongly on the theory, the purpose and the questions which the study are based upon. The best choice in my case was to start by performing a qualitative analysis of the literature. The techniques aim to bring out the fundamental contents, and doing this by reading intensively the parts, the whole and the context. This method of analysis is commonly used in social sciences, or actually used by every researcher who is using material from others.11 A good contact in the country where you are planning to undertake your fieldwork is crucial for a good result.12 The contact can help you establish further contacts in the country, and also be a useful help when it comes to practicalities, such as logistics and accommodation. My first basic information was provided through a Sida representative in Kampala, and I thereafter started to contact the seven women’s organisations comprising the
10 Binns, in Desai & Potter (2006:14) 11 Esaisson et al (2004:233) 12 Binns, in Desai & Potter (2006:15)
13 peace coalition through e-mail. That proved to be not that easy, since only two of them answered back to me. However, once arrived in Kampala, I tried to contact them by phone, this time with better result. I was also fortunate to get in contact with many important people who had actually been involved in the peace talks.
2.2 Qualitative literature studies
One of the most important skills for a student performing a field project is the ability to link secondary sources and field-based work. A well performed research report should therefore demonstrate that the knowledge of the literature has informed the research questions, practice and analysis.13 I started out by thoroughly studying relevant material for my project, everything from basic facts about Uganda, the conflict situation and NGO information material to theories about peacebuilding, gender and the civil society. In Uganda, I received a lot of material, such as articles and information material, which I went through immediately. I also bought national and regional newspapers almost every day to get more up to date. Since the talks were about to resume in April, the papers were documenting the events every day. Additionally, I visited one of Uganda’s leading newspapers and asked to go through their archives, which they allowed me to do. By doing that, I could study articles from the beginning of the peace process and this gave me a lot of facts about the conflict, the peace process as well as the general public opinion. I also visited Gulu University to go through some of the many research papers on the conflict. With all the possibilities to get information we have today, it is very important to be sceptical when you start to collect material. First, when starting to analyse the text, one have to make sure that the source is not a false one. Further, a reliable source shall also be independent, meaning that the person presenting the information should not be influenced by someone else. Additionally, the source shall not be biased. A biased source is intentionally distorted and will therefore not give the reader a proper picture of the reality. Esaiasson concludes the chapter on criticism of sources by suggesting us to choose (if possible) an independent source over a dependent, a primary source over a secondary, a contemporary over a previous one and finally a neutral source over a biased one.14
13 Meth and Williams, in Desai & Potter (2006:209) 14 Esaiasson et al (2004:302-315)
14 The strength of my thesis, compared to the more traditional master thesis based on secondary literature, is that it contains primary sources. Nevertheless, primary sources do not guarantee accuracy, and I therefore had to crosscheck all the material from the interviews.
2.3. In the field
The data collected by the researcher can be both qualitative (notes taken, photographs, audio recording etc.) and quantitative (questionnaires etc.).15 My study is completely qualitative, since I have been looking for deep rather that broad information and therefore performed a small number of in-depth interviews (17).
2.3.1 Doing research in developing countries Evidently, a researcher performing a research project in a developing country has to be prepared for some major changes. A lot of factors have to be taken into consideration. First of all, I think it is very important to realize that things might not work (administration, bureaucracy, transportation etc.) the same way as it does at home. Sensitivity to cultural differences is the principal ethical guideline in development research.16 Also, I have to remember that I am a guest in a new community, which means that I have to respect the local customs. For me it was not that difficult and I consider myself to have adjusted rather well to my new living conditions. When undertaking development research projects, I have to, as a researcher take into consideration that many communities might perceive me as a representative of a donor agency.17 Even more so in my case since my project is financed by Sida and since the peace initiative I intend to examine also is (partly) financed by Sida. This is something I have to be very aware of in my meetings with the local organisations. When doing research in countries affected by conflict, violence and insecurity, it is important that the researcher understand the local context and coping strategies. This since people in those areas is affected by their situations, in the way they cope and make decisions. To understand the local context is crucial for the design and the implementation of the study. Furthermore, the basic rule for doing research in a conflict society is ‘do no harm’. Of course, we should not take any risks, and another basic rule is therefore ‘if you feel uncomfortable in a situation, leave’.18 The situation in northern Uganda have been characterised by a relative
15 Bernard (2006:344) 16 Harrison, in Desai & Potter (2006:63) 17 Notes from the MFS preparation course, 30 of November- 1 of December 2006, at School of Global studies, Gothenburg. (Malin Hasselskog) 18 Bøås, Jennings, Shaw, in Desai & Potter (2006:74-76)
15 calm since the signature of the agreement of cessation of hostilities in 2006. Therefore, I never felt that my travel to the north would put me in any risk.
2.3.2 Sampling When deciding who to interview, the researcher needs to think carefully about what kind of sample the research question require.19 The primary aim when I arrived was to get more information about the conflict, and I therefore chose to interview a journalist at a leading East African newspaper who was specialised in politics and which had been documenting the conflict for many years. The next step in my research was the civil society approach, and since I have chosen to focus on a special project, namely the Uganda Women’s Civil Society Coalition for Peace, the choice was rather clear that I would be interviewing representatives from the seven women’s organisation forming this coalition, to get their point of view. These people were the leaders or the directors of these organisations. I also had the possibility to visit Gulu district. I had a contact there, namely the Resident District Commissioner (RDC), who himself has been actively involved in the peace talks and who could further connect me to other important people in Gulu. These people were chosen based on their knowledge about the situation and on their active participation in the peace process. I am aware of the potential bias this can cause, considering that the RDC is appointed by the President and can therefore be considered being too ‘pro-government’. However, I tried to have a critical approach and to crosscheck the information I received.
2.3.3 Interviewing Interviews are a commonly used method in development research, mainly because of the range of information that can be obtained. Moreover, interviews are an excellent way of gaining factual information, such as details of NGO policies or government initiatives. Because of the interpersonal nature of interviewing it can be a very rewarding research method, allowing insights into individuals’ lives which go beyond observations and questionnaires.20 The technique of interviewing is usually divided into three main types: structured interviews, semi- structured interviews and unstructured interviews. I performed a total of 17 interviews during my stay in Uganda, five of them in Gulu and the rest in Kampala. Some of them were what we call informant interviews, which basically aims at receiving information. Most of my interviews were semi-structured. Consequently, I
19 Willis, in Desai & Potter (2006:147) 20 Ibid. (2006:146-151)
16 did not have prepared questions but only some prepared themes that I intended to examine and I thereafter basically let the persons speak rather freely about the specific subject. However, the interviews with the women’s organisations were prepared with open-ended questions (see Appendix 3). The interviews usually lasted from 30 minutes up until one hour. I used a digital recorder, which was very convenient, since I did not have to worry about cassettes. Thereafter, after coming back home, I listened to the interviews again and transcribed them. This took me a lot of time (more than I had expected), since an interview of one hour usually became ten pages of written text. The language was not a problem in any case except one, and that was when I visited the Onyama IDP camp in Gulu. I would then use a local student for interpretation from Acholi into English.
Criticism of sources It is rather difficult to tell whether something is biased or not. My first interview was held with a journalist from an East African newspaper, who gave me some good general facts about the conflict as well as the peace process. I consider her reliable, both since she was recommended to me by my supervisor, who had worked with her before and since she works for an independent newspaper, which reduces the risk that their opinions are too influenced by the government or the people in power. Journalists are also known to be well connected, which helped me to get in touch with more informed people. The following interviews were held with representatives from the seven women’s organisations making up the peace coalition. Even though they are working out of solidarity with the women in the north, it can be questioned if they really know what it is like, since these women are leaders and therefore wealthier than the average Ugandan woman. This is the reason why I decided to go to Gulu and talk to the people there. Most of my informants in Gulu as well as in Kampala were, as are most Ugandans, critical to the LRA. The optimal study would include the LRA representatives as well, but that option was not considered, since they by the time were located in Congo and Sudan. The study is therefore somehow biased in favour of the government. However, all the sources I have come across, everything from NGO material and articles to the statement by the International Criminal Court (ICC)21, give me reason to believe that the accusations against the LRA in fact are true.
21 ICC is an independent, permanent court that tries persons accused of the most serious crimes of international concern, namely genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The ICC is based on a treaty, joined by 104 countries.
17 It became very difficult to separate facts from private opinions. The conflict situation itself is so extremely complex and many Ugandans seem to be experts and are very passionate and eager to tell you their point of view (their truth). This is very understandable since practically every Ugandan have been affected by this long lasting conflict. Looking back now, I was very naïve in the beginning and it was basically after I visited Gulu that I got another picture and that I also realized that the issues at stake might be deeper rooted than what they appears.
2.4 Validity and reliability
The pursuit of validity in dissertation/thesis research is best described as the pursuit of accuracy.22 Hence, validity refers to the accuracy and trustworthiness of instruments, data, and findings in research.23 That is, that we measure what we want to measure, in other words that the empirical investigation is actually correlated to the theoretical level.24 Reliability is weather a specific technique would yield the same result if it were to be applied repeatedly. No matter whom carries out the study, where and when it is carried out, and the answer would be the same. Many research projects of political science have a rather low reliability. If we repeat the study in a few years time we will probably get a different answer due to changes in time and society. Problems in political science are often about “here” and “now” and it can therefore be difficult to secure the reliability desired in the research.25 I agree that this is a major problem for researchers, and my research may therefore have rather low reliability. This is probably the case since conflict situations tend to change very rapidly, and it would be difficult for someone else to achieve the same results in five years. Even during my short stay in Uganda, things were changing, and hopefully, in a few years, there might not even be a conflict to do research about. In the field, as well as at home, I have tried my best to connect my theoretical framework with my empirical data. It is very easy to slip away into other problem areas, which are, if even so interesting, not relevant for my study. I had to remind myself several times that I had a limited timeframe, and that it is impossible to examine and study everything!
