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The International Journal of Humanities & Social Studies The International Journal Of Humanities & Social Studies (ISSN 2321 - 9203) www.theijhss.com THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES & SOCIAL STUDIES Language, Resistance and Subversive Identities in the Matatu Sub-Culture James Nyachae Michira Professor, Division of African Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, South Korea Abstract: In this article, the author attempts a characterization of a matatu sub-culture that has distinct values, practices and norms that tend to resist, defy or challenge the mainstream culture in Kenya. This sub-culture is constructed as a means of providing an identity for individuals and members of the group as well as negotiating the relationship between them and the rest of society. Members of the matatu sub-culture are predominantly working class young men from poor backgrounds who include matatu crew (drivers, conductors, touts), graphic designers and graffiti artists. They have, over time, developed a unique ways and styles including manner of speech, choice of vocabulary and symbols of communication, ideology, dress code, music, among other features. The author uses sociological theories to conceptualize the matatu sub-culture and then applies an eclectic approach that combines principles of sociolinguistics, stylistics and discourse analysis to examine how the matatu sub-culture is expressed and enacted using various linguistic choices and practices in ways that tend to exhibit either manifest or subtle resistance to conventional social norms, values and practices. Emphasis is given to the use of Sheng, slang and jargon; eccentric vocabulary and stylistic techniques that express contempt, sarcasm, deviance or ridicule to the hegemonic social structures as well as those that aim to mock, challenge and resist authorities including policy makers and the political class in general. Keywords: Kenya, subculture, matatu, identity, resistance, Sheng, style 1. Introduction Matatus1 are privately owned and operated mini-buses that initially begun as para-transit means of transport for urban areas to complement government-run public transport but has now become the only available road transport system in Kenya. The word “matatu” is derived from the Gikuyu phrase “mang’otore matatu” meaning “thirty cents” which was the standard fare per trip when privately owned vehicles started providing public transport in Nairobi in the 1950s (Aduwo, 1990; Khayesi, 1999). The matatu industry is a100% private sector enterprise that provides means of public transportation for the vast majority people in Kenya in the absence of a government funded and structured transportation system (McCormick, et al 2013; Mitullah & Onsate, 2013). Nairobi, the capital city of Kenya, has a population of over 4 million inhabitants; 80% of whom rely on matatus to transport them from various neighborhoods to the Central Business District (CBD) and back. Matatus are critical for the public transport needs in Nairobi where the majority of residents who cannot afford private cars commute to and from work by use of matatus or walking (Gonzalez, et al 2009). According to estimates provided by Matatu Owners Association (MOA) and the National Transport and Safety Authority, there are 50, 000 and over 100,000 matatus operating in Nairobi and across the country, respectively. The matatu industry is part of a thriving private sector economy in Kenya and it contributes immensely to national revenue and general economic growth of the country. Furthermore, there are about 500,000 Kenyans (mostly young men) who are directly employed in the matatu sector – including drivers, conductors, touts, stage managers among other employees (MOA online profile). Even more people are indirectly engaged in the matatu industry either as individuals, companies or institutions including motor vehicle assemblers, body fabricators, mechanics and garage operators, fuel and oil products retailers, insurance companies, among others. ___________________________________ 1Matatu refers to a privately owned and operated vehicle used for public transport in Kenya * This study was supported by Hankuk University of Foreign Studies research fund ** Visiting Professor, Division of African Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, South Korea 242 Vol 6 Issue 3 March, 2018 The International Journal Of Humanities & Social Studies (ISSN 2321 - 9203) www.theijhss.com 2. A Brief History of the Matatu Sector in Kenya The first organized public transport system in Kenya can be traced to 1934 when the Overseas Transport Company of London (OTCL) was started and licensed to provide transport services in Nairobi; initially starting with 13 buses operating in 12 routes (Mukabanah, 2008; Oira& Makori, 2015; Eshiwani, 2016). In