Making Progress: Women in Management in Primary& Secondary Education in Australia
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Kingsley Laffer Memorial Lecture Notes
The Twenty Second Kingsley Laffer Memorial Lecture The University of Sydney Business School 26th November, 2014 “Australia in a Globally Competitive Workplace – Challenges and Opportunities” Peter Wilson i ii Thank you to Professor Braden Ellem, Professor Marian Baird and their colleagues from the Employment Relations group of the Sydney University Business School, for the opportunity to present the twenty-second annual Kingsley Laffer Memorial Lecture. I would also like to begin by paying my respects to the Gadigal people of the Eora nation, on whose traditional lands we meet today, and to all their elders past and present and any other elders of the other great indigenous nations of Australia, who are with us today. Associate Professor Laffer joined Sydney University in 1944 when the Conciliation and Arbitration Court was first providing for a 40 hour week in federal awards. The 40 hour week was the first of many ‘lines in the industrial sand’ that followed, and we all know it’s a journey that’s far from finished. Kingsley Laffer pioneered the teaching of industrial relations at the University of Sydney for the next three decades prior to his retirement in 1976, and then became active in industrial relations teaching at what is now the University of Western Sydney. I am very proud of the opportunity to present this lecture and to join the company of those who have made this oration over the last twenty two years, including Bob Hawke, Mr Justice Michael Kirby, Bert Evans, Kim Beazley, Julia Gillard, Tim Costello, Tom Kochan, Helen Conway, Heather Ridout, Sharan Burrow, Jennie George, Deidre O’Connor, Quentin Bryce, Sue Bussell, and Iain Ross last year, as well as eminent Sydney University Emeritus Professors Russell Lansbury and Ron McCallum. -
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY and the "FAILURE" of the ACCORD Tom
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD Tom Bramble School of Business University of Queensland Brisbane Q 4072 AUSTRALIA [email protected] Published in K. Wilson, J. Bradford, and M. Fitzpatrick (eds) (2000): Australia in Accord: An Evaluation of the Prices and Incomes Accord in the Hawke-Keating Years, South Pacific Publishing, Melbourne, pp.243-64. 2 SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AND THE "FAILURE" OF THE ACCORD1 INTRODUCTION Most sections of the industrial relations academic community (broadly defined) started with favourable impressions of the ALP-ACTU Prices and Incomes Accord. Amongst its keenest and most articulate supporters were academics and unionists writing from an explicitly social democratic perspective. Frequently drawing on the German and Scandinavian experiences, writers such as Hughes (1981), Hartnett (1981), Higgins (1978, 1980, 1985), Stilwell (1982), Burford (1983), Ogden (1984), Mathews (1986), and Clegg et al (1986) argued that the Accord would enable the union movement to break out of its labourist straitjacket to encompass broader political concerns and to develop a social role well beyond the ranks of organised labour.2 Similarly it was the left unions such as the Building Workers Industrial Union (BWIU) and Metal Workers Union (AMWU) who were most successful in developing an ideological underpinning for the Accord within the labour movement and who were most influential in winning support for it amongst workers who had the capacity to render it impotent. Opponents of the Accord at the time were almost entirely limited to Left organisations outside the Labor and Communist Parties (below) and a minority of right-wing commentators (for example Terry McCrann in The Age), the former on the basis that it represented an attack on wages and workers' rights under the rubric of social justice, the latter that it did not attack unions hard enough. -
Thesis August
Chapter 1 Introduction Section 1.1: ‘A fit place for women’? Section 1.2: Problems of sex, gender and parliament Section 1.3: Gender and the Parliament, 1995-1999 Section 1.4: Expectations on female MPs Section 1.5: Outline of the thesis Section 1.1: ‘A fit place for women’? The Sydney Morning Herald of 27 August 1925 reported the first speech given by a female Member of Parliament (hereafter MP) in New South Wales. In the Legislative Assembly on the previous day, Millicent Preston-Stanley, Nationalist Party Member for the Eastern Suburbs, created history. According to the Herald: ‘Miss Stanley proceeded to illumine the House with a few little shafts of humour. “For many years”, she said, “I have in this House looked down upon honourable members from above. And I have wondered how so many old women have managed to get here - not only to get here, but to stay here”. The Herald continued: ‘The House figuratively rocked with laughter. Miss Stanley hastened to explain herself. “I am referring”, she said amidst further laughter, “not to the physical age of the old gentlemen in question, but to their mental age, and to that obvious vacuity of mind which characterises the old gentlemen to whom I have referred”. Members obviously could not afford to manifest any deep sense of injury because of a woman’s banter. They laughed instead’. Preston-Stanley’s speech marks an important point in gender politics. It introduced female participation in the Twenty-seventh Parliament. It stands chronologically midway between the introduction of responsible government in the 1850s and the Fifty-first Parliament elected in March 1995. -