22 Silbergh (2001:37) 23 Bernard (2006:53) 24 Silbergh (2001:37) 25 Ibid. (2001:40)
18 PART II - THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
19 3. BUILDING SUSTAINABLE PEACE
This second part of the thesis consists of the theoretical framework, which will be used to analyse the empirical material later on. In accordance with my research questions, I need a framework which deals with the actors, as well as the mechanisms for peacebuilding. Therefore, the first part consists of my actor’s approach, provided by John Paul Lederach, with three levels of actors. Second, I move on to study different methods of peacebuilding, one traditional and one alternative.
3.1 Peacebuilding
Peacebuilding26 underpins the work of peacemaking and peacekeeping by addressing structural issues and the long-term relationships between conflicting parties. According to Johan Galtung’s conflict triangle, peacekeeping lowers the level of destructive behaviour, peacemaking aims to change attitudes through meditation, conciliation, arbitration and negotiation, and peacebuilding tries to overcome the contradictions which lie at the root of the conflict through processes of demilitarisation, democratisation, development and justice.27 The overall aim of peacebuilding is to transform conflicts constructively and to create a sustainable peace environment.28 In John Paul Lederach’s29 Building peace- sustainable reconciliation in divided societies, peacebuilding is defined as
“…a comprehensive concept that encompasses, generates and sustains the full array of processes, approaches, and stages needed to transform conflict towards a more sustainable, peaceful relationship.”30
Lederach further claims that the concept of “peace process” has became rather common and that it is used almost if it was about a clearly defined set of activities. In reality, the details and exact procedures for building peace make up a complex and multifaceted endeavour and can vary significantly from setting to setting. The basic idea in his work is to develop a theory which proves that conflict is a progression and that peacebuilding is a process made up of
26 Former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali first used this concept in his 1992 and 1995 editions of “An Agenda for Peace” 27 Galtung (1996:112) 28 Reychler, in Reychler & Paffenholz (2001:12) 29 John Paul Lederach has spent 15 years providing training and supporting peacebuilding in Colombia, Somalia, the Philippines, Nicaragua and Northern Ireland. 30 Lederach (1997:20)
20 various functions and roles.31 This is important since one of the aims of the thesis is to examine a peace process. It is important to mention here that there are evidently other ways to go, since a great number of the world’s intra-state conflicts have ended by elimination or capitulation of one party, that is, by victory.32 The ability to implement peace agreements seems crucial, for example since two of the worst outbreaks of violence in the 1990’s (in Angola 1993 and in Rwanda 1994) followed the failure of peace agreements to end those wars.33 In the 1990’s, a shift of emphasis was observed, away from top-down approaches to peacebuilding towards more localised, holistic, and people-centred efforts. The point is that those who are most directly affected must be the major interpreters and solvers of problems of security.34
3.2 Actor’s approach
Lederach’s theory of peacebuilding includes a pyramid, which focuses on the actors involved, and categorizes leadership into three different categories, namely: top level, middle- range and the grassroots.35 He claims that to construct a peace process in deeply divided societies and situations of internal armed conflict requires an operative frame of reference that takes into consideration the needs and resources of the grassroots, middle-range and top level.36 The top level comprises the key political and military leaders in the conflict. These actors are characterized by high visibility and are therefore getting the privilege to have a lot of press coverage and air time. The middle-range leaders are usually people who are highly respected in the society and they might possibly occupy formal positions of leadership in sectors such as education, business or health. They might also be the leaders of a certain ethnic or religious group within a community. The grassroots represent the masses, the base of the society and here we find leaders who operate on a day-to-day basis, for example the leaders of a local NGO or a refugee camp leader. 37
31 Lederach (1997:63) 32 Wallensteen (2002:135) 33 Stedman et al (2002:1) 34 Hudson (2006:9) 35 Lederach (1997:37) 36 Ibid. (1997:60) 37 Ibid. (1997: 38-42)
21 Types of actors Approaches to peacebuilding
Level 1: Top leadership Military and political Focus on high level negotiations. leaders with high visibility Emphasizes cease-fire. Led by highly visible, single mediator
Level 2: Middlerange Leadership Problem-solving workshops. Respected leaders Training in conflict resolution. Ethnic/religious leaders Peace commissions. Insider- Academics/intellectuals partial teams Humanitarian leaders
Local peace commissions, Level 3: Grassroots leadership grassroots training, prejudice Local leaders, leaders of indigenous reduction, psychosocial work NGOs, community developers, in postwar trauma local health officials, refugee camp leaders
Figure 1: Actors and approaches to peacebuilding
The International Relations (IR) discipline has for a long time been dominated by the state centred realist paradigm. However, lately there has been an increased focus on non-state actors, such as the civil society. Lederach perceives the civil society as a particularly important actor when it comes to peacebuilding, and this is why I have chosen his approach. Also Kumar Rupesinge claims in his book Civil wars, civil peace that non-state actors have a limited but yet important contribution in the transformation of internal conflict situations.38 The approach to peacebuilding from the grassroots is a bottom-up type. Many important ideas and practical efforts emerge at this level and many transitions through history have been driven largely by the pressure for change that was bubbling up at the grassroots. The top- level, on the other hand, focuses on a top-down approach to peacebuilding. Therefore, the people who emerge as peacemakers are typically eminent figures who themselves possess a public profile. The middle-range offers a middle-out approach to peacebuilding, based on the idea that the middle-range contains a set of leaders with a determinant location in the conflict, and they have the privilege of having access to the top leaders as the same time as they are connected to the grassroots.39
38 Rupesinge (1998:22) 39 Lederach (1997:46-52)
22 3.4 Strategies for peacebuilding
Hereafter I present two different strategies for peacebuilding. First is the traditional method of diplomacy, and then one alternative, namely the bottom-up approach with the civil society as an important actor. The later has been included to reflect my interest in a specific peace project, initiated by women’s organisations and in which I see a great potential, and my intention to examine it more thoroughly.
3.4.1 Diplomacy – Negotiations, compromises and bargaining Under this category we find the traditional tools for peacebuilding, namely diplomacy, which often include the involvement of a third party.40 At its very core, the practice of diplomacy is about the avoidance of violence and losses of human lives in the midst of conflict.41 Diplomacy in world politics refers to a communication process between international actors that seeks through negotiation to resolve conflicts. ‘New diplomacy’ (post- world wars 1 and 2) differs from traditional diplomacy in the sense that the main actors are no longer exclusively states and governments, but also non-state actors such as international organisations.42
3.4.2 The civil society and women as peacebuilders
Civil society has became the new catchword among policy makers and scholars in international relations. Yet what does the word ‘civil society’ mean and what are the characteristics of such a society? Ernest Gellner defines civil society as :
“That set of diverse non-governmental institutions, which is strong enough to counterbalance the state and, while not preventing the state from fulfilling its role of keeper of the peace and arbitrator between major interests, can nevertheless prevent it from dominating and atomising the rest of society”.43
For many scholars and donors, civil society is an instrument, perhaps the most important one, that will make Third World states more democratic, more transparent and more
40 Lund, in Reychler & Paffenholz (2001:16) 41 Rupesinghe (1998:96) 42 White, in Baylis & Smith (2001 :318-321), Jönsson, in Carlsnaes et al (2006 :213 f) 43 Gellner (1994:5)
23 accountable. Many are those who believe that the existence of an active civil society is crucial to the vitality of political democracy.44 The concept of civil society is multifaceted. However, the use of the concept in my study refers to NGO’s, community based organisations and women’s organisations.
The civil society in peacebuilding Peace implementation has mostly been concerned with peace agreements at the national level. Consequently, less attention has been paid to local reconciliation processes. However, numerous researchers in the field are convinced that the civil society can play a key role in peacebuilding, due to their proximity to local-level actors.45 Lederach, for example, believes that the nature and characteristics of contemporary conflict suggest the need for a set of concepts and approaches that go beyond traditional statist diplomacy. I share his conviction and that is the reason for which I have chosen to focus large parts of my study on a civil society peace initiative.