the 1950s, private taxis began providing transport services especially on the routes that were not serviced by OTCL especially the low-income estates. However, their operations were illegal and they faced constant restrictions from the city council. In the 1960s OTCL was changed and registered as Kenya Bus Services Ltd (KBS) a monopoly franchise which was licensed by the City Council of Nairobi to operate a bus transportation in exchange for a 25% shareholding stake by NCC. (Oira& Makori, 2015; Eshiwani, 2016). After independence in 1963 and through into the 1970s, the demand for public transport continued to grow with the rural urban migration of people coming to seek for jobs in Nairobi and other urban centers. In particular, the population of the low-income East lands in Nairobi was increasing very fast and there was a huge unmet demand for transport services. The number of matatus operating illegally were also increasing accordingly as they continued to lobby the government for their legalization and licensing. By 1973, there were 400 matatus operating within Nairobi illegally. The nascent matatu sector received a major boost when in 1973, the then President Mzee Jomo Kenyatta issued a decree allowing matatus to operate in Nairobi without the need of obtaining licenses. This was seen a way of encouraging private investors and entrepreneurs who had put their money in the sector. This sparked a rapid growth in the privately owned and operated public transport sector. KBS continued to operate competitively alongside the flourishing private matatu sector until the 1980s when it was sold off to private investors. In 2006 it transformed into a transport management company called Kenya Bus Service Management Limited. In 1986, the Government of Kenya (GoK) entered into the public transport sector through the launch of the Nyayo Bus Service, which provided subsidized public transportation – but it wound up after only7 years (Mukabanah, 2008; Oira & Makori, 2015). The competition against the now established privately owned matatus was unsustainable for Nyayo Bus Service. The exponential growth of the matatu sector is remarkable especially in Nairobi where the number of vehicles has leaped from the 400 in 1990; 17,600 in 1990; 40,000 in 2004 to 50,000 in 2016 (Chitere & Kibua, 2004; Khayesi, 1999; Oira & Makori, 2015; MOA, 2017). According to estimates from the Kenya National Transport and Safety Authority (NTSA) and the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) office in Nairobi, there are over 100,000 matatus presently operating in the country. 3. Conceptualization of Matatu Sub-Culture There is no universally accepted definition of subculture since various sociologists have advanced different explanations of this concept. In simple terms, a subculture is a sub-category of a broader culture; part of a whole. Youth subcultures arise when young people as groups create their own subversive identities, value systems and ideologies that seek to reject or at least challenge social norms and values. Cultures are not completely homogenous and integrated systems; instead, they are inherently diverse, complex and heterogeneous. Therefore, it is common for diverse groups to emerge in society propagating beliefs, values and behavior that contradict or challenge the generally accepted norms. This is what subcultures do. Some subcultures engage in delinquency, crime and violence but not all subcultures are involved in anti-social behavior. According to Downes (as cited by Jenks, 2005:10) there are two types of subcultures; those that occur outside of and those that emerge within the context of a dominant culture. Downes adds that that the latter type has two subcategories of its own; those that “emerge in positive response to demands of cultural and structural demands” and those “emerging in negative response to social and cultural structures’ demands” (Jenks, 2005: 10). Matatus originally arose out a need to supplement government transport services to city dwellers but ended up becoming the dominant player in that sector. Therefore, it can be argued that the resultant matatu sector belongs to the positive subculture even when some delinquent and anti-social behaviors have been associated with it from time to time. Johnston & Snow (1998) as quoted by Corte (2012:56), argues that there are 5 critical elements to consider in the conceptualization of a subculture (we shall consider 4 of them here). First, subcultures are not autonomous; rather, they share some values, behaviors and norms with the dominant culture. Secondly, subcultures are distinguishable from the larger culture by “fairly distinctive mélange of behaviors - such as style, demeanor and argot - that function as its material, art if actual, and behavioral markers.” Thirdly, subcultures can be distinguished
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