NATIONAL PRESS CLUB ADDRESS a Vision for the Australian Union Movement
NATIONAL PRESS CLUB ADDRESS 6 October 2010 A vision for the Australian union movement Speech to National Press Club, by Ged Kearney, ACTU President Check against delivery I would like to thank the National Press Club for inviting me to speak today in what is my first speech to the Press Club as ACTU President. I acknowledge that today we stand on the traditional lands of the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people and pay my respects to their elders, past and present. It is an immense honour to follow in the footsteps of former Presidents like Bob Hawke, Simon Crean, Martin Ferguson, Jennie George and my immediate predecessor Sharan Burrow. All these leaders faced challenges that were shaped by their times, and I acknowledge their contributions to trade unionism and to making Australia a better place. I also would like to acknowledge Jeff Lawrence, ACTU Secretary and colleague. *** I have the honour of becoming President at a new and exciting stage in Australia’s political history. A minority government opens, not just the possibility of new ideas inside Parliament, but in the wider community as well. But regardless of the novelty of the current political environment the long term task of the union movement and my role as part of its leadership is to: • help build our membership; • improve our capacity to campaign; and • broaden our agenda. 1 Over its history, the Australian union movement has always stood for fairness and equality, and been at the forefront of progressive workplace, economic and social change. Take the instrumental role of unions in facilitating mass migration after 1945 or in re- establishing Medicare in 1983. -
5. Women in Australian Politics: Mothers Only Need Apply
CONTEMPORARY GENDER ISSUES 5. Women in Australian politics: Mothers only need apply ABSTRACT When Julia Gillard considered running for the leadership of the Austral- ian Labor Party in early 2005, her political enemies immediately raised three reasons for opposing her: she is female, single and without children. These criticisms prompted a flurry of discussion in the media about the relevance of a person’s family situation to their ability to work effectively in politics. This article examines the treatment of female politicians by the press over the more than 80 years since the first woman appeared in any Australian parliament. It finds that there continues to be pressure on women to continue in the traditional roles of wife and mother, while more recently, female politicians have had to contend with an extra layer of coverage concentrating on their sexual attributes. CATHY JENKINS Griffith University, Queensland Introduction N JANUARY 2005 the Australian Labor Party was in the throes of elect- ing a new leader. One of those considering running to replace outgoing Ileader Mark Latham was Julia Gillard, a frontbencher who had proved her mettle in the shadow portfolios of immigration, indigenous affairs and health. But there were perceived problems. Gillard is female, single and child free, and her political enemies wasted no time in using these attributes as weapons against her. Many media outlets were prepared to jump on the sin- gle-and-child-free issue, with help from their political sources. ‘The relation- ship between sources and journalists resembles a dance, for sources seek access to journalists, and journalists seek access to sources, but more often than not, sources do the leading’ (Gans 1979, p. -
1. the Sex Discrimination Act and Its Rocky Rite of Passage
1. The Sex Discrimination Act and its Rocky Rite of Passage Margaret.Thornton.and.Trish.Luker Through an analysis of the parliamentary debates on the Sex Discrimination Bill 1983–84, this chapter underscores the anxiety that preoccupied the opponents of the Bill. Their fear that the Bill would give rise to a totalitarian regime, reminiscent of an Eastern bloc country, is clearly apparent from their own words. Not only would the passage of the Bill signal a blow to democracy, it would result in the creation of a unisex society and, most significantly, the demise of the nuclear family. Introduction Will the Prime Minister give an assurance to Australian women that neither the Government’s proposed sex discrimination Bill nor ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women will in any way discriminate against women who choose life within the family, will not force them to go out to work, separate them from their children or break up their families, as some people have recently been suggesting?1 The passage of the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (Cth) (SDA) represents a high political moment in the history of gender relations in Australia. The seemingly protracted debates of 1983–842 were marked by a deep anxiety about sex roles, the patriarchal family and the wellbeing of children. The hysterical propaganda campaign and the fear engendered by the Bill were out of all proportion to its modest liberal intent that women be ‘let in’ to certain domains of public and quasi-public life, including employment, on the same terms as men. -