Women in peacebuilding The International Crisis Group (ICG) suggests that peace agreements, post-conflict reconstruction, and governance could benefit from women’s participation. Women make a difference, they claim, in part because they adopt a more inclusive approach toward security and address key social and economic issues that would otherwise be ignored. Women’s peace organisations are therefore very important. Properly supported, these organisations could affect large sectors of the population and be a powerful force for reducing violence and building democratic and participatory public institutions. Furthermore, women can make peace agreements more viable, effective and practical by engaging in a wide variety of actions, for example participating in peace talks. The work that women do in the African countries, for example, to challenge the dominance of violent action has great potential but is unfortunately seriously constrained.46 The other way around, as claims Beth Woroniuk, peace can be seen as a prerequisite to achieve the goal of gender equality and women’s empowerment.47
44 Kasfir (1998:1) 45 Prendergast & Plumb, in Stedman et al (2002:327) 46 Africa Report Nº 112 (2006:1) 47 Woroniuk, in Reychler and Paffenholz (2001:63)
24 In Heidi Hudson’s working paper from 2006, she sees gender as a tool for building peace before and during the post-conflict period. Mary Caprioli is linking gender inequality to violence and she argues that gender inequality increases the likelihood that a state will experience internal conflict. Thus, the gendering of the post-conflict reconstruction becomes crucial for achieving peace. As I pointed out above, there has been a shift towards more localised and people-centred approaches to peacebuilding. However, this shift to the grassroots does not necessarily mean that women have actually been included in formal peace processes and negotiations.48 But still important is that many researchers in the field is starting to promote more participatory approaches, instead of top-down, and that both women and men must be involved in the peacebuilding process.49 I finish this chapter by quoting Dr. Theo-Ben Guirab, Namibia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs: “Women are half of every community. Are they, therefore, not also half of every solution?” 50
The grassroot level focuses on local peace commissions and conferences, social activities and post-war rehabilitation. My study will mainly develop at this level of the Ugandan society, since they are the most easily accessible.
3.5 Analytical framework
When arriving in Uganda, the research has to be carried out in two steps. STEP I: Identify the actors involved and the methods used for peacebuilding, in order to gain necessary background information and to be able to answer research question one and two: 1.Which actors have been involved in the peace process in northern Uganda during the period July 2006 up until today? The pyramid constructed by Lederach, with three levels of actors, will be used to illustrate the actors involved in the peace process.
48 Hudson (2006:4) 49 Woroniuk, in Reychler & Paffenholz (2001:61) 50 Rehn & Johnson Sirleaf (2002:76)
25 2. Which strategies for peacebuilding have been employed? I have constructed the model below as my main tool for analysis. I have decided to use two levels of actors in the model, namely the top level and the grassroots. The reason for this is the accessibility and the assumed level of influence these two levels of actors possess. Accessibility refers to the material that can be collected. Since I intend to meet mainly actors from the civil society and since the top level actors are accessible due to their high visibility and press coverage, these are the two types of actors I have decided to include in my model. Moreover, I became rather clear for me that the Juba talks were dominated by the top level and the civil society approach is motivated by the fact that my entire research emerged from a civil society project, namely the women’s peace coalition. That is not to say that the middle- range is less important, but that sort of material was not as available. The model’s purpose is to analyse the actions and strategies used by the both levels of actors in order to bring peace in northern Uganda. The concept ‘diplomacy’ refers to negotiations, compromises and bargaining while ‘civil society’ will be identified as a set of social activities and the mobilisation of the people. The model is further divided in two parts. First, I look at the propositions or attempts and second on the actual actions and/or results. The top level is equal to the GoU and the LRA while the grassroot level is equal to the organisations I have met in Uganda, representing the civil society in this study.
Model for analysis:
Top level (the gov. and LRA) Grassroots (civil society org.)
PROPOSALS/ATTEMPTS Diplomacy – Negotiations, compromises, bargaining Civil Society – Social activities, mobilisation
MANIFEST/RESULTS Diplomacy – Negotiations, compromises, bargaining Civil Society – Social activities, mobilisation
26 STEP II: Case study of the Uganda women’s civil society coalition for peace, in order to find alternative solutions and to answer research question number three:
3. To what extent has the civil society and more specifically women’s organisation contributed to this peacebuilding process?
27 PART III - PERFORMANCE OF THE PROJECT AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS
28 4. UGANDA
When I arrived in Uganda, my primary aim was to achieve more information and a fuller understanding of the conflict. This was done by interviewing journalists as well as by thoroughly study articles and research reports. The actors are identified by using Lederach’s pyramid. The civil society approach was developed through interviews with local and national women’s organisations and with local leaders from the Acholi tribe. This part of the thesis therefore consists of my empirical findings needed to answer my three research questions.
4.1 General facts
Uganda is a relatively small-sized republic in the eastern part of Africa. The soil is well suited for agriculture, due to the tropical climate and the temperature which is relatively low compared to other countries close to equator. The surface is populated by more than 40 different ethic groups, speaking different tribe languages and dialects. Even though English is the official language, only approximately 10 to 20 percent of the population is speaking it.51 A new constitution was implemented in 1995, which gives the president the most of the power, as the head of state, the government and the army. The party in power is the National Resistance Movement (NRM), often referred to as “the Movement” with its President Yoweri Museveni, who after the elections of 2006 began his third term. Museveni took power in 1986 by overthrowing an Acholi led military government.52 In the 1960’s, Uganda was one of Africa’s wealthiest countries. However, during the regime of Dictator Idi Amin, the economy was more or less destroyed and the country was left with large debts. The country has managed to recover rather well, yet not completely.53
4.2 The Conflict
4.2.1 Underlying causes of the conflict
The struggle between the LRA and the GoU began in 1986, when Museveni captured power in the country. The LRA then came up as a rebel group, fighting to overthrow the government. Very little was known about their goals and they did not have a political agenda. The LRA leader, Joseph Kony, is part of the Acholi tribe, mainly living in the districts of
51 http://www.landguiden.se/pubCountryText.asp?country_id=178&subject_id=0 p.1-7 (2006-11-28) 52 The International Crisis Group : Africa Report N° 124 (2007:1) 53 http://www.landguiden.se/pubCountryText.asp?country_id=178&subject_id=0 p. 27-28 (2006-11-28)
29 Gulu, Pader and Kitgum (see map of Uganda, Appendix 1) in northern Uganda, and he initially claimed to fight to liberate and protect the Acholi people. However, later on, and that is really what is so confusing about this movement, the LRA started to use violence against its own people, claiming that they had failed to support their cause.54 Therefore, the Acholis became the real victims of this long lasting conflict, being submitted to numerous atrocities, such as killing, abduction or rape.55 Most of the time, the LRA was operating from bases in southern Sudan, but occasionally they would cross the border to Uganda and committing atrocities against civilians.56 Others would claim that the conflict is rooted in the north/south issue, comparable to the situation in Sudan. The Acholi language is not comparable to any other tribe language in Uganda and the Acholis are usually darker than the people from the central part. Yet others would say that the main problem is that the root cause of the conflict has not been properly addressed and that it is only the symptoms that are being treated.57 Anthropologist Sverker Finnström from Uppsala University conducted three phases of field work in the late 1990’s and up until 2002 in northern Uganda. He claims in his doctoral dissertation that many outsiders (foreigners) think of the problem as typical for Africa and therefore dismiss the northern Uganda conflict as one where “Acholis are killing other Acholis”.58 One of my informants also told me:
“Kampala, or the central region, ignores the problem, since they see the conflict as an Acholi war”59
4.2.2 The Lord’s Resistance Army The LRA and Joseph Kony have been accused of committing numerous abuses and atrocities, including the abduction, rape, maiming, and killing of civilians, including children. The LRA sought to overthrow the GoU and inflicted brutal violence on the population in northern Uganda. LRA forces also targeted local government officials and employees, as well as international humanitarian convoys and local NGO workers. The LRA has abducted large
54 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3462901.stm (2007-01-30) 55 See for example Human Rights Watch or the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights 56 Interview with Barbara Among, The East African, 2007-03-23 57 Interview with Willy Olango, Church of Uganda, 2007-04-11 58 Finnström (2003 :38) 59 Interview with Margaret Sentamu-Masagazi, UMWA, 2007-05-03
30 numbers of civilians for training as guerrillas and most victims were children and young adults.60
Civil strife in the north has led to the violation of the rights of many members of the Acholi tribe. The LRA rebels say they are fighting for the establishment of a government based on the biblical Ten Commandments. More than 1,5 million people in Uganda's Gulu and Kitgum districts (see map in Appendix 1) have been displaced by the fighting and are living in temporary IDP camps, protected by the army.61
The fact that Joseph Kony is a mystical character with supposed superpowers, often deemed to be crazy, allows the President to dismiss the LRA as a bunch of bandits or terrorists and not to engage seriously in talks, until recently.62
The LRA remains one of the least understood rebel movements in the world, and its ideology, as far as it has one, is difficult to understand. In one of the few interviews with Kony, from 2004, he says that God came to him in a dream, telling him to launch the LRA and to liberate the people of Uganda from corruption, sins and immoral thinking. When being asked how morally right it is to kill civilians, rape women and loot people’s property, he answers:
“All the allegations are not true. Museveni’s killers are the ones doing ungodly practices”63
The research report The hidden war: the forgotten people (2003) argues that the involvement of the government of Sudan (Khartoum) through the provision of military support to the LRA is one of the most devastating and complicating factors to the conflict.64
60http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/lra.htm (2007-01-30) 61 The East African: “Uganda-LRA pact best chance to end war” 2006-09-04 p.7 62 Neu (2005:3), The East African: ”Kony, Kampala set for ceasefire as talks open in Juba” 2006-07-10 p.8 63 The New Vision : « Kony speaks out » 2004-04-15 p.10 64 The hidden war: the forgotten people (2003:7-8)
31 The international community condemns the LRA for the atrocities committed against civilians. Joyce Frazer, the US assistant secretary of state for African affairs says to the East African:
“There’s this nasty little group called the Lord’s Resistance Army in northern Uganda which is just creating havoc, killing kids, kidnapping people. We have to take care of this problem”65
It has been claimed that even the Ugandan Army (UPDF) has been committing atrocities on civilians. However, I did not in any Ugandan newspaper find such reports. Instead, articles concerning the LRA and Kony are numerous. Here are some examples:
“LRA rebels kill seven in ambush”66
“Kony kills 14 in Gulu raid”67
“Rebels cut off refugees’ ears”68
“12 000 kids abducted in the north”69
The research report from 2000 by Isis-WICCE, documenting women’s experiences in the North, claims that while the LRA usually attacked civilians by ambushes, the UPDF would commit crimes just as severe (most often sexual abuses) inside the supposedly protected IDP camps.70
4.2.3 The conflict proceeds By 1989, the LRA had grown strong and started performing serious rebel operations in the northern part of the country. The political agenda remained unknown and the rebel group increasingly expanded their attacks to all parts of Uganda. Basically, for the first ten years of the conflict, the GoU managed to keep quiet, mainly because they were thinking that they could end it by their own means. Therefore, up until 1996, no one really paid attention. But in 1996, something changed and members of parliament from the northern regions started to
65 The East African, 2006-05-22 p. 9 66 The Daily Monitor, 2007-05-02 (http://www.monitor.co.ug/news/news05023.php) 67 The New Vision, 1997-01-20 (These articles are only clipouts from the New Vision. Therefore, the page number can not be announced) 68 The New Vision, 1997-02-18 69 The New Vision, 1997-10-17 70 Research report by Isis-WICCE : « Documenting women’s experiences of armed conflict situations in Uganda : the case of Gulu district » (2000 :17 f)
32 raise their voices, both in the parliament and to the international community. Therefore, the GoU realized that something had to be done, and they forcefully started to move people from their villages into protected camps. However, there were no basic plan for these camps, and were therefore lacking the most essential needs, such as water, food and sanitation and the camps came to depend on voluntary aid from the Red Cross and the World Food programme.71 The first peace talks started in 1994 in Gulu and were initiated by a woman named Betty Bigombe, a former minister from northern Uganda. Bigombe succeeded to get Kony to talk and delivered the message to Museveni. However, these talk failed, basically because Museveni himself went up to Gulu and gave the LRA an ultimatum to either surrender or he would use military force.72 From 1994 there have been sporadic attempts to initiate peace talks, but they have all failed. In 2004 started another set of negotiations that almost succeeded, initiated by Bigombe again, but which also failed. By then, president Museveni had become really tired of negotiating and said that there should be no more chance for a negotiated settlement and he declared “Operation Iron Fist”, a military attack which resulted in the rebels escaping to Sudan. So at least, the rebels were no longer on the Ugandan territory, but they would occasionally cross the border and commit atrocities against civilians. This was the situation until May 2006, when Riek Machar, the Vice President of southern Sudan convinced Museveni to give the talks another shot.73 It is also important to mention the arrest warrant by the ICC against Kony and four of his commanders74, accused of serious crimes against humanity.75
71 The East African : « US lawmakers rap Uganda govt over Kony war » 2006-05-01, p. 10 72 Interview with Barbara Among, The East African, 2007-03-23 73 The New Vision : « Kony talks set for Juba » 2006.06.01 p. 5 74 Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Dominic Ongwen, Okot Odhiambo and Raska Lukwiya. Lukwiya was killed by the UPDF in 2006. 75 The East African : « ICC insists LRA rebels must face trial » 2006-07-03, p. 9
33 4.3 The Juba talks
Peace talks between the Ugandan government and the LRA started on July 14th 2006 but collapsed on January 13th when the LRA negotiating team claimed that their security was at risk in Juba. The talks were expected to be resumed in April of this year.76
The peace talks, also referred to as the Juba talks, are a series of negotiations between the GoU and the LRA over the terms of a ceasefire and possible peace agreement. The talks held in Juba, the capital of autonomous Southern Sudan, began in July 2006 and are being mediated by Riek Machar. A ceasefire agreement was reached by August 2006 and it is described as the best chance ever for a negotiated settlement for the 21 year old war.77
4.3.1 Preparations A delegation from the LRA arrived in Juba on the 8th of June 2006 to prepare for talks. However, the negotiation team was composed exclusively by Ugandan exiles, residents of the UK or the US, who had escaped back in 1986 and has not returned since. Basically, they were only a political wing of the LRA and have therefore not been part of the fighting. That is also the reason why these people had lost touch with what was really going on and the demands that they were putting forward were therefore not realistic. Kony and his fighters, on the other hand, had by then escaped and were hiding in Congo, in Garamba national park.78 These talks were agreed to after Kony had released a video in which he denied committing atrocities and he seemed to call for an end to the hostilities. This was a response to an announcement by president Museveni, claiming that he would guarantee Kony’s safety, under the condition that peace was reached by July and he thereby promised to grant Kony amnesty if he gave up terrorism.79 On the 14th of July the peace talks began in Juba. The leader of the Ugandan delegation, the minister of internal affairs Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, stated that his priority was to obtain a quick ceasefire. The LRA delegation, led by Martin Ojul, said that LRA’s acceptance of the talks does not implicate that the LRA surrenders, but stressed that a negotiated settlement was the best way to end the conflict. When the talks started, the parties had agreed on another agenda, which pointed out what needed to be done. The agenda consisted of five points, or five issues which needed to be discussed. They were:
76 The Daily Monitor : « LRA kill 1 in S. Sudan » 2007-03-21 p. 3 77 The East African : « Summary of the Juba talks » 2007-03-26 p. 2 78 Interview with Barbara Among, The East African, 2007-03-23 79 The East African : « Summary of the Juba talks » 2007-03-26 p. 2
34 1. Cessation of hostilities 2. A comprehensive frame of solution 3. Accountability and reconciliation 4. Disarmament, demobilisation and resettlement 5. A final comprehensive peace agreement 80
4.3.2 The talks set off
The LRA delegation opened the peace talks with a speech directed to the GoU and the mediators. Martin Ojul started off by saying:
« Innocent blood has been spilled, social and economic progress has stagnated, there is political imbalance and disunity in the country. Our national pride and sovereignty has been subjugated and traded off cheaply for the political convenience and economic benefit of a few; and the principles of democratic practice and good governance are in shambles »
Then followed a series of accusations of the UPDF while at the same time denying the accusations that had been put forward, concerning the abduction, torture and killing of civilians. Ojul was also firmly denying the fact that the LRA does not have a political agenda, claiming that in fact there is one:
“It has been suggested and the leadership of the NRM has shouted it from the roof tops to persuade the international community, that LRA has no political agenda. In our view, to say so is to underrate our national problems and to give a false impression that the regime in Kampala is the most sagacious in the world. Failure of the LRA to have access to the mass media to express its political agenda loudly in intellectual form does not mean the lack of it »
Finally, Ojul put forward the demands of the LRA :
1. A federal system of government, with autonomy for the Acholi people 2. A referendum
80 The East African : « Summary of the Juba talks » 2007-03-26 p.2, The East African : « Uganda-LRA pact best chance ever to end war » 2006-09-04 p. 8
35 3. The disbandment of the UPDF and the formation of a new army 4. That the ICC withdraw the warrant of arrest against Joseph Kony and his four commanders81
As mentioned above, and as we can see, these demands are not realistic, probably because they were not being put forward by the actual leaders of the LRA, but by exile Ugandans. These are constitutional demands, and can therefore not be handled by the GoU’s negotiation team. Demands of this kind have to be handled in the parliament. After many delays, Kony’s closest commander and advisor Vincent Otti arrived for meetings on the 29th of July, followed the next day by Kony’s 14-year old son Salim Saleh Kony. On the 2nd of August, Kony himself held his first ever press conference in which he demanded a ceasefire before the negotiations resumed and denied the fact that he had been accused of abducting children.82
4.3.3 Ceasefire
The 4th of August, Vincent Otti declared a unilateral ceasefire and asked the GoU to reciprocate. Museveni answered by setting a deadline to finalize a peace deal to the 12th of September. The result was a ceasefire agreement, signed by both parties on the 26th of August (see Appendix 2).83
4.3.4 The current situation The GoU decided to send yet another delegation to Garamba national park in Congo, where Kony and his fighters were hiding. The GoU seems to do everything in its power to reach an end to the conflict84 and they even sent Kony’s mother up to Garamba to get him to talk.85 At this point, we noticed two clear demands from Kony and his fighters. First, they want amnesty, so that they can go back and restart their lives in their community. Second, they want forgiveness from the Acholi people. They want to be forgiven for everything and
81 The East African : « Opening speech of LRA delegation at Juba talks » 2006-07-15 p. 8, The East African : « Blame game mars peace process » 2006-10-23 p. 10 82 The East African : « Summary of the Juba talks » 2007-03-26 p. 3, The Daily Monitor : » Kony dodges negotiators, sends son » 2007-07-31 p. 6 83 The East African : « Uganda-LRA pact best chance ever to end war » 2006-09-04 p. 8 84 Many people claim that one of the reasons for this is the fact that Uganda will host the Commonwealth Summit in November 2007. In other words, the governments is trying to « clean up » until then. 85 The Daily Monitor : « Kony, mother reunion stalls » 2006-07-08 p. 9
36 return back home. As we can see, there are two parallel talks going on, in Juba and in Garamba.86 The agreement on cessation of hostilities signed in August was later renewed in December and the talks are expected to be resumed in April of 2007. The positive aspect is that there has not been any outbreak of violence since the agreement was signed. However, the cessation of hostilities is only one of five points on the agenda and a lot remains to be done to reach a final comprehensive peace agreement. One of the major obstacles seems to be the warrant of arrest by the ICC. Even though Museveni is willing to withdraw it, this is a very difficult thing to do. As long as the ICC have reason enough to charge Kony and his commanders for crimes against humanity, the warrant will remain. And as long as the warrant remains, Kony and his commanders refuse to talk peace. However, there is one possible solution. If the GoU can convince the ICC that Kony and his commanders will stand accountable for their crimes, not in the ICC, but through a traditional system of justice87 or the Acholis inter-clan reconciliation, the warrants may be withdrawn. The problem is that the ICC requires that this alternative way of justice is included in the constitution to consider the withdrawal of the warrants. Right now, Mato Oput, is not a part of the Ugandan constitution, and therefore, a team of lawyers and legal advisors has been appointed to solve this issue. Another factor which is holding the talks back is the unrealistic demands raised by the LRA delegation, which can not be given to them. Furthermore, there is still a great deal of mistrust remaining between the two warring parties, a mistrust that seems to be very difficult to get rid of.88 ICG claims that despite all the gains it has made, the Juba talks have some of the wrong issues on the table, the wrong LRA negotiators and insufficient leverage to overcome the parties’ mutual mistrust and wavering commitment.89 As I was still in Uganda, a government team left to Ri-Kwangba, an assembly point in southern Sudan, on the 11th of April, to prepare for the talks in Juba, expected to resume the 13th of April. The parties agreed to renew the agreement of cessation of hostilities for another two months and the LRA were given six week to assemble in Sudan.90 The composition of the GoU’s negotiation team had by then changed, when the former state minister for disaster
86 The East African : »Uganda using parallel team to talk to LRA » 2006-11-20 p.7, The New Vision : « Scribes face Kony in Congo » 2006-08-02 p. 3, « LRA boss sorry » 2006-08-06 p. 5 87 « Mato Oput », an Acholi word referring to the tribes’ traditional system of justice. 88 The East African : « Blame game mars peace process » 2006-10-23 p. 8, « Uganda and LRA agree to renew ceasefire pact » 2006-10-30 p.10 89 The International Crisis Group : Africa Report N° 124 (2007:7) 90 The Daily Monitor : « LRA rebels given six weeks to assemble » 2007-04-17 p.3
37 preparedness, Christine Aporu Amongin joined the team. The talks is still to be mediated by Riek Machar, but this time with the help of the UN special envoy Joaquim Chissano, former president of Mozambique, and with monitors from South Africa, Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique.91
From the left: Jospeh Kony, Riek Machar and Joaquim Chissano in Ri-Kwangba
Out of five agenda items mentioned above, so far only one has been treated, namely the cessation of hostilities and the team are therefore hoping to move on to the second item. Michael Otti at the Gulu NGO Forum, who himself has participated in the Juba talks as an advisor, appointed by the mediator says:
“I also think it is the lack of pressure on the parties, because right now there is nothing that pressures the rebels to negotiate, to do something. So they can basically take their own time, and the peace process can not go on forever, it must have a time limit.”
He further argues that:
“There are people outside here who want to know why they were displaced for 20 years. What crime did I commit to deserve this kind of treatment? You can not tell anyone that you can walk home now to your village after 20 years, like a dog, without anyone explaining to me why I suffered! That is why the other items on the agenda, the accountability and reconciliation are the most important, they are fundamental.” 92
91 The Daily monitor : « Peace talks : 8 AU officials to be based in S.S » 2007-04-17 p.1 92 Interview with Michael Otti, Gulu NGO Forum, 2007-04-11
38 So, as we can see, there are many obstacles and issues holding back the peace talks. However, my impression after having conducted my interviews is that most people are optimistic, yet carefully. Carefully, since they have been disappointed many times in the past. That is why people are not yet returning fully to the villages. Barbara Among says:
“I think there is a way out, because we have people who are willing to talk. The rebel leader himself, Joseph Kony, is willing to talk, the government is willing to talk, the people are ready to forgive, that’s already something, we have a foundation, the basics to go somewhere.”93
However, the military generally have a different opinion:
“I hope, for the sake of the people of northern Uganda, that the peace talks succeed, but honestly, I am not very optimistic, considering their (LRA) behaviour in the past. The LRA is a terrorist organisation and should be forcefully defeated. We have defeated them in Uganda, but we can not do anything more since they are now on Congolese territory.”94
No matter how much mistrust and suspicion there is between the warring parties, the opinion among the civilians remain the same:
“We are tired of war and we want to go back home! We are even willing to forgive the people who have committed these atrocities against us, we just want to return, even if it means to start from scratch.”95
Reverend Willy Olango tells me:
“I am tired of this war! When it started, I was 18, now I am growing old in this war!”96
93 Interview with Barbara Among, The East African, 2007-03-23 94 Interview with an anonymous representative of the UPDF, 2007-03-28 95 Interview with Doreen Okello, Onyama IDP camp in Gulu, 2007-04-10 96 Interview with Willy Olango, Church of Uganda, 2007-04-11
39 4.4 The actors
The first research question, namely the actor’s approach, is being illustrated by Lederach’s pyramid.
Types of actors
Level 1: Top leadership LRA- negotiation team in Juba + Kony and Otti in Garamba The government’s team in Juba The government’s team in Garamba
Level 2: Middlerange Leadership The Acholi traditional and religious leaders
Level 3: Grassroots leadership The Civil society The Uganda women’s civil society coalition for peace NGO forum IDP camp leaders
Figure 2: The actors in the peace talks
4.4.1 Top leadership
This part is illustrating the actors involved in the peace talks. They will only be mentioned shortly, and then analysed in the next chapter. Since I have only examined the woman’s peace coalition, no other civil society peace initiative will be treated here.
The LRA negotiation team in Juba, Sudan As mentioned above, the LRA negotiation team consists of Ugandan exiles, namely of people who have been supporting the LRA from away. The team of four is composed by the team leader Martin Ojul, his deputy Josephine Apira, the spokesman Godfrey Ayo and the legal councillor Ayena Crispus.
The GoU’s negotiation team in Juba, Sudan The GoU’s team is composed by eight high level actors, appointed by the President. The delegation is led by Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda, minister of internal affairs. The other members are minister of foreign affairs Henry Okello Oryem, Dr. James Makumbi, and the new
40 member of the team, former minister for disaster preparedness Christine Aporu Amongin. The other half of the team is representatives from the military, namely the UPDF army spokesman Major Felix Kulaigye, Col. Leo Kyanda, Iga Mailu and Awanyi Otema. Dr. Rugunda says:
“Amongin comes in to fill the (gender) gap but more competently so, as a person with experience working with IDP’s”97
The talks continue to be mediated by Riek Machar. As mentioned above, UN special envoy Joaquim Chissano will witness the talks as well as monitors from South Africa, Kenya, Tanzania and Mozambique. Two special observers have also been appointed to participate in Juba, namely Jimmy Akena and Betty Amongin, both of them Members of the Ugandan Parliament.98
The LRA commanders in Garamba national park, Congo Joseph Kony and Vincent Otti remain the top commanders of the LRA, representing the top military leaders of the movement.
The GoU’s team to Garamba national park, Congo Different delegations have visited Garamba throughout the year. Among others, Colonel Walter Ochora, the RDC99 of Gulu district and Norbert Mao, LC5100 chairman of Gulu district have met with Kony and Otti to try to convince them to come out of the bush and join the Juba talks. They have been joined by various religious and traditional leaders from the Acholi tribe, which we found below, at the middlerange. Ochora has managed to build some trust with Kony, and they continue to have telephone contact.101
97 The Daily Monitor : « Peace talks : 8 AU officials to be based in S.S » 2007-04-17 p.1 98 The Daily monitor : « Peace talks : 8 AU officials to be based in S.S » 2007-04-17 p.1 99 The RDC is the government’s appointed political representative at the district level. 100 LC5 is the highest level of local governance in Uganda. LC stands for local council, where LC5 is the district, LC3 is the sub-county and LC1 is the village. The LC5 chairman is democratically elected every five years. 101 I had the possibility to witness one of these conversations, and I found the tone rather easy going and friendly. Ochora is actually a former rebel himself, who captured Kampala for three days in 1985.
41 4.4.2 Middlerange leadership
The Acholi religious and traditional leaders in Juba, Sudan The Acholi people, being the worst affected by the conflict, have been contributed to a large extent to the peace process. The middlerange leaders therefore consist of the traditional and religious leaders of Acholi.102 The Church has generally made large efforts to this process, both the Catholic and Protestant.
4.4.3 Grassroots leadership
The civil society in Juba The civil society, as a representative of the people, has got a big role to play. The women’s peace coalition is one actor who tries to influence the talks, as a spokesperson for the women. The Gulu NGO Forum is another, speaking the voice of peace for the people in the IDP camps. At this level, we also find the leaders of the IDP camps, whose role is to inform and to mobilise the people in the camps.