Liam Ward [S3225671] "Do Nothing and Do It Well"
Do Nothing and Do It Well: Making Radical Activist Historical Documentaries A project submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Liam Boswell Ward BSc, BA (Hons), MA (Deakin) School of Media and Communication, College of Design and Social Context RMIT University March 2017 The Australian News for Home Readers, 28 March 1867 Declaration I certify that except where due acknowledgement has been made, the work is that of the author alone; the work has not been submitted previously, in whole or in part, to qualify for any other academic award; the content of project is the result of work which has been carried out since the official commencement date of the approved research program; any editorial work, paid or unpaid, carried out by a third party is acknowledged; and, ethics procedures and guidelines have been followed. I acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the provision of an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. Liam Boswell Ward 3rd March 2017 ii Acknowledgements My supervisors David Carlin and Cathy Greenfield offered honest critique and intellectual support, and they even made sure this whole project finally found the finish line. Notwithstanding their valuable help, it should go without saying that all opinions, errors and outlandish claims that might pepper these pages are my fault alone. Thanks to Maria Stratford for the provision of useful source material from her own family, and to Peter Kemp for talking me through my early ideas of the film’s form and offering much- appreciated collegial dialogue. Special thanks to all my colleagues in the RMIT Media program, especially Rachel Wilson, Paul Ritchard and Lisa French. -
Gillian Triggs Speech at CT 21 March 2019
Her Place : Know the past: shape the future Prof. Gillian Triggs 21 March @ CT Congratulations to all those with the vision to establish Her Place as both a record of women’s accomplishments and a place to think about the contributions we can continue to make in the future. First, the past. We all stand on the shoulders of others. It is important that we recognize and honour the many women who have paved the way for careers like mine. They include those who have publicly challenged the submissive role history has assigned to women: trailblazing jurist Elizabeth Evatt; writers and activists Germaine Greer and Anne Summers; politicians Susan Ryan and Julia Gillard; trade unionist and now politician Ged Kearney; First Nations peoples’ advocate Pat Anderson; former sex discrimination commissioner Elizabeth Broderick. Among these intelligent, feisty women, one who inspires me especially is Jessie Street, a remarkable and surprisingly modern woman I have admired since I first learned of her work as a law student at the University of Melbourne. Born in India under the reign of Queen Victoria, Street studied at the University of Sydney and become a pioneer activist for equal rights. She joined the Labour Party in 1939 but failed to gain political office despite several attempts; she lost an election in Wentworth on preferences—perhaps if she were alive today, she too would have given the former member, Mr Turnbull, a run for his money. Despite these setbacks, Street had tenacity and a clarity of vision for an Australia she wanted to see thrive on principles of equality and justice. -
Senate Brief No. 3
No. 3 January 2021 Women in the Senate Women throughout Australia have had the right national Parliament (refer to the table on page 6). to vote in elections for the national Parliament for more than one hundred years. For all that time, There were limited opportunities to vote for women they have also had the right to sit in the before the end of the Second World War, as few Australian Parliament. women stood for election. Between 1903 and 1943 only 26 women in total nominated for election for Australia was the first country in the world to either house. give most women both the right to vote and the right to stand for Parliament when, in 1902, No woman was endorsed by a major party as a the federal Parliament passed legislation to candidate for the Senate before the beginning of the provide for a uniform franchise throughout the Second World War. Overwhelmingly dominated by Commonwealth. In spite of this early beginning, men, the established political parties saw men as it was 1943 before a woman was elected to the being more suited to advancing their political causes. Senate or the House of Representatives. As of It was thought that neither men nor women would September 2020, there are 46 women in the vote for female candidates. House of Representatives, and 39 of the 76 Many early feminists distrusted the established senators are women. parties, as formed by men and protective of men’s The Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902 stated interests. Those who presented themselves as that ‘all persons not under twenty-one years of age candidates did so as independents or on the tickets of whether male or female married or unmarried’ minor parties. -