102 The head of the traditional leaders is called the King of Acholi.
42 4.5 The peacebuilding strategies
The pyramid is used yet another time, to summarize the activities undertaken in this peace process:
Types of actors Activities
High level negotiations, led by Level 1: Top leadership Riek Machar, the vice president LRA- negotiation team in of southern Sudan. High Juba + Kony and Otti in visibility, a lot of press coverage Garamba The government’s team in Juba + Garamba
Level 2: Middle-range Attempts to influence the Juba Leadership talks. The Acholi traditional and Observation and expertise. religious leaders
Level 3: Grassroots leadership The Civil society The Uganda Peace conferences women’s civil society coalition for Rehabilitation peace Capacity building NGO forum Mobilisation IDP camp leaders Expertise and advising to the team
Figure 3: The actors and the peacebuilding activities
The top leaders and the stakeholders in this conflict are coming together in high level negotiations and the talks are mediated and observed by other top level, international actors. Differently speaking, we can identify state diplomacy at this level, with a clear top-down structure. The leaders representing the middle-range level contribute to and try to influence the talks through observations, facilitated by the fact that they are people well respected in the community, hence also by the LRA. Due to their strategic placement, as participants in the peace negotiations as well as being close to the people, they adopt both a top-down and a bottom-up approach to peacebuilding. On the grassroot level we find various NGO’s who are working close to the affected people. These leaders can provide an input to the top level actors by developing and delivering a message from the grassroots. The strategy is mainly a bottom-up type.
43 4.6 The impact of the civil society
The LRA insurgency in northern Uganda is marked by brutal sexual violence against women, displacement and severe psychological trauma that has devastated entire communities. Poverty, as a result of displacement has forced many women to engage in destructive behaviour, exchanging sex for money or food. The prevalence of HIV/AIDS is also running high in the camps, due to rape and sexual abuse.103 Back in 1989, a few women dared to speak out about the conflict when the Gulu Districts Women’s Development Committee initiated a peaceful demonstration, marching through several towns singing funeral hymns and calling for an end to the bloodshed. Despite all the devastation and trauma that the women of Uganda have experienced, it seems like instead of bitterness and hatred, there is strength and motivation to change the situation. Many believe that the only way to stop violence is to put security and justice key issues on the agenda to achieve a new, more equal society.104 According to ICG, Uganda is a country where the women’s peace movement is advanced, articulate and organised. The model that has evolved there relies on autonomy, which makes its organisations both more independent and sustainable. It relies on networking to share common experiences among disparate regions and offer practical training for conflict resolution and trauma counselling both within families and in wider community and inter- community disputes. Despite the increasing international norm that women should be kept safe in armed conflict, women in Uganda face broad and persistent violence.105 ICG further suggest that for the current peace process to succeed, it needs to empower northern Ugandans, involving, among others, Acholi traditional leaders and civil society, including women and youth, to steer redevelopment, rehabilitation and reconciliation initiatives within their communities.106
103 Research paper by Alice Okello, Gulu University : « The impact of war on women in Gulu » (2006 :1) 104 Rehn & Johnson Sirleaf (2002:v) 105 International Crisis Group: Africa Report Nº 112 (2006:2-12) 106 International Crisis Group : Africa Report N° 124 (2007:3)
44 Guided by the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security107 and the Solemn Declaration on gender equality in Africa (2004)108, seven women’s organisations with the support of UNIFEM and under the leadership of Uganda Women’s Network (UWONET) have during October 2006 been engaged in peace consultations in northern Uganda. Until then, women’s participation has been marginal. UWONET is the umbrella organisation and it has for some time tried to push for the involvement of women in the process, and they have recently started to mobilize other stakeholders in order to seek a more inclusive approach to the ongoing talks. In October of 2006, over 200 women, representing over 25 organisations, called for enduring peace in Uganda. The initiative was undertaken to show solidarity with the women of northern Uganda, who have been the worst affected by the long lasting conflict between the LRA and the GoU. The message, or the demand, has been peace at all costs, because the situation is no longer bearable. There have been activities, such as a women’s peace torch, which arrived in Kampala after having travelled to more than ten African countries. The torch was lit in Kampala the 27th of October, to launch the women’s peace caravan, a gathering of women who in their will to show solidarity with their sisters in the north, are marching through the country, spreading their peace message. The lighting of the peace torch were accompanied by a ceremony in central Kampala, which included statements by representatives of local and national government, women’s civil society organisations and the international community, as well as performances by local artists under the theme “Women of Uganda want peace, and peace needs women”.109
Peace Kyamureku tells me:
“Concerning the peace process and the peace coalition, our role is to mobilise the women in the north, to inform them and to make them realize that their voice is important. Our goal is therefore to demand to be part of the peace talks in Juba.”110
107 See http://www.un.org/events/res_1325e.pdf (2006-12-27) 108 This declaration commits the members of the African Union to ensure full and effective participation and representation of women in peace processes stretching across the prevention, conflict and post-conflict stages. 109 Press statement by UNIFEM and UWONET: Northern Uganda women speak out on Juba talks. 2006-10-19 110 Interview with Peace Kyamureku, NAWOU, 2007-03-27
45 The seven organisation comprising the peace coalition are each important in their own way, since they are specialised in different areas. Centre for Domestic Violence Prevention (CEDOVIP), for example, deals with issues of the gender based violence in the camps. Carol Bunga Idembe, advocacy officer at UWONET, says:
“We were active in the talks in Juba from the beginning and again in December. We met with the different parties, for example with Dr Rugunda from the government’s team, and gave them our point of view. We also met with the mediator, Riek Machar, and talked to him and handed over our documentation to show him the women’s situation. The coalition was formed as a way of showing solidarity and to say that we are tired of war and we want it to stop.”111
The women I met feel that the negotiators did take some of their opinions into account, yet not all of them. Most of all, they think that the people, especially the women, in the north should have been asked more specifically about their needs. For example, the GoU has been handling out iron sheets, cement and other items to facilitate the reconstruction. However, many women have lost their husbands (who traditionally build the houses) and would therefore rather haven chosen to been given medical supplies or food.112 I also noticed a general suspicion about the actual peace agreement. All of them agreed that the GoU’s negotiation team have been focusing too much on the strictly military questions, such as the demilitarisation and the amnesty for the LRA. Tina Musuya believes that:
“If you look at the peace agreement and analyse it, we think that it is too much about the weapons and the question of amnesty for the rebels and so on. But still a woman is raped or killed everyday in the camps! We want the women to be a part of the talks and to add a gender perspective to the peace process.”113
Another civil society initiative was the Gulu NGO forum, which is a network of NGO’s, local as well as national and international. Michael Otti, who is the manager of the forum, was invited to participate in the Juba talks as an advisor. He tells me:
111 Interview with Carol Bunga Idembe, UWONET, 2007-04-03 112 Interview with Harriet Musoke, Isis-WICCE, 2007-04-27 113 Interview with Tina Musuya, CEDOVIP, 2007-04-02
46 “We would participate as observers and as advisors and as people who could provide some input to the stakeholders from the people who have suffered during this long process.”114
114 Interview with Michael Otti, Gulu NGO Forum, 2007-04-11
47 5. ANALYSIS
5.1 The conflict
The agreement on cessation of hostilities signed in August was later renewed in December, and a second time in April. The 26th of April was the date when the talks were expected to resume, where the teams were about to commence negotiating the second issue on the agenda, namely the comprehensive solution to the conflict with issues of land titles, security arrangements for the rebels, social and economic development for northern Uganda, just to mention a few. Many of these issues have already been discussed and it is therefore very probable that the parties soon will be able to move on to the third agenda item, which is the question of accountability and reconciliation. This part is the most crucial, since it concerns the part where the LRA leaders have to stand up as accountable for the crimes they have committed to the people of Acholi. It is expected that the LRA will try to minimise its portion of culpability of crimes committed in the north and have the ICC indictments against four of its leaders dropped. It is also here we find the biggest obstacle to the entire peace process, namely the ICC indictment of Joseph Kony and four of his commanders. The LRA demands that the warrant of arrest is withdrawn. The solution to this is to convince the ICC of other possible ways of justice, namely Mato Oput. If the GoU succeeds to do this, it is then possible to get rid off this major obstacle holding back the peace talks. The problem is that the ICC requires that this alternative way of justice is included in the constitution to consider the withdrawal of the warrants. Right now, Mato Oput, is not a part of the Ugandan constitution, and therefore, a team of lawyers and legal advisors has been appointed to solve this issue, hopefully with good results. Another factor which is holding the talks back is the unrealistic demands raised by the LRA delegation, which can not be given to them. Furthermore, there is still a great deal of mistrust remaining between the two warring parties, a mistrust that seems to be very difficult to get rid of. Ever since the Juba talks started, they have been characterised by a constant blame game. This has to stop in order to reach a solution. Both parties must realize that it is time to stop fighting and that no good will come from blaming the other. In the midst of this process, the people in the north are starting to return home to their villages, yet with suspicion. The people have hope for the peace talks to succeed, but yet they keep in mind the times in the past, when the talks collapsed, followed by more violence. This
48 is why they usually leave the camps during the days, to go back to the villages and start reconstructing the houses, and then return to the protected camps in the evening. The fact that the government of southern Sudan is mediating the talks appears to be positive. A sustainable peace can gain both Sudan and Uganda, considering that Sudan already has enough internal problems. For the peace talks to advance, the LRA must respect the terms of the cessation of hostilities and, as agreed upon, move all their fighters to the assembly points. The GoU can through a negotiated solution to the problem take the chance to further analyse and address the north/south issues to avoid similar situations in the future. Finally, the international community and the donors must pressure the GoU harder and indicate that a failure will give consequences.
5.2 The actors
The top level actors in the Juba talks are exclusively key political and military leaders. Just as Lederach’s pyramid tells us, these actors have been characterized by high visibility and they have appeared frequently in the media. The GoU’s team is appointed directly by the President. I believe however that some of the mistrust and the uncertainty could be overcome by bringing Museveni himself to the negotiation table. Both Kony and Museveni are fighters and both of them have been fighting the government; Museveni in the bush war in the early 80’s to overthrow Milton Obote’s military regime and Kony from 1986 up until today. The difference, however, is that Museveni and his fighters managed to take control over some territory and for that reason give the government some pressure. Kony and the LRA, on the other hand, have not been able to do that and have therefore been attacking civilians. Have they then, one might ask, the right to demand the GoU to negotiate with them? Whatever the case is, the LRA is rigidly hierarchical and Kony seems to be the key to a peace deal. All efforts to engage him in the talks should therefore be supported. The middle-range leaders are people who are highly respected in the society and they occupy formal positions of leadership, such as leaders of a certain ethnic or religious group within a community. The people representing the middle-range in Juba are the religious and traditional leaders from the Acholi tribe. They are there because the mediators as well as the GoU’s team felt that they needed people who were involved and who had a good knowledge about the actual situation, because otherwise they were afraid that they would miss the point. The Acholi religious and traditional leaders are respected both by the rebels and the GoU and
49 at the same time they are at the core of the conflict, having witnessed the situation from the front row for 20 years. The grassroots represent the masses, the base of the society with, for example, the leaders of a local NGO or a refugee camp leader. The grassroots are important because they can provide inside information from the ones’ concerned, namely the Acholi people. The more than a million displaced people need their grassroots leaders to mobilise them and to inform them about what is going on at the top of the pyramid. These leaders are also the ones’ who will have to deal with the post-war issues, such as trauma counselling, rehabilitation and recovery of the people.
5.3 The peacebuilding strategies
The actors have been identified in the previous chapter (4.4 The actors, page 41). It is now time to analyse the different strategies which have been employed to bring peace in northern Uganda. I am doing this by using the matrix presented in the theoretical chapter.
Top level ( GoU and LRA) Grassroots (civil society org.)
PROPOSALS/ATTEMPTS Diplomacy – Negotiations, GoU: Ceasefire, assemble Participation in Juba, in decision LRA: Safe zones, protection, making at the top level. compromises, bargaining withdrawal of the ICC indictment, amnesty, raised allowances Civil Society – The Northern Uganda reconstruction Demonstrations, trauma and rehabilitation program counselling, documentation of Social activities, mobilisation women’s experiences MANIFEST/RESULTS Diplomacy – Negotiations, Ceasefire, assemble, safe zones, Aporu Amongin, first woman on protection, amnesty, raised the gov. team compromises, bargaining allowances Civil Society – Social activities, The Northern Uganda reconstruction Mobilisation, information, and rehabilitation program education mobilisation
The GoU has demanded that the LRA put down their weapons, stop fighting and move all their fighters to the assembly points. The LRA, on the other hand has asked for their fighters to be given safe zones while moving to the assembly points. The rebels are also asking for protection by the army, once the final peace agreement has been reached, and that their allowances are raised. All of these demands have been approved. Once the LRA realized that
50 some of its demands were unrealistic and therefore withdrawn, one major obstacle remains for which there are no compromises from either side, namely the ICC indictment, which the GoU has not yet agreed to withdraw. The women’s peace coalition, which represents the grassroot level, has demanded that women are brought to the negotiation table. This came true recently, with the GoU’s team’s first female member. The grassroots, here represented by he women’s peace coalition, have tried to bring peace by non-violent means, such as demonstrations. They have succeeded to mobilise and inform the women in the north and are also engaged in educating people in trauma counselling and medical care. The top level actors have mainly been concerned with strictly military issues concerning the peace agreement. Consequently, less attention has been paid to the recovery on the local level and there are few plans regarding the recovery of Acholi. The Northern Uganda reconstruction and rehabilitation program is in place, but the results remain absent.
As we have seen in the theoretical framework, the top leaders emphasize ceasefire agreements, which is what happened in Juba, hence the first agenda item (the cessation of hostilities). Diplomacy and third party mediation was further introduced when the government of southern Sudan was selected to mediate the negotiations. Just as we learned in the theoretical chapter, diplomacy has become more than just embassies and consulates. The new and modern type of diplomacy includes a wide range of actors, which is the Ugandan setting include states, one rebel group, UN representatives, ministers, MPs, the army and independent observers. The Acholi traditional and religious leaders have participated in Juba as observers and experts, due to their knowledge and their strategic location in the Acholi community. They play a crucial role because of their access to the top leaders by the time of the negotiations, and because of their close connection to the affected people. Several NGO’s have tried to mobilise and organise the people at the grassroots. These leaders are also the one’s who deal with the rehabilitation of the war affected people, through trauma counselling and so on.
51 5.4 The civil society
The Ugandan civil society has indeed contributed to a large extent to the peace process and the negotiations taking place in Juba. The conflict as well as the peace talks has always been managed by the top level actors but recently there has been a change. Civil society actors have increasingly been invited to participate and allowed to give their point of view, probably due to pressure from the international community and the donors. It is absolutely necessary that the Acholi people are allowed to be main actors, as interpreters and as solvers of the conflict. For the current peace process to succeed, it needs to empower northern Ugandans, involving, among others, Acholi traditional leaders and civil society, including women and youth, to steer redevelopment, rehabilitation and reconciliation initiatives within their communities. One of the main criticisms coming from the women’s peace coalition was that the women had not been represented at the negotiation table and the GoU’s team was composed exclusively by men. That has however changed recently, but whether that is a result of the demands of the women or not is uncertain. The peace coalition is further an initiative by women, for women, and it is their role to inform and to mobilise the women in the north. This requires a large network of contacts, which I found indeed was there and well functioning. The camp leaders also have an important role to play, living close to the people and knowing the main issues and obstacles. The peace coalition are motivated by the solidarity they feel with their sisters in the north, but unfortunately, most of the women’s organisations depend on funding which is difficult to find. International organisations have contributed to some extent, but many of the women’s organisations still experience economic difficulties. I believe that women can make peace agreements more viable, effective and practical by engaging in peace talks. Maybe the women can add some input to the negotiations and make them more dynamic. The civil society has an important role to play, because they have a ‘people’s perspective’. One major problem according to the civil society representatives I have met in Uganda was that ‘Kampala’ (the government) decides what the people need. This has to stop and it is here the civil society can make its biggest contribution. Working close to the people allow them to develop a deeper knowledge about the needs and can therefore help develop and deliver the message to the stakeholders.
52 The overall opinion among the northerners is that they are tired of war. They are so tired that they are even willing to forgive the rebels who have committed terrible atrocities against them and let them come home and live side by side with them again. The question is how well this will work, having Kony and Otti and the others walk around in Acholiland again, after 20 years. They will probably have to be granted security and guarded by soldiers 24/7 and then nothing is really achieved. It is also the civil society which has to expect to be the main actors when it comes to post- conflict work.
To sum up, and refer to the introductive theoretical discussion, it seems like the northern Uganda conflict is situated somewhere between the peacemaking and the peacebuilding phase. The peacekeeping has fulfilled its purpose by lowering the level of destructive behaviour and the violence has indeed decreased since the agreement on cessation of hostilities. Peacemaking refers to the meditation and negotiation which is taking place right now, and the changing of attitudes, something which on the other hand has not yet been fully achieved. Peacebuilding, finally, aims to transform the conflict into a sustainable peace. The sustainable peace environment is under construction but the root causes still have to be analysed. Peacebuilding is supposed to address structural issues and make the relationship between the conflicting parties work out in the long run.
53 6. CONCLUSIONS
The conflict in northern Uganda has been long, brutal and has caused devastation to the entire northern region. Due to the insurgencies, people were forcefully moved from their villages into protected camps. Unfortunately, the camps were seriously lacking the basics, such as water, sanitation and education. Hence, the camps have become a greater threat to the people than the actual LRA attacks. More than 1,5 million people have been internally displaced since 1986 and it is basically like one entire generation has been lost. Women and children are the ones’ worst affected, being the main targets of rape and abduction. This is hopefully one lesson learned for the government, to not forcefully displace people without being able to offer them something else, and without any explanation. Many attempts have been made throughout the years to solve the conflict. However, the constant mistrust between the two parties has made it impossible to negotiate a solution. The issues seem to be deeply rooted and the cleavages dividing the Ugandan society are deep. Just as in many other African countries, the tribal differences are clear and the north/south division seems to have gained further strength by the conflict in northern Uganda. The mistrust is further fuelled by various conspiracy theorists, claiming that the LRA’s intentions are not yet known and that we have not seen half of it yet. The other obstacles to the talks are, first, the ICC indictment and, second, the unrealistic demands raised by the LRA delegation in Juba. The second lesson is therefore to better address the deep causes of the conflict, in order to avoid future problems. Despite all the devastation and trauma that the women of Uganda have experienced, it seems like instead of bitterness and hatred, there are strength and motivation to change the situation. Many believe that the only way to stop violence is to put security and justice key issues on the agenda to achieve a new, more equal society. The LRA had already from the start included women in their negotiation team, while the GoU’s team exclusively was composed by men. As far as I am concerned, this is a major shortcoming. It seems very late to include the first female team member in 2007, considering that the first talks were initiated in 1994. The main actors in Juba have been from the top level and, at the moment, there are not many plans regarding the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the northern Uganda. The third lesson is therefore for the government to listen better to the people who have suffered the most, to hear what they need and include other actors than just the top level. All levels of actors are important in this process and they have to be treated as such!