Assembly Parlynet Extract 04 April 2000 from Book 4
PARLIAMENT OF VICTORIA PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY FIFTY-FOURTH PARLIAMENT FIRST SESSION 4 April 2000 (extract from Book 4) Internet: www.parliament.vic.gov.au/downloadhansard By authority of the Victorian Government Printer The Governor His Excellency the Honourable Sir JAMES AUGUSTINE GOBBO, AC The Lieutenant-Governor Professor ADRIENNE E. CLARKE, AO The Ministry Premier, Treasurer and Minister for Multicultural Affairs .............. The Hon. S. P. Bracks, MP Deputy Premier, Minister for Health and Minister for Planning......... The Hon. J. W. Thwaites, MP Minister for Industrial Relations and Minister assisting the Minister for Workcover..................... The Hon. M. M. Gould, MLC Minister for Transport............................................ The Hon. P. Batchelor, MP Minister for Energy and Resources, Minister for Ports and Minister assisting the Minister for State and Regional Development. The Hon. C. C. Broad, MLC Minister for State and Regional Development, Minister for Finance and Assistant Treasurer............................................ The Hon. J. M. Brumby, MP Minister for Local Government, Minister for Workcover and Minister assisting the Minister for Transport regarding Roads........ The Hon. R. G. Cameron, MP Minister for Community Services.................................. The Hon. C. M. Campbell, MP Minister for Education and Minister for the Arts...................... The Hon. M. E. Delahunty, MP Minister for Environment and Conservation and Minister for Women’s Affairs................................... The Hon. S. M. Garbutt, MP Minister for Police and Emergency Services and Minister for Corrections........................................ The Hon. A. Haermeyer, MP Minister for Agriculture and Minister for Aboriginal Affairs............ The Hon. K. G. Hamilton, MP Attorney-General, Minister for Manufacturing Industry and Minister for Racing............................................ The Hon. R. J. Hulls, MP Minister for Post Compulsory Education, Training and Employment.... -
Preselection 2010: the ALP Selects Its Candidate for Fraser
Preselection 2010 The ALP selects its candidate for Fraser Fear and loathing on Anzac eve? For eight aspiring Federal politicians and 241 ALP Members April 24 was the culmination of five weeks of frenetic campaigning. At stake was the labor candidacy for the Federal Division of Fraser. The campaign had been hard and long, though fair and clean. The winner was a youngish gen Xer Andrew Leigh, a professor of economics at the ANU. Voting took place at the Polish White Eagle Club in the inner northern suburb of Turner on a cold showery day, verifying the old Canberra adage that winter starts on Anzac day. In the weeks from the announcement of the preselection to preselection day the eight candidates devoted themselves to winning over the hearts and minds of pre selectors. Campaigning was intense and redefined to new levels of sophistication. How did Andrew Leigh win? Or why did the other seven lose? This is the story of that campaign. Fraser always labor The Federal Division of Fraser covers Canberra’s north side1 plus the Jervis Bay territory. It comprises the three communities of Belconnen, Gungahlin and North Canberra. The division was created in 1974 when the old ACT electorate was split in two, the Division of Canberra covered most of the south side. For a brief period 1996 to 1997 the ACT was divided into three Divisions with Fraser covering the more northern parts of the ACT. It was named after highly regarded Jim (James) Fraser who was the ALP member for the ACT from 1951 to 1970. -
Women in the Union Movement: Organisation, Representation and Segmentation
University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Arts - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities September 1991 Women In the Union Movement: Organisation, Representation and Segmentation Mike Donaldson University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Donaldson, Mike, Women In the Union Movement: Organisation, Representation and Segmentation 1991. https://ro.uow.edu.au/artspapers/153 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Women In the Union Movement: Organisation, Representation and Segmentation Mike Donaldson In New South Wales in 1986, 48 per cent of women workers were unionised, making up 34 per cent of the State's trade union membership (Phillips 1987, 43). Australian women accounted for 72 per cent of the growth in union membership between 1974 and 1984, and as a result, the proportion of women union members in Australia has risen slightly over the decade. Charles' (1986) study of 160 women in trade unions in seven workplaces found that most were interested in unions and supported the principles of trade unionism. The labour movement, however, has been slow to translate this interest into the involvement of women as activists, delegates, shop- stewards or officials. Nor are women proportionally represented on management committees and executive's, even in unions in which men are a minority, and are too seldom sent to trade union schools or go as delegates to conferences and : congresses.