54 I keep following the events taking place in Juba and as most Ugandans, I wish for a peaceful solution. However, once the peace agreement is signed, there is a lot of work to be done. The people of Acholi have lost so extremely much, and it will take a long time to fully recover from this devastating war and all actors, especially the grassroots, have to expect a huge challenge. Reconciliation, reconstruction and rehabilitation are what Acholiland needs.
Future Research
The conflict in northern Uganda is extremely complex. I agree with the one’s who claim that in many of the cases, it is only the symptoms that are being treated and not the real underlying cause. Therefore, the negotiators as well as the mediators or anybody trying to solve the conflict, need to dig deeper into the history and search for reconciliation from there. I could be wrong, and many have warned me from analyze it too much from an ethnical perspective, but I still feel that many of the problems is based on the differences between the people from the north and the south, which is the case in so many other countries. I do not believe that the LRA is unique in any way and that it is just a coincidence that they happen to be the only rebel group left in Uganda (actually there is one more, the ADF or the Allied Democratic Forces, operating in the west) because if you look back, there have been many other movements, which have been defeated. Therefore, Uganda could benefit from a deep study of the history and historical conflicts, in order to reach a solution to this problem. Furthermore, many northerners would encourage a study on the rehabilitation, the reconciliation and the reintegration of former rebels into the community. It is very interesting to learn about the Acholi culture and traditions (which unfortunately have been constrained and seriously undermined during the long lasting conflict), and it is something that has to be taken into account in such a study. The Acholi’s traditional system of justice will probably play a big role when it is time for the rebels to be reintegrated. Therefore would a study which combines the post-war rehabilitation and reconciliation with the Acholi people and their special culture be very interesting.
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115 Dates in parenthesis indicate the date when the source was re-checked.
58 Research paper by Isis-WICCE, Uganda (2000) Documenting women’s experiences of armed conflict situations in Uganda: The case of Gulu district.
Research paper by Alice Okello, Gulu University, Uganda (2006) The impact of war on women in Gulu.
Ugandan newspapers:
The Daily Monitor116: LRA rebels kill seven in ambush, by Samuel O. Egadu Published: 2007-05-02
The Daily Monitor: LRA rebels given six weeks to assemble, by Fortunate Ahimbisibwe Published: 2007-04-17
The Daily Monitor: Peace talks: 8 AU officials to be based in S.S, by Frank Nyakiru Published: 2007-04-17
The Daily Monitor: LRA kill 1 in S. Sudan, by Samuel O. Egadu Published: 2007-03-21
The Daily Monitor: Kony, mother reunion stalls, by Frank Nyakiru Published: 2006-07-28
The Daily Monitor: Kony dodges negotiators, sends son, by Frank Nyakairu and Oketch Bitek Published: 2006-07-31
The East African117: Summary of the Juba talks, by Barbara Among Published: 2007-03-26
The East African: Uganda using parallel team to talk to LRA, by Daniel Kalinaki Published: 2006-11-20
The East African: Uganda and LRA agree to renew ceasefire pact, by Barbara Among Published: 2006-10-30
The East African: Blame game mars peace process, by Barbara Among Published: 2006-10-23
The East African: Uganda-LRA pact best chance to end war, by Barbara Among Published: 2006-09-04
The East African: Opening speech of LRA delegation at Juba talks, by Barbara Among Published: 2006-07-15
The East African: Kony, Kampala set for ceasefire as talks open in Juba, by Michael Wahabi Published: 2006-07-10
116 The Daily Monitor is an independent newspaper, selling about 25 000 copies daily. 117 The East African is an independent newspaper issued in Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania, selling about 40 000 copies weekly in Uganda.
59 The East African: ICC insists LRA rebels must face trial, by Barbara Among Published: 2006-07-03
The East African: US lawmakers rap Uganda govt over Kony war, by Kevin Kelley Published: 2006-05-01
The New Vision118: LRA boss sorry, by Henry Mukasa Published: 2006-08-06
The New Vision: Scribes face Kony in Congo, by Henry Mukasa Published: 2006-08-02
The New Vision: Kony speaks out, by Frank Nyakairu Published: 2004-04-15
The New Vision: 12 000 kids abducted in the north, by James Oweka 1997-10-17
The New Vision: Captive Aboke girl shot dead, by Justion Moro Published: 1997-10-10
The New Vision: Rebels cut off refugees’ ears, by Emmy Allio Published: 1997-02-18
The New Vision: Kony kills 14 in Gulu raid, by James Oweka Published: 1997-01-20
Internet:
Global Security http://www.globalsecurity.org Accessed: 2007-01-30 (2007-05-17)
Human Rights Watch http://www.hrw.org Accessed: 2007-05-14 (2007-05-17)
Landguiden http://www.landguiden.se Accessed : 2006-11-28
The New Vision http://www.newvision.co.ug Accessed: 2007-05-10 (2007-05-17)
118 The New Vision is a government owned newspaper, selling approximately 35 000 copies daily.
60 The Daily Monitor http://www.monitor.co.ug Accessed: 2007-05-10 (2007-05-17)
The BBC News http://news.bbc.co.uk Accessed: 2007-01-30 (2007-05-17)
The UN High Commisssioner for Human Rights http://www.ohchr.org Accessed: 2007-05-14 (2007-05-17)
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs http://www.irinnnews.org Accessed: 2007-01-30 (2007-05-17)
The UN Security Council’s Resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security http://www.un.org/events/res_1325e.pdf Accessed: 2006-12-27 (2007-05-17)
UNIFEM- United Nations Development Fund for Women http://www.unifem.org Accessed: 2006-12-27 (2007-05-17)
Lectures:
Notes taken from the MFS preparation course, 30th of November – 1st of December 2006, School of Global Studies, Gothenburg. Lecturers: Lisen Dellenborg, Margareta Espling, Malin Hasselskog, Bent Jørgensen, Ann- Sofie Steen
Interviews:
Barbara Among, journalist, The East African, Kampala, 2007-03-23 and 2007-04-25
Peace Kyamureky, Secretary General, National Association of Women’s Organisations in Uganda (NAWOU), Kampala, 2007-03-27
Anonymous representative from the UPDF, Kampala, 2007-03-28
Margaret Happy, deputy Director, Action for development (ACFODE), Kampala, 2007-03-29
Tina Musuya, Coordinator, Center for Domestic Violence Prevention (CEDOVIP), Kampala, 2007-04-02
Carol Bunga Idembe, Advocacy Officer, Uganda Women’s Network (UWONET), Kampala, 2007-04-03
61 Major Muhoozi Kainerugaba Museveni, Battalion Commander of the presidential guard brigade, Kampala, 2007-04-03
Jill Kyatuheire, Coordinator, Uganda Women Parliamentary Association (UWOPA), Kampala, 2007-04-05
Doreen Okello, Camp leader, Onyama Camp, Gulu, 2007-04-10
Colonel Walter Ochora, Resident District Commissioner, Gulu, 2007-04-10 and Kampala, 2007-04-18
Mark Avola, Program manager for World Vision Uganda Gulu Children of war rehabilitation centre, Gulu, 2007-04-11
Michael Otti, manager, Gulu NGO Forum, Gulu, 2007-04-11
Reverend Willy Olango, chairman for The AIDS Support Organisation (TASO), Gulu, 2007- 04-11
Harriet Musoke, Coordinator, Isis-Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange (WICCE), Kampala, 2007-04-27
Margaret Sentamu-Masagazi, Executive Director, Uganda Media Women’s Association (UMWA), Kampala, 2007-05-03
62 APPENDIX 1
Map of Uganda
63 APPENDIX 2
Agreement on cessation of hostilities, 26th of August 2006
64 65 66 67 APPENDIX 3
INTERVIEW GUIDE
The Uganda Women’s Civil Society Coalition for Peace
1. Which are your goals? 2. What is your mission? 3. What motivates your work? 4. What actions have been undertaken during the LRA/ government of Uganda peace process? Which are the desired goals in this peace process? 5. What have been achieved so far? 6. What could be done to achieve more? How could that be supported? 7. How is your organisation financed? Do you depend on funding/international donors? 8. How can your work be improved? 9. What do the women in north need? How can that be achieved? What has been their biggest problem? 10. What is your opinion about this peace process? (Do you see a positive solution or is it just another set of talk that will fail?) 11. How do you think this conflict can end? What will it take to reach a peaceful solution?
Other informants
1. What is your background? 2. What has been your role in the peace process? 3. Have there been any results? 4. What is your opinion about this peace process? (Do you see a positive solution or is it just another set of talks that will fail?)